Publication of Association Esprit, Société et Rencontre

Strasbourg/FRANCE

The Journal of Academic Social

Science Studies

Academic Social Science Studies Dergisi yılda altı defa yayın yapan uluslararası hakemli bir dergidir.

Academic Social Science Studies Dergisi’nde yayınlanan tüm yazıların, dil, bilim ve hukûki açıdan

bütün sorumluluğu yazarlarına, yayın hakları www.jasstudies.com’a aittir.

Yayınlanan yazılar yayıncının yazılı izni olmaksızın kısmen veya tamamen herhangi bir şekilde

basılamaz, çoğaltılamaz.

Yayın Kurulu dergiye gönderilen yazıları yayınlayıp yayınlamamakta serbesttir. Gönderilen yazılar iade edilmez.

The Journal Of Academic Social Science Studies, Uluslar arası hakemli ve indeksli bir dergidir. MLA,

EBSCO, ASOS, TEİ, ARASTİRMAX, Akademik Dizin (Akademik Türk Dergileri İndeksi) başta

olmak üzere onlarca veritabanı ve indeks tarafından taranmaktadır.

The Academic Social Science Studies is an international, six-reviewed in a year journal.

Authors bear the sole legal responsibility for their published works in

www.jasstudies.com.

The Academic Social Science Studies has the sole ownership of copyright to all published

works. No part of this publication shall be produced in any form without the written consent of the Academic Social Science Studies.

The Editorial Board makes the final decision to publish articles.

No article is returned to authors.

ISSN: 2147-2971

V o l u m e 5 / 8 D e c e m b e r 2 0 1 2

The Journal of Academic

Social Science Studies

International Journal of Social Science

Editor

Esengül KARADAYI

E-mail: ramazanboluk@gmail.com, esengulkaradayi@gmail.com Web: http://www.jasstudies.com/

JASS Studies Volume 5 / 8 December 2012

ACADEMIC SOCIAL SCIENCE STUDIES Uluslararası Hakemli Dergi / International Journal of Academic Social Science Studies

Sahibi / Owner Association Esprit, Société et Rencontre

Editör / Editor

Esengül KARADAYI

Editör Yardımcıları / Assistant Editor Ramazan BÖLÜK – Sibel KILIÇ

Yazı İşleri Müdürü /Manager

Ramazan BÖLÜK

Yayın Kurulu Başkanı/ Chief of Editorial Board Doç. Dr. Mehmet Dursun ERDEM

Yayın Kurulu / Editorial Board

Prof. Dr. Tahir BALCI - Prof. Dr. ġuayip ÖZDEMĠR - Prof. Dr. Esra MACAROĞLU AKGÜL - Prof. Dr. H. Ġbrahim DELĠCE-Prof. Dr. Suna Timur

AĞILDERE - Prof. Dr. Ġbrahim TELLĠOĞLU-Prof. Dr. Hidayet AYDAR Doç. Dr. Soyalp TAMÇELĠK -Doç. Dr. Yavuz BAYRAM

Danışma Kurulu/Board of Advisory

Prof. Dr. Ġsmail TAġ - Prof. Dr. Hüseyin GÜMÜġ - Doç. Dr. Perihan YALÇIN Doç. Dr. Beyhan ASMA - Doç. Dr. Sami KILIÇ - Doç. Dr. Fuat BOYACIOĞLU

Doç. Dr. Mustafa ERTÜRK - Doç. Dr. Mustafa YAVUZ

ACADEMIC SOCIAL SCIENCE STUDIES Uluslararası Hakemli Dergi / International Journal of Academic Social Science Studies

Volume 5 / 8 December 2012

Hakemler / Referees

Prof. Dr. Abdullah KAHRAMAN Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Abulkuddüs BĠNGÖL Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Adem BAġIBÜYÜK Erzincan Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Adnan GÜRBÜZ Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ahmet GÜRSES Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ali Osman UYSAL Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Ü. Prof. Dr. Altan ÇETĠN Gazi Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Asuman Seda SARACALOĞLU Adnan Menderes Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Bahattin DÜZGÜN Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Behçet Kemal YEġĠLBURSA Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Bilgehan PAMUK Gaziantep Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Cemal YALÇIN Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Cevat BAġARAN Atatürk Üniversitesi

Prof. Dr. Çiğdem ÜNAL Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ejder OKUMUġ EskiĢehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Enver Alper GÜVEL Çukurova Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Esra BURCU Hacettepe Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Esra MACAROĞLU AKGÜL Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Feridun MERTER Ġnönü Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Firdevs GÜNEġ Bartın Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Gülden ERTUĞRUL Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Gülmira KURUOĞLU Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. H. Ġbrahim DELĠCE Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Hamza GÜNDOĞDU Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Hasan Hüseyin BAYRAKLI Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Hidayet AYDAR Ġstanbul Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Huseyin GÜMÜġ Marmara Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ġbrahim Hakkı AYDIN Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ġbrahim TELLĠOĞLU Ondokuzmayıs Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ġsmail ÇALIġKAN Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ġsmail TAġ Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Kadir ÖZKÖSE Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Kenan DEMĠRAYAK Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. M. Hanefi PALABIYIK Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mehmet Ali BEYHAN Ġstanbul Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mehmet Durdu KARSLI Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mehmet EVSĠLE Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mehmet Sinan TEMURLENK Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mesut AYDIN Ġnönü Üniversitesi Eğitim Fakültesi Prof. Dr. Metin COġAR Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mohammad ARAFAT Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mualla UYDU YÜCEL Ġstanbul Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Muhittin ELĠAÇIK Kırıkkale Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mukadder ERKAN Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mustafa Hilmi BULUT Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Mustafa TURAN Gazi Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Nejat ERK Çukurova Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. O. Faruk AKYOL Ġstanbul Medeniyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ömür BÜTEV DOLĞUN Artvin Çoruh Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Ruhattin YAZOĞLU Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Saliha KODAY Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Sedat CERECĠ Batman Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Selçuk ESENBEL Ġstanbul 29 Mayıs Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Suna Timur AĞILDERE Gazi Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. ġaban SAĞLIK Ondokuzmayıs Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. ġuayip ÖZDEMĠR Fırat Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Tahir BALCI Çukurova Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Temel YEġĠLYURT Erciyes Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Tuğrul ĠNAL Ufuk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Turan ÖNDEġ Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Turgut YĠĞĠT Ankara Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Vedat KELEġ Atatürk Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Yusuf GÜRÇINAR Çukurova Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Zafer CĠRHĠNLĠOĞLU Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Prof. Dr. Zakir AVġAR Gazi Üniversitesi

Doç. Dr. Abdulkadir BAHARÇĠÇEK Ġnönü Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Abdulkadir GÜL Erzincan Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Abdulkadir LEVENT Batman Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Abdullah NARALAN Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Abdullah SOYSAL Kilis 7 Aralık Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Abdullah ġENGÜL Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Abdurrahman ATEġ Ġnönü Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Abdüllatif TÜZER Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Abdurrahim EMHAN Dicle Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Adem EFE Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Adem KARA Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ahmet MUTLU Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ahmet OCAK Bolu Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ahmet ġĠMġEK Sakarya Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ahmet YATKIN Fırat Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ahmet YĠĞĠT Muğla Sıtkı Koçman Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ahsen ARMAĞAN Ege Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ali ASLAN Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ali Fuat ÖRENÇ Ġstanbul Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ali Murat AKTEMUR Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Alpaslan UÇAR Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Alper Cihan KONYALIOĞLU Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Aslan GÜLCÜ Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Aslı YAZICI Çankırı Karatekin Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. BarıĢ ÖZENER Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. BaĢaran GENÇDOĞAN Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Beyhan ASMA Erciyes Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Cemal ELĠTAġ Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Cengiz AKBULAK Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Cüneyt EREN Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. D. Yelda KAĞNICI Ege Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Diğdem SĠYEZ Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Durdu Mehmet BURAK Ahi Evran Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ebubekir SOFUOĞLU Sakarya Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Enver TATAR Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Erdal ESER Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Eren YÜRÜDÜR GaziosmanpaĢa Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Erkan AKAR Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Eyup BEKĠRYAZICI Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Eyüp AKMAN Kastamonu Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Faruk YÜCEL Ege Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ferit USLU Hitit Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Fikri SALMAN Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Fuat BOYACIOĞLU Selçuk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Gökhan DEMĠRCĠOĞLU Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Gülbadi ALAN Erciyes Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. GülĢah BAġOL GaziosmanpaĢa Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Gürbüz OCAK Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Gürkan HAġĠT Bilecik ġeyh Edebalı Ü. Doç. Dr. Gürsoy ġAHĠN Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hakan SARIBAġ Bülent Ecevit Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hakkı Engin GĠDERER Çankırı Karatekin Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hakkı UYAR Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi

Doç. Dr. Halil Ġbrahim SAĞLAM Sakarya Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Halim ÖZNURHAN Erciyes Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Halit EV Celal Bayar Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hanife Nalan GENÇ Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hasan Ali ġAHĠN Erciyes Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hasan ARSLAN Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hasan BURAN Ġnönü Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hatice ÇUBUKÇU Çukurova Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hava SELÇUK Erciyes Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Hüseyin KÖSE Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ġbrahim KOPAR Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ġsa KIZGUT Akdeniz Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ġsmail BOYACI Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ġsmail Hakkı NAKĠLCĠOĞLU Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Jülide Akyüz ORAT Kafkas Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Kaan CANDURAN Erciyes Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Kadir PAKSOY Harran Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Kemal DOYMUġ Atatürk üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Kemal DURUHAN Ġnönü Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Koray ÖZCAN Selçuk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. KürĢad YILMAZ Dumlupınar Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. M. Dursun ERDEM Ondokuzmayıs Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mahmut MASCA Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mahmut ÖZTÜRK Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet ÇĠÇEK Gaziantep Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet DEMĠRTAġ Bitlis Eren Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet ERDEM Fırat Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet HASGÜLER Lefke Avrupa Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet Sadık ÖNCÜL Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet Serhat YILMAZ Kastamonu Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet ġAHĠN Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Ünv. Doç. Dr. Mehmet YaĢar ERTAġ Pamukkale Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet ZAMAN Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Melek ÖKSÜZ Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mesut ERġAN EskiĢehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Murat AKÇAKAYA Gazi Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Murat YILDIZ Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Musa BĠLGĠZ Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mustafa CĠHAN Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mustafa EKĠNCĠ Harran Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mustafa ERTÜRK Muğla Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mustafa Fadıl SÖZEN Akdeniz Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mustafa HOTAMIġLI Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mustafa ORAL Akdeniz Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mustafa ġAHĠN Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mustafa YAVUZ Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Mücahit DĠLEKMEN Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Müjde Ker DĠNÇER Ege Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Nazan YELKĠKALAN Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Nebahat GÖÇERĠ Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Necmettin AYGÜN Aksaray Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Nevzat GÜMÜġ Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Nilay BAġOK Ege Üniversitesi

Doç. Dr. Nurettin TURGAY Dicle Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Nuriye SEMERCĠ Bartın Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. OkĢan BAġOĞLU Gazi Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Orhan YAZICI Ġnönü Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Özlem SERTKAYA DOĞAN Ġstanbul Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Perihan YALÇIN Gazi Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Recep KOÇAK GaziosmanpaĢa Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Refik DĠLBER Atatürk üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Rıfat GÜNDAY Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Rıza KARAGÖZ Ondokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. S. Sunay YILDIRIM DOĞRU Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Sabri KARADOĞAN Dicle Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Sabriye SEVEN Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Sadiye TUTSAK UĢak Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Salih PaĢa MEMĠġOĞLU Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Sami KILIÇ Fırat Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Selçuk DUMAN GaziosmanpaĢa Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Selda ĠÇĠN AKÇALI Ege Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Serap DURUSOY Abant Ġzzet Baysal üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Serkan ġEN Ondokuzmayıs Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Seyfullah KARA Karabük Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Soner YAVUZ Bülent Ecevit Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Soyalp TAMÇELĠK Gazi Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Suat ÜNAL Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Süleyman AKYÜREK Erciyes Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Süleyman DÜNDAR Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Süleyman ĠNAN Pamukkale Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. ġahin KÖKTÜRK Ondokuzmayıs Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. ġevki ÖZBĠLEN Bayburt Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. ġükrü YAPRAKLI Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Tevfik ERKAL Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Tevhit AYENGĠN Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Tuncay ĠMAMOĞLU Atatürk üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Türkan ARGON Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Ulvi KESER Atılım Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Vedat ÇALIġKAN Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Yasin SOYLU Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. YaĢar KAYA Ġnönü Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Yavuz BAYRAM Ondokuzmayıs Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Yılmaz KARADENĠZ MuĢ Alparslan Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Yusuf CERĠT Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Yusuf DOĞAN Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Yusuf KILIÇ Pamukkale Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Yusuf TOPAL Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Zeki KODAY Atatürk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Zeki USLU Selçuk Üniversitesi Doç. Dr. Zülbiye TOLUK UÇAR Abant Ġzzet Baysal Üniversitesi

Editörden… Kıymetli JASSS okurları …

Dergimizin 5/8 sayısı ile yine birlikteyiz. Yorucu ve verimli bir yıl geçirdik ve

yine sizinle yeni bir sayımızda buluşmanın sevincini yaşamaktayız.

Dergimizin 5. yılı oldukça yoğun geçti. Ancak en önemli gelişme bu yıl

içerisinde dergimizin yayın merkezi ve bütün yayın faaliyetleri Fransa’ya

taşındı. Bu sayımız da dahil olmak üzere bundan sonra dergimiz yurt

dışından yayın yapacaktır. Bu durum dergimize birçok avantaj sağlarken,

yazarlarımız adına da yurt dışı yayın olması sebebiyle avantaj sağlayacaktır.

Dergimizin yayın sahibi “Association Esprit, Société et Rencontre” olup,

yayın yeri bundan sonra Strasbourg/FRANCE’dır.

Bununla birlikte bu yıl dergimize, son zamanlarda YOK’ün her makaleden

istediği DOI numarası almayı başardık. Oldukça ek maliyet getiren bu

durumun da altından kalktık. Dergimizi yeni indekslere tarattık ve yeni

indekslere başvurular devam etmektedir. Artık dergimiz daha güçlü ve daha

bilinçli olarak yayın faaliyetlerine devam edecektir.

Bu yılın son sayısı olan 5/8 sayımızda 80 üzerinde yazı yayımladık. Hepsi

hakem sürecini tamamlamış birbirinden kıymetli yazılar olarak karşımızda

durmaktadır. Bu sayımızda da Eğitim Bilimleri, İktisat, İşletme, Kamu

Yönetimi, Uluslar arası İlişkiler, Tarih, Coğrafya, Edebiyat, İlahiyat gibi

sosyal bilimler alanında birçok yazı yayımlamayı başardık.

Bununla birlikte yayın yaptığımız site tasarımı tamamen değişecektir. Site

tasarımı değiştiğinde ayrıntılı iletişim bilgileri, mailler, adresler bu yeni

tasarlanmış siteye ayrıntılı olarak yerleştirilecektir.

Tabi ki bu süreçte bizi asla yalnız bırakmayan kurul üyelerimize,

hakemlerimize ve yazarlarımıza teşekkür ediyoruz. Bu yeni sayımızın da

sosyal bilimler adına faydalı olmasını diliyoruz.

Esengül KARADAYI

Editors of JASSS

The Journal of Academic Social Science Studies

İÇİNDEKİLER / CONTENTS

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Özlem AFACAN &

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ayşegül SELİMHOCAOĞLU 1-20

Okul Öncesi Öğretmenlerinin Fen Etkinliklerine İlişkin Yeterlilikleri Ve Bu

Yeterliliklerinin Bazı Değişkenlere Göre İncelenmesi (Kırşehir İli Örneği)

Determining The Proficiency Of Preschool Teachers Of The Science Activities And

Examining These Competence According To Some Factors (Kirsehir Sample)

Öğr. Gör. Dr. Gül AKTAŞ 21-35

Kadınların Öznel Kimliklerini İnşa Etme Sürecinde Aile İçi Kültürel

Söylemler: Genç Kızlar Üzerine Bir Araştırma

Intrafamilial Cultural Discourses In The Process Of Subjectiveidentity

Construction Of Women: A Research On Young Girls

Doç. Dr. Ali Murat AKTEMUR 37-74

Alexandre Vallaury’nin Karaköy’deki Eserleri

Works Of Alexandre Vallaury In Karakoy

Doç. Dr. M. Yavuz ALPTEKIN 75-88

Yeni Bir Dünya Algısı Olarak Dünya Şehir-Sistem Yaklaşımı

World City-System Approach As A New Perception Of The World

Zeynep ADANUR KUDAL & Yrd. Doç. Dr. Taner ALTUN 89-109

Birleştirilmiş Sınıflarda Yapılandırmacı Yaklaşımın

Uygulanabilirliğinin Öğretmen Görüşleri Açısından

Değerlendirilmesi: Trabzon İli Örneği

Evaluation Of Teachers’ Views On Applicability Of Constructivist

Approach In Joint Classrooms: Sample Of Trabzon

Yrd. Doç. Dr. SALİH ERDEN & Doç. Dr. RAMİZ ARABACI 111-120

Rehber Öğretmenlerin Öğretmenlik Uygulaması Dersine İlişkin

Görüşleri

Views Of The Guide Teachers On Teaching Practice Course

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Abdulselam ARVAS 121-124

Soy Kökümüzün Esas Faktörü Ana Dilimizdir

The Main Factor For Our Race Is Mother Tongue

Adem AYDEMİR 125-142

Türkçede Bazı Sıhrî Akrabalık Terimleri Üzerine

About Some Judicial Kinship Terms In Turkish Language

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Abdullah AYDIN 143-169

Çeşitli Ülkelerin Ortaöğretim Kimya Dersi Öğretim Programlarında

Benimsenen Öğrenme Anlayışları Ve Öğrenme Yolları

Learning Approaches And Models Adopted In The High School Chemistry

Curricula In Several Nations

Dr. Ali AYHAN 171-178

Sosyal Ağların Kuşattığı Bir Dünyada Çalgı Eğitiminde Eğitsel Video

Kullanımının Önemi

The Importance Of Usage The Educational Video In Musical Instrument

Education In A World Which Has Been Surrounded By Social Networks

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Şafak ÖZTÜRK AYNAL & Ömer Faruk SÖNMEZ 179-194

Minik Temalar İş Başında: Tema Vakfı Doğaeğitimi Projesiyle

Üniversite Öğrencilerini Buluşturuyor

Tema Foundtion’s Project Of “Minik Tema” Meets With University

Students

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Muhammet BAHADIR 195-212

The Analyse Of Precıpıtatıon And Temperature In Afyonkarahisar

(Turkey) In Respect Of Box-Jenkins Technique

Afyonkarahisar’da (Türkiye) Yağış Ve Sıcaklığın Box – Jenkins Tekniği İle

Analizi

Mehmet Emin BARS 213-229

Köroğlu Destanı’nda Metinlerarası İlişkiler

Inter-Textual Relationships In The Epic Of Köroğlu

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Bengül Salman BOLAT 231-247

Tanzimat’tan Demokrat Partiye Kültür Politikaları Ve Tarih

Anlayışları

Cultural Policies And Historical Approaches From Tanzimat To Democrat

Party

Dr. Mahmut BOLAT 249-264

Modern Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin Oluşum Sürecinde Atatürk

İlkeleri Ve İnkılâp Tarihi Dersi’nin Yeri Ve Amaçları

The Importance And Aims Of Atatürk’s Principles And Revolution

History Course In The Formation Process Of Modern Turkish Republic

Dr. Celil BOZKURT 265-295

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Pop Art ve Moda Etkileşimi

Pop Art And Fashion Interaction

Publication of Association Esprit, Société et Rencontre

Strasbourg/FRANCE

The Journal of Academic Social Science Studies

Volume 5 Issue 8, p. 1135-1155, December 2012

THE YASAWI SHRINE’S BRONZE DOORKNOCKERS:

AN ASSESSMENT OF THE TIMURID ARTISTIC WORLD

YESEVİ KÜLLİYESİ BRONZ KAPI

TOKMAKLARI: TİMURLU SANAT DÜNYASI AÇISINDAN BİR

DEĞERLENDİRME

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Başak Burcu TEKİN

Erciyes Üniversitesi, Güzel Sanatlar Fakültesi, Temel Eğitim Bilimleri Bölümü

The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1136

Abstract

The Yasawi Shrine was built by Timur in 1397 to honour Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi 230

years after his death in Turkestan. Today when you visit the city of Turkestan (Yasi) in

Kazakhstan, you can sense a feeling of eternity inspired by the gigantic building. The

structure’s significance comes from the importance attributed to the Sufi Sheikh Khawaja

Ahmad Yasawi. This building symbolises both the spiritual power of Yasawi and the worldly

reign of Timur and the Eurasian steppes. The subject of this paper is the doorknockers on the

entrance door of this shrine. The aim of this study is not only to examine the doorknockers

but also to expose their place in Timurid art. Accordingly, the doorknockers will be analyzed

from an artistic perspective, and the iconographic descriptions will illustrate how Timur

understood symbolism in art. As an integrative and comparative study, this paper examines

several sources of Timur’s political and art history, the iconography of Buddhism and Islam

which were dominant in the region, Yasawi Sufi thought and Ahmad Yasawi’s poetry. Also

included are comparisons of the miniatures, wooden artworks and architecture.

This research shows Timur’s artistic powerful and far-reaching influence as it was

reflected in the massive Ahmad Yasawi Shrine and in its smallest art works like the

doorknockers.

Keywords: Yasawi, Symbolism, Timurid Art, Eurasia, Central Asia,

Öz

Hoca Ahmed Yesevi Külliyesi, Timur tarafından önceleri Yesi olarak bugün ise

Türkistan olarak anılan şehirde Hoca Ahmed Yesevi’nin ölümünden 230 yıl sonra 1397

yılında inşa edilmiştir. Günümüzde dahi, Türkistan (Yesi) şehirini ziyaret ettiğinizde bu

anıtsal inşaatın etkiliyeciliğine kapılınılmaktadır. Hoca Ahmed Yesevi Külliyesi’nin önemi

doğrudam Hoca Ahmed Yesevi2ye atfedilen önem ile ilintilidir. Bu yapı hem Ahmed

Yesevi’nin ruhani lider kişiliğinin hem Timur dönemi yönetiminin hem de Avrasya

steplerinin sembolik ifadelerini barındırmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın konusu Külliye’nin giriş

kapısı üzerinde yer alan bronz kapı kollarıdır. Kapı kollarının tanımlaması değil, Timurlu

sanatı içindeki yerinin de saptanması bu çalışmanın amacıdır. Bu nedenle kapı kollarının

genel özelliklerinin betimlenmesinden çok kullanılan motiflerin sembolik anlamaları üzerinde

durulmuştur. Bu amaç doğrultusunda bronz kapı kolları sanatsal özellikleri ve ikonografik

açıklamaları ile ele alınacak ve böyle bir anlamda Timur’un sanat ve sembolizm ile ilgili

yaklaşımı da incelenmiş olacaktır. Karşılaştırmalı olarak Timurlu siyasi ve sanat tarihi verileri,

bölgede hakim olan Budizm ve İslamiyet ikonografisi, Yesevi düşüncesi ve Ahmed Yesevi

şiirleri karşılaştırmalı değerlendirme için kaynak olarak kullanılmıştır. Ayrıca

karşılaştırmalara ahşap sanatı,mimari ve minyatürler de dahil edilmiştir.

Bu araştırma ile Timur’un sanatsal gücünün nasıl etkin olduğu ve Timurlu

beğenisinin büyük boyutlu Hoca Ahmed Yesevi Külliyesi içindeki küçük ölçekli bir eser olan

bronz kapı kollarında nasıl yansıtıldığı gösterilmeğe çalışılacaktır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Yesevi, Sembolizm, Timurlu Sanatı, Maden Sanatı, Orta Asya,

1137

Başak Burcu TEKİN

Introduction

Today as you visit the city of Turkestan (Yasi) in Kazakhstan, you can experience a

sense of eternity stimulated by a gigantic building (Fig.1). The shrine of Ahmad Yasawi was

built by Timur in memory of Yasawi in 1397. As the size of the building meets the vastness of the steppe, it becomes a symbol of contrasts. The gigantic building symbolises both the

spiritual power of Yasawi and the worldly reign of Timur. The symbols of Sufi tradition and

Timur‟s artistic understanding were skilfully integrated even in the minute details, into an artistic-architectural whole.

Ahmad Yasawi lived in the 12th

century However his spiritual influence has continued

to the present day to the extent that nowadayas Turkic people living in Central Asia see a visit

to the shrine as a first and necessary step before beginning their pilgrimage to Mecca (Privatsky 2001 :90). His death in 1166 did not end his spiritual influence. In contrast, he

became more spiritually influential than ever. The Yasawi Shrine, which was built by Timur

in 1397 to honour Yasawi 230 years after his death, is an illustrative example of his lasting influence.

The main purpose of this paper is to examine the iconographic decorations of bronze

doorknockers which enhance this Timurid era building. One of the sub- purposes of this study is to argue that decorations were not only used for their own sake, but they were also

used to provide an iconographic integrity. The other sub purpose is to illustrate on a small

scale, Timur‟s artistic judgment that reflected his organized style.

1.Artistic Conception of the Timur Period: Imperial Style under Court Control

Timur, the patron of the shrine, was born in the 14th century as a son of the chief of a

Turkicized Mongol tribe. His birth, childhood and youth became so legendary that it is almost

impossible to suggest anything relevant on scientific grounds that can go beyond the legend (Barthold 1975:290). Within a short time, Timur became a real power in Transoxiana

(Mawarannahr) in 1370 (Aka 1991; Grousset 1996). Until his death in 1405, he led

numerous conquests. When he died on the way to his last military expedition to China in

1405, he left behind a vast land of 14 million square km, then known as Turkestan, covering a large area of present day Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. The empire and sultanate

of the Timurid dynasty remained in place until 1517 in Turkestan and until 1858 in India albeit

on a much smaller scale and was less politically powerful and influential.

Timur rose to power, and the world he conquered was the product of the Mongol

Empire; Mongol history and traditions defined his goal, his methods and his ideology (Manz

1991: 2). The Timurid era was a period of two different and contrasting worlds. The first was a world in which settled Muslims were influenced by urban Persian culture, and the other was

comprised of nomadic tribes who were then still under the influence of Shamanists and

Buddhists living in the vast Eurasian steppes (Roux 1994: 214). The spoken language of this

new culture was Turkic, its religion was Islam, and its political legitimation was Mongolian ( Manz 1991:3). Timur managed to hold these contrasting worlds together within his Empire‟s

border by relying not only on military means but also on cultural ones. For example,

although he was a Muslim sultan, he adapted Chengiz laws in the administrative system (Serafettin Ali 2000), He was also supported by the local Muslim elites including the Shaykh

al-Islam of Samarkand and the Sufis, who became his spiritual advisors and who also may

have helped him rally support from both nomadic and town populations to legitimize his new

The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1138

regime (Marvin 2002: 229). On a large basalt rock from Kazakhstan, the honours given to

Timur in 1391 were recorded in both Uighur and Arabic, which hints at a polyglot culture even

after the conversion to Islam (Herrin 2006:239). Timur‟s administrative skills, which brought

different, contrasting social components together, can also be found in the making of the Timurid artistic style he insisted upon.

Timur did not base his hegemony on brutal force alone as Chengiz Han, who lived 150 years

before him had done. He was rigid in performing his religious duties and paid consideration to pious men he respected and to their schools, shrines and mausoleums and to men reputed

in learning (Dalal 1995: 158). In fact, Timur was much more interested in architecture than in

other artistic forms. This very interest itself is an important clue in the evaluation and

understanding of the style he wanted to generate. Gigantic architectural monuments, never seen until his time, became the very symbol of his political power. Qavam al-Din ibn Zayn al-

Din Shirazi is the only architect that can be identified as a personality recorded in literary

sources, He also worked at the shrine of Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi at Turkestan between 1395 and 1399 as a shagird or apprentice, His contribution to Timurid architecture was to produce a

number of integrated large-scale monuments in a distinctive style, which includes Iranian

design elements, features of the contemporary Turanian monuments and personal hall-marks of the master (Wilber 1987: 31-32). Golombek and Wilber called this style, which was

developed according to Timur‟s requisition, the “Imperial Style” (1988).

Imperial style artistic can categorized into following order.

1. Monumental buildings as signs and symbols of Timur‟s political power

2. Following centralized directives from Timur himself and his court

3. Craftsmen, artists, architectures brought and/or invited from different land and

cultures.

4. A common world of motif and composition based on decorative and iconographic

integrity.

In this manner, Timur‟s identity emerged. Gigantic architectural monuments, never

seen until his time, became significant symbols of his political power. His saying “Those who suspect our power should look at our buildings” (Zakhidov

1996; 83) clearly shows how

consciously the imperial style was designed and created by Timur. The great Timurid poet

Alī-Shīr Navā'ī (1441-1501), born 40 years later once wrote that “who built a long lasting building his name lives with it, as long as the building stands his name became a legend on

people‟ lips” (Quoted in Lenzt-Lowry 1989:43). This saying also reflects how Timur

consciously designed and created his ideal artistic style.

The rules of imperial style were not only for architecture but were also adapted to

other branches of art. Artisans, craftsmen, artists and architects who came from as far away

as Qazvin, Tabriz, Syria, Shiraz and even from India contributed, under Timur‟s supervision,

to establishing the style which turned Timur‟s vision into artistic forms (Golombek –Wilber 1988:188-189). Timur closely supervised and directed their artistic efforts according to his

desire and principles. It can be strongly argued that without Timur‟s close supervision, the

bringing of skilled craftsmen and artists to Samarkand would not have been enough on its own to create his distinctive style. In other words, it was Timur‟s preferences, vision and

principles that played the major role in the emergence of his imperial style without which it

would have been nothing but a mass of eclectic artistic products.

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The place where the Imperial Style came to life was the kitabhane, the library in the court.

The Arzadasht written by Ja‟far Tabrizi1 in a petition to Baysungur Mirza (1397-1433) about

works in the palace library in Herat is a later dated document about Timur‟s purpose for

organized, court controlled artistic products (Ja‟far Tabrizi 1989: 323-28). An album in the Topkapı Palace Library containing 15 sheets of embellished patterns of mostly vegetal

composition was used in a wide range of decorations from wall paintings to metal works; this

indicates that court library played a role in forming the Timurid style (Lentz- Lowry 1989:192; Knobloch–Hrbas 1965: 15; Blunt 1973: 133). Therefore, regardless of which region it

originated in Timurid art developed its own decorative programme (Kaya 2009:60). Sharafuddin Ali

Yazdi, the Timurid period official historiographer mentioned these is artistic activities in

Zafarnama: “It had been commanded that the Egyptian and Syrian builders should raise a royal palace in the midst of garden that had been made to south of the Shimal

Garden……..The workers from Fars and Persian Iraq covered the exterior in tile work of great

elegance and magnificence” (1989:90). Likewise, the Timurid conquest had a far-reaching effect upon the development of Persian art, including metalwork, insofar as it brought about a

complete shift in its centre of gravity from western to eastern Iran, this was because first

Transoxiana (Mawarannahr), and then Khurasan became the focus of Timurid artistic patronage (Kamaroff 1992: 17).

From 1379 onwards, Timur started bringing artisans, artists, architects and skilled

workers from conquered lands to his capital, and shortly after began to build the Khawaja

Ahmad Yasawi Shrine using many artisans with a wide range of skills in Turan in 1397 (Golombek 1992:3). The Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi Complex‟s, metalwork and woodwork were

most probably the work of craftsmen from outside Central Asia (Kamaroff 1992: 19). The

earliest Timurid metalwork in the complex was derived from the techniques, styles and forms developed in western Iran and adjacent lands in the 14

th century rather than those that evolved

indigenously from central Asian traditions (Kamaroff 1992: 17).

2.The Iconographic World of the Ahmad Yasawi Shrine

Despite ethnic and cultural diversity in the Timurid Empire, the genesis of decorative and iconographic unity in the imperial style is an important question needing our attention. To

date, the arts and artistic values in the Timurid period have been studied on a macro scale with

reference to gigantic buildings, centralized directives, and artisans and artists from different cultural backgrounds. Researchers have studied common motifs and compositions to

understand the characteristics of imperial art.

Examining this imperial style on a micro scale, for example the bronze doorknockers, illustrates how these common motifs and compositions were incorporated. The particular focus

is on the decorative and iconographic unity of the shrine‟s wooden entrance door and its

doorknockers . The decorations were not created as independent elements, but they were

purposely rendered with their iconographic and decorative unity in mind.

It is almost impossible to believe that Timur, who used every opportunity to strengthen

his political image and legitimacy, would no interest in the iconographic meaning of the

1 Ja‟far Tabrizi was born in Tabriz at the end of the 14th century. He became a successful calligrapher at

an early age. He was appointed as director to the library founded by Baysungur Mirza, the grandson of

Timur, in Herat in 1420. The place to which he was went after Baysungur‟s death in1433 is not known.

See (Özergin 1976:80-81).

The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1140

monuments and buildings he founded. In contrast, the transformation of interior and exterior

decorations into images on his buildings became symbolic narratives of his political power. In

this regard, it is possible to think that the iconographic composition of the Ahmad Yasawi

Complex was also carefully designed and planned with the same purpose in mind. The iconographic world of the Ahmad Yasawi Shrine comes from three sources: the works of

Ahmad Yasawi, Sufism and Buddhist art.

2.1.First Source-Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi : Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi was born around 1085-1095 AD in the village of Sayram, which is located 8 kilometres to the north of

the city of Cimkent in southern Kazakhstan (Arslan 1995:794-95). As founder of the Yasawi

order he had long shared spiritual hegemony in Central Asia with the Naqshbandiya and

enjoyed particular popularity (Algar 1976:132). Yasawi was closely associated with Uzbek Sufism which is currently enjoying renewed popularity (Levin 1993:57). During his lifetime,

Yasawi provided spiritual guidance and wrote poems called Hikmat, which roughly means

“gnosis”, in order to emphasize Islamic moral values and beliefs. Yasawi‟s poems aimed to provide high moral qualities in connection with and /or under the guidance of the Qur‟an and

the prophetic deeds of Muhammad; they are still loved and read with great respect. Yasawi‟s

spiritual power in Central Asia reached such a high level that people in the Turkestan region still sincerely believe the legend that highlights Timur‟s unbeatable power and how it is related

to the wholehearted respect he showed towards Yasawi and his principles (Aka 1996:529). It

is also commonly believed that before the Ankara war with Bayazıd, Timur read Yasawi‟s

Hikmat, i.e. his book containing spiritual poems. He read a poem supposedly by Yasawi, that said “whenever you have a difficult time, whenever you run into a hardship read this poem to

be relieved from your hardship”. One legend is that before the Ankara war, Timur read this

poem 70 times by heart and with its spiritual help won the war (Köprülü 1991:41). This narrative shows that Timur, who knew Yasawi‟s spiritual influence over people, tried to use

this influence by showing his respect for Yasawi‟s spirituality for his own political ends. It

should be emphasized here that Timur‟s use of Yasawi‟s became more important than what

Timur actually thought about him and his spiritualit. Today, a prevalent belief among the people living in Central Asia is that a pilgrimage to Mecca without paying a visit to Yasawi‟s

shrine has no value in God‟s eyes; thus the spiritual power Yasawi had in the Timurid period

becomes clearer. For this reason, respect for Yasawi and his teaching, whether for political ends or for sincere personal adherence, was strongly reflected in the Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi

Complex. Timur‟s endowment for the Ahmad Yasawi Shrine dated from the late 1390s, and

it also pointed to his high regard for Ahmad Yasawi (Woods 1984:331).

The works of Khoja Ahmed Yasawi are not regarded as reliable sources since they

onder went change over time. Fuat Köprülü states that none of the existing copies of the

Hikmat belonged to his period, and they were completely amended in accordance with the

Naqshbandi traditions and it is necessary to evaluate Ahmet Yasawi and Yasaviyya in that framework (Köprülü 1940:212). These works do not reflect the real Ahmed Yasawi, the

legendary Ahmet Yasawi, in other words, the Islam of the 12th century, the time when Yasawi

lived in Asia, but reflect the Naqshbandi Ahmet Yasawi trying to defend Islam against Shamanistic winds blown by Mongol invasions which began in the 13th century( Ocak

1996:35).

As a result of such determinations, the questionas to how particularly the Hikmats can be used as a source comes to mind. At his point, dating is of essence. This is because, Timur

and people of his period, did not have the chance to know Ahmed Yasawi, who lived before

their time and his original works. Hikmats read in their periods had undergone several

changesare those which went the change at issue. Notice that research to be conducted on hikmets will mislead researcher at the beginning of the research ( Ocak 1996:53) will not be

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deemed to be applicable for any study to be made on the iconographic meanings of the motives

created in the late 14th and early 15th centuries. Consequently, symbols on the structure were

formed according to those Hikmats which had undergone change. The purpose herein is not

to discover the original Yasaviyya. The contents of the Hikmats which are considered to have an impact on iconography are become more important than their originality.

2.2.Second Source/Sufism: Sufism is important because Ahmad Yasawi had Sufi

training, and the Sufi orders followed his teachings. The Yasawi tradition as a Sufi path has many religious, social and cultural ramifications. It played a role in the Islamization of

Turkish tribes, in the adaptation of Islam to the Turkish nomadic milieu and in linguistic

reconciliation through the ideas and poems of Yasawi (Trimingham 1971:58). The sources

of these ideas, whose reflection can be observed on the motifs in the Shrine, lie in Sufism. Central Asian mysticism was so powerfully rooted in the Yasawi tradition that every Sufi

order among the Turks has drawn upon it in some way ( Ocak 1996:40).

2.3.Third Source/Buddhism: motifs originating in Buddhism were used in the Yasawi Shrine to a significant extent. Buddhism was born in India and spread first to Indo-China and

China, and then to Central Asia. The Huns were among the first Turkic people who accepted

Buddhism. Towards the second half of the 6th century, Buddhism spread among the Gokturks.

It is known that even Bilge Khan developed an interest in Buddhism, but on the advice of his

vizier, Tonyukuk, the Khan had to control his interest ( Ocak 1983: 37-40). The influence of

Buddhism on Turkic people in the same century is illustrated in the Bugut Inscription2.

According to the inscription, Bumin Khan was an adherent of Buddhism, and upon the call of

his spirit, he ordered his successors to build a Buddhist monastery (Roux 1998:85). In the

middle of the 9th century, Uigur Turks became the major Buddhist population as a result of

living in a strongly Buddhist environment, after they migrated into the oasis cities on the Silk

Route (Kudara 2002:100-102). Descriptions on the frescos uncovered in Bezelik revealed the

fact that Buddhism found its strongest adherents among the Uigurs (Smith 2005:30).

Buddhism was the official religion among the Uigurs until the beginning of the 13th

century (Günay-Güngör 1996:28). In the 11

th century, it has been suggested that Manicheism could

have weakened Buddhism, but Buddhism regained its strength; a prominent scholar of the

time, Mahmud al-Kashgari Mahmut, mentioned no trace of Manicheism in his works (Roux 2001:215). As Yasawi‟s teaching spread among the nomadic tribes in Transoxiana

(Mawarannahr), it adapted itself well to already existing beliefs and traditions (Köprülü 1991:

116) . The legends about Buddha and Buddhist saints in Uigurian books written in the

Sogdian alphabet were adapted to the lives of Yasawi and other prominent Muslim saints and were transformed into saint legends in the Islamic mould (Ocak 1983:43) In addition, Ahmad

Yasawi and his successors developed a method of teaching in Sufi form which was not

unknown to the nomadic people who were familiar with Shamanist and Buddhist ecstasy (Ocak 1996:587).

2 The Bugut inscription is one of the old Turkic inscriptions found in Mongolia. It derives its name from

the Bugut Mountain located in the Bayn Tsagaan Göl (The Sacred White Lake) region within the

Arhangay Aymag. It is one of the Turkic cultural and civic monuments among others in the mausoleum

complex which dates back to the First Köktürk Kaganate and constructed on the valley 10 km away

from the Bugut Mountain in the East. This Bugut Inscription is a didactic text and a narrator of the

historical events. With these features it also set the example for the later Turkic inscriptions. The Bugut

Inscription and its turtle-like base are exhibited in the garden of Cecerleg museum. For details see

(Alyılmaz 2003:11-21).

The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1142

Timur‟s selection of Buddhist symbols for use on the buildings and monuments he

wanted built may well be related to the cultural settings in which he was raised so that he saw

no harm in adopting images from those symbols. As mentioned earlier, his choices may also

be related to his tolerance. According to Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo, a Spanish ambassador to Timur‟s court, after the Ankara War, Timur brought an enamelled door with gold and silver

inlays showing the Paul and Peter holding a Bible in their hands and used it at the entrance of

his tent (1994:269). For a Sultan who took a door with Christian images from the treasure of another Muslim sultan, Bayazid, in order to use it as a symbol of his power, using motifs

familiar to the cultural settings he lived in should be considered.

However, an important point that deserves careful attention is that Buddhist motifs

were not used as they were. They were stripped of their Buddhist meaning, all became Islamic motifs as they were incorporated into Islamic form. To suggest that all motifs in the Timurid

period were used with iconographic meanings in mind may not be true. However it can be

safely claimed that the majority of motifs used in the Timur period were intended to reflect latent meanings.

3.The Doorknockers : Characteristics Analysis

Our discussion of the artistic highlights of Timur‟s reign and his perceptions could

logically conclude with the bronze doorknockers on the wooden doors of the Yasawi‟s Shrine.

The first pair of doorknockers was on the entrance portal leading to the central domed

chamber of the shrine complex; the second pair, now missing, was on the Shrine chamber‟s doors. The missing second pair compelled us to limit our study only to investigating the

doorknockers on the wooden entrance doors.

The double panelled main wooden door‟s one panel is approximately 1.07x3.53 meters. The front and back surfaces are composed of three panels with inlays and engraved

embellishments (Fig.2). each of the cast bronze doorknocker, measuring approximately

40x27 centimeters is decorated with silver and gold inlays. The doorknockers can be separated

into four sections: crown, inscription plaque, door handle and the flat surface under the handle (Fig.3,4). The crown has two sections. At the top, palmette and stylised lotus motifs are used

interchangeably. Similarly, palmette and stylised lotus are also used interchangeably in the

decorative lines surrounding the door‟s edge in three dimensions. In the second section of the rectangular border, palmette and an Asian originating stylized flower khatai, on crosswise

spiral curled branches interchangeably. We can see a very similar example of this decoration

on the border surrounding each panel of the door. In a different way palmette petals are stretched and khatais are composed in imitations of spring flowers. The inscription plaque is

located between the crown and the flat surface. The doorknockers‟ inscriptions that are of

concern in this context share complementary content. “Our beloved Prophet says” is written

on the epigraph part with inlaid gold on the left one and the “World is momentary and live it worshipfully” on the right one. The spaces on the epigraph are of inlaid silver.

A. A. Ivanov was the first researcher to translate the inscriptions (1981:73-75) .

According to translation there are two signatures on the two different sets of doorknockers of in the Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi Shrine. The artisan‟s name and date on the part in the form

of a sectional medallion under study reads " Work of the poor slave the hopeful Izzal-Din ibn

Taj al-Din al-Saki , the date 799/1396-97“; and the second inscription “Work of the poor slave Izz al-Din ibn Taj al-Din Isfahani” belongs to the doorknockers of the mausoleum

chamber‟s wooden doors, these doorknockers are now lost (Ivanov 1981:74-75). It is

specified that Ivanov read the artisan‟s name utilizing the three exact scaled drawings made

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by the Hermitage Museum official A.Gurjiyenko (1981:181). Also, the Persian quatrain

abridged from Sa‟di‟s Gulistan with a slight variation, is inscribed on the surface of the

handle, as well as on one of the other pair (Kamaroff 1992: 29).

The handle and the flat surface under the handle are of interest. One of the major concerns here is the lions‟ heads. The hinges of the doorhandle are attached on each side of

the lions‟ head in the middle. On the lower part, two lions‟ heads are placed on each side. The

handles project downward in the form of a lobed ogival medallion that ends at the bottom exterior of a palmette; the inside is filled with a vegetal ornamental pattern based on tangent

split palm leaves, with a palmette in the centre and at the top. The flat surface under the

handle contains hobnails with eight sliced surfaces at each corner, each measuring three cm in

diameter (Fig. 5). On the surface of the flat panel a multi-foil inlaid arch can be seen. The vegetal decorations under the arch are split palm leaves in the middle, and at the top, curly

forms of palm leaves are used similar to those on the door handle. Below, in the middle, there

is a hobnail in the form of an eight-leaved flower. At the corners of the multi-foil arch there is a free style composition of khatais and leaves.

4.The Doorknockers : Iconographical Analysis

Analyzing the decorations on the door handle according to their iconography can begin with the lion head figures (Fig. 3) Lion figures symbolism can be observed in almost

all societies more or less similarly. Ample evidence about the symbolism of the lion can be

found from antique Greece to Rome to Mesopotamia and as far away as Central Asia (Çoruhlu

1984:113). In all these cultures lion figures were used to symbolize power, strength and holiness. In Islamic lands, especially Shiite regions, particularly in Iran and its adjacent

geography, lion figures were used to symbolize Caliph Ali (DeJong 1989:8). Yasawi, in his

poems, likened Caliph Ali to a lion.

Ali is the lion of God,3

The infidel‟s death caused by his sword (Ahmed Yesevi 1993:56)

Although it is not known for certain that Timur was himself a Shiite, it has been suggested that he was under strong Shiite influence (Kamaroff 1992: 28). In this regard, it can

be noted that the inscriptions on Timur‟s own sarcophagus, which provides the ruler‟s

genealogy, imply that Timur was a descendent of Ali (Kamaroff 1992:41).

The number of lions‟ heads is another important perspective because of the symbolism

it carries. It is surprising to observe how the trinity, which is not recognized in Islam, made its

way into the symbolism of certain artistic forms. The Shiite declaration of faith, “There is no

God but Allah, Muhammad is His Prophet and Ali is His friend”, led to countless examples in poetry and in decorations of a trinity of Allah, Muhammad and Ali (Schimmel 1998:78)

A miniature found in an album (AH.2153) in the Topkapı Palace Library illustrates well

the symbolic use of the trinity in Shiite influenced cultural settings that were not necessarily Shiite. These black inked miniatures in an Album are attributed to the artist named

Muhammed Siyah Qalam. Ernst Grube, gives a useful catalogue of most of the pictures in

Topkapı Palace and attributes them to the pictorial art of Central Aisa, considering them to

3 English translations from this and all other Yasavi poems are my own.

The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1144

belong to the Timurid School of the 14th and 15

th centuries (Grube 1978) ; however in his last

work taking into account discussions at the collegium held in 1980, he says that some of the

pictures were executed under the influence of Central Asian Buddhism and others may have

been executed in Samarkand during the time of Timur and in Herat during the time of Ulugh Beigh and Shah Rukh (Grube 1985:1-36).

The black-inked miniature in folio 29v, assumed to be drawn during the construction of

Yasawi‟s Shrine, describes a type of religious ceremony (Fig.6). Dancing dervishes with a piece of cloth and a rod in their hands refer to Yasawi‟s adherents of esoteric Shiite dervishes

where 12 sliced headgears represent the 12 Imams in Shiite doctrine (Karamağaralı 1984:70-

71). The dervish paintings combine a variety of cultural strands, suggesting shamanist and

Tantric Buddhist rites, but also have Islamic connotations, such as men wearing the turbans of shaykhs over their corolla-shaped hats, and veiled women (Esin 2004:72). In Mawarannahr,

the Yasaviyyah brotherhood (many specialists connect their origin with pre-Islamic rituals of

shamanism) consider sama, dhikr and the ritual dance raqs as their main rites; furthermore the main subject about sama, raqs and dhkir in one of the earliest extant Persian Yasawi

treatises the Risalah-i Hisam al-Din Sighnaqi was the participation of women. (Babajanov

2003:66). When in ecstasy, both Tantric and Muslim dervishes danced, to the diverse sound of instruments and such scenes appear in Siyah Qalam‟s work, together with the symbol of the

cup, in dances with handkerchiefs, as seen Uighur murals: drums, horns, castanets and bells

(Esin 2004:76).The most important point in the miniature for this paper is a figure depicting a

woman in ecstasy showing the sign of trinity with her left hand during this Yasawi sama, raqs and dhkir. This sign apparently represents Allah, Muhammad and Ali (Karamağaralı 1984:70).

In addition, a similiar trinity to this Shiite doctrine can be seen in Anatolia in Malatya Great

Mosque. Malatya has strong ties with Persia and is also a centre of many Islamic movements ; for these reasons the inscriptions “Allah, Muhammad, Ali” on the walls of the Great

Mosque‟s iwan would not be surprising to encounter (Karamağaralı 2006:300-301).

For this reason, the figures of three lions in the Yasawi Shrine make us think of the

trinity of Allah, Muhammad and Ali. Also one of the lions is depicted higher, bigger and with a mane symbolizing the Creator and has a privileged position in the miniature.

Another important iconographic motif is the embellishment of an eight-leaved stylistic

lotus at the lower part of the flat surface. Throughout the ages, the symbolic connections between paradise and the number eight can be found in different cultures. According to Sufi

tradition in Islam, since the mercy of God is greater than His anger, there are seven hells and

eight heavens. (Schimmel 1998:169-170). Many expressions in the lines of Yasawi‟s poems,

such as “I left the world‟s sorrow when I was eight years old” (Ahmed Yesevi 1993: 8) and

“Muhammad the Prophet, the possessor of the Eight Heavens” (Ahmed Yesevi 1993: 60) refer

to the eight principles which were explained by Ahmet Kayhan which are also called the eight

gates to heaven and the eight-phased spiritual journey to be followed to become a perfect human being(1994:148-149). With respect to his poems and Sufi tradition, it can be suggested

that the motif was used to remind those who, like Ahmad Yasawi, wanted eight doors to be

opened before they could enter his gate to arrive in his presence, that is, to follow his path,i.e. do what he says. The motif also means that entering the shrine is the same as entering heaven,

or the presence of Ahmad Yasawi is like the presence of eight heavens.

Lotus iconography is a Buddhist concept. The use of Buddhist iconographic motifs in Turkic cultures has been adapted and rendered into Islamic forms. One example of this

adaptation is from a miniature in the Jamic al-Tavrikh manuscript, dated 1314. The Gods,

Buddha and Siva and or Vishnu were displayed as prophets, and Mara was exposed as a

demon in miniatures depicting Buddha‟s life (Canby 1993:301). The Islamic version uses of

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Buddhist motifs can be seen more specifically on the doorknockers of the Ahmad Yasawi

Shrine.

The eight-leaved stylistic form like the lotus on the panel of the wooden door was

used on the doorknockers‟ flat surface ( Fig.7). The Buddhist lotus, transformed into an Islamic ontext , is similar and related to former iconography. This stylized lotus should

probably symbolises, in macro scale, the great creator Allah, who possesses the Eight

Heavens; in micro scale, the Khawaja Ahmed Yasawi, whose guidance is the best to reach the Eight Heavens.

The three centimeter cylindrical pieces at the four corners of the flat surface should be

considered together with the decoration on the back surface of the wooden door in a square

panel (Figs.8-9). In this panel, a swastika composition is depicted inside an eight-leaved stylized lotus, and on each of the four sides of the swastika the word Bâb-ı Mubarak, “the Holy

Gate” is written in Kufi Arabic (Tekin 2002:877).

At this point, it will be helpful to consider what the swastika means in Buddhist iconography. In Buddhism, when the swastika‟s arms are turned to the right, it denotes the

„seal of Buddha's heart‟ (Eberhard 2000:121). For this reason, it exists in Buddha's foot print

(Tekin 2006:418). The swastika‟s numerical value four is also important in Buddhism. Gautama meditates under the Bodhi tree at the age of 35, and he reaches the truth on the

fourth day; he wakes up as the „enlightened‟ Buddha and the Buddha doctrine is based on

four truths (Michell 1989:32). The iconography of the swastika in Buddhism is integrated

with the four door concept of Sufism on the wooden door of the Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi Shrine; thus it is placed into an Islamic framework. In this respect, a later example of using

the swastika in an Islamic context can be found in an Ottoman period manuscript album

(Museum of Turkish and Islamic Art,Inv. 1443) attributed to calligrapher Ahmed Karahisari (1540-1550) . The Kufi calligraphic script elhamdulillah written four times in a square,

begins from each border midpoint and ends at the other border midpoint and finally a swastika

design occurs in the middle (Tekin 2006:416).

According to Anne Marie Shimmel, the number four refers to the four phases of Sufi thought (1998: 60).

The four stages of a Sufi leading to the reality of God are shariat (the law)

, tariqat (the path), haqiqat (the truth) and maarifat ( the truth behind the truth) (Ferraro -

Bolat 2007:87). In his book Farkname, Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi describes these stages in detail (Güzel 1996:340-343). In one of his poems he mentioned the phases as symbolized by

four doors:

“I walked around in the garden of Shari‟ a

I looked around in the rose leaf of Tariqa

I held the wing of Haqiqat and flew.

I opened the gate of Maarifat, my friend.”(Ahmed Yesevi 1993: 38)

Referring to the iconography of the doorknockers, the four hobnails placed on the flat surface probably refer to the four gates or phases that should be ascended. The decoration on

the back of the door, the inscription plaque and Yasawi‟s poems support this sentiment. In

addition, the surfaces of the hobnails which are divided into eight slices seem to be complementary to both decorations with a swastika on the back surface of the door. The

swastika and the four-times-written “Holy Gate” inscriptions are placed in an eight- leaved

The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1146

lotus. The perception of the number four, the swastika design and the inscription “The Holy

Gate” are used together although in a more abbreviated design here. This compliments the

idea that four doors should be passed in order to reach heaven, and the way shown by

Yasawi is the best.

The four hobnails very probably symbolized the Sufi term al-awtad, which is also

related to the four stages. Within the Sufi hierarchy, there are four true men, al-awtad (the

pillars), whose stations are the four corners of the world-East, West, North, South.(Armstrong 2001:27). Also al-awtad is the title of the third class of the divine order and refers to the four

holy persons who are accepted as four poles. (Goldziher 1975:419).

Conclusion

In conclusion, it can be stated that Timur bequeathed his vision of the state through art. He encouraged the necessary environment, power and support for every belief and art style to

be integrated into his overall vision. His ideal can be seen in all works of arts that were created

during the Timurid era from the biggest to the smallest. Observations and assessments of the Khawaja Ahmad Yasawi Shrine doorknockers lead to this conclusion All selected designs had

a purpose. From doorknockers to monumental construction every design was used by Timur as

an implement for defining Timurid imperial art.

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The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1150

FIGURES

Figure 1: Khawaja Ahmad Yasavi Shrine. Yasi (Turkestan), Kazakhstan,2000. Author‟s

photograph.

Figure 2: The front panels of the the main door. Yasi (Turkestan) (Nurmuhammedoğlu

1993)

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Figure 3: The doorknockers of the Khawaja Ahmad Yasavi Shrine. Crown, inscription plaque

and door handle parts. Yasi (Turkestan), Kazakhstan,2000. Author‟s photograph .

Figure 4: Detailed view of the handle part. Yasi (Turkestan), Kazakhstan,2000. Author‟s

photograph .

The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1152

Figure 5: The flat surface of the doorknockers. Yasi (Turkestan), Kazakhstan,2000. Author‟s

photograph.

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Figure 6: Mehmed Siyah Qalam. Album. Topkapı Palace Museum, H.2153, fol. 29r.(ĠpĢiroğlu

1985:31)

Figure 7: The eight leaved stylistic lotus design. Front panel of the main door. Khawaja

Ahmad Yasavi Shrine . Yasi (Turkestan), Kazakhstan. Author‟s photograph. (Tekin 2000)

The Yasawi Shrine’s Bronze Doorknockers : An Assessment Of The Timurid Artistic World 1154

Figure 8: The restitution of the eight leaved stylistic lotus design. Front panel of the main

door. Author‟s drawing. (Tekin 2000)

Figure 9: The swastika design on the the back panel . Khawaja Ahmad Yasavi Shrine main door.Yasi (Turkestan), Kazakhstan. Author‟s photograph. (Tekin 2000)

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Figure 10: The swastika design on the the back panel. . Yasi (Turkestan), Kazakhstan.

Author‟s drawing. (Tekin 2000).