Upload
others
View
6
Download
0
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
Abstract:
This project analyses Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o’s novel Weep Not, Child through the framework of postcolonial theory. Through the chosen themes of British Rule, landownership, the role of the Mau Mau, education, and religion, the analysis delves into the characters identification as subjects in a colonial setting. Firstly, a brief historical context of Kenya’s colonial history is described, to create a frame of reference for the following report. Following this is the presentation of the chosen theory: mimicry and ambivalence, hegemony, hybridity, the Third Space and subaltern. The analysis concludes that the characters as subjects in a British colonial government are subjected to an antagonizing system off repression, that stops them from furthering themselves above their status as black Africans. The question of land ownership is especially telling in this regard, with the ownership of land being directly linked to the characters’ self-image as free individuals. The Mau Mau are a violent reaction to this oppression form the British rule, and serve as an outlet for the frustrated Kikuyu youth. Education and religion are both intrinsic parts of the main character Njoroge’s identity. Through the concepts of hybridity and mimicry, Njoroge can combine his Kikuyu heritage and British values. In the discussion it is concluded that the hegemony of British Rule results in the subaltern groups subscribing to the British ideals. This happens either through mimicking the values of the colonial power, as Njoroge does, or outright opposing this hegemony, as in the case of Boro. Ultimately however, it results in tragedy for all the characters, who end up either dead or severely disillusioned with any hopes for a future Kenya.
1
Roskilde University
English
Fall Semester 2017
Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o’s Postcolonial Kenya
Rubén Campos Arjona 59640
Arre Fonteyne 54631
Sylvia Aidé Figueroa Garduño 52594
Nikola Kováčová 51801
Maya Lyngs 55246
Supervisor: Ebbe Klitgård
Сharacter count: 100 554
2
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 3
Motivation .......................................................................................................................... 3
Research Question ............................................................................................................ 4
Delimitation ....................................................................................................................... 4
A brief history of Kenya ..................................................................................................... 5
Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 10
Themes ........................................................................................................................... 11
Theory ................................................................................................................................ 12
Hegemony and the Subaltern .......................................................................................... 12
Hybridity .......................................................................................................................... 13
Ambivalence and Mimicry ................................................................................................ 14
The Third Space .............................................................................................................. 16
Analysis .............................................................................................................................. 17
British Rule ...................................................................................................................... 18
Land ................................................................................................................................ 21
Mau Mau ...................................................................................................................... 24
Religion ........................................................................................................................... 26
Education ........................................................................................................................ 32
Discussion .......................................................................................................................... 36
Education as a Tool of Control ..................................................................................... 37
Mau Mau as the Rebellious Subaltern .......................................................................... 40
Disillusionment with Colonial Kenya ............................................................................. 42
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 43
Works Cited ........................................................................................................................ 45
3
Introduction
The dissolution of the British Empire in the 1950s and 60s was a monumental change in
the cultural perception of the time. The notion of European hegemony was not only
challenged, but overthrown through the secession of British colonies. Especially the
continent of Africa saw numerous new states emerging from the rapidly dissolving
British Empire and with it, the development of a new literary sensibility: the
postcolonial novel. This project examines one such novel, ‘Weep Not, Child’, by Kenyan
author Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o. Ngũgĩ’s authorship has been especially relevant for the
postcolonial movement and its subversion of the British literary tradition, while also
putting Kenya on the map of world literature, contributing to a distinctly African literary
canon.
Motivation
The motivation for this project came from a general interest in the contemporary
literature of the postcolonial period. We were curious as to how authors from these
newly-independent states saw themselves in relation to their former colonial rulers and
how they viewed the uncertain future. For this reason, we chose a contemporary novel
by the well-known post-colonial author, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o. Weep Not, Child was first
published in 1964, the year after Kenya gained independence. Ngũgĩ himself is known as
a literary giant of African literature, not only for his distinctly Kenyan narratives that
feature heavily in his writings but also due to his very critical outlook on colonial
policies. He, therefore, wrote most of his work first in his native language, Kikuyu, and
then translated into English. This especially made us intrigued by his authorship, as his
novel is not only written from the perspective of the colonised but with the voice and
tone of them as well. In particular, we were interested to examine Ngũgĩ ’s
characterisation of the British colonial rule and which influences it had on the emerging
Kenyan nation. This reading of the novel led to us finding specific themes we wanted to
examine further in the context of postcolonial theories, leading us to the main problem
formulation:
4
Research Question
How is colonial Kenya presented through the characters in the novel Weep Not,
Child by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o?
Under this headline, we decided to focus on the characters and their identity within the
colonial framework. Rather than looking at each individual character instead, we will be
looking at how the characters interact with the main themes of the story. The themes
that we found most relevant to our problem definition are how the characters relate to
the contemporary British rule through the Mau Mau rebellion especially, the importance
of land ownership for the characters’ identities, and the influences of religion and
education respectively. To analyse these themes, we chose to utilise the concepts of
subaltern, mimicry, ambivalence, hybridity and the Third Space. These concepts and
theories all deal with different aspects of the relations between coloniser and colonised,
giving us a multifaceted look at the novel and its themes.
Delimitation
As mentioned, we have decided to examine Ngũgĩ’s novel as it is contemporary with
Kenya’s independence, and thus we find it to be closer to the inception of postcolonial
literary theory, not to mention exceptionally relevant to its own historical context.
However, we refrain from making a comparative study of another body of work, as a
resulting analysis would be too broad and unfocused on the themes we initially found so
engaging in the novel.
Another aspect we have limited ourselves from is the aspect of language. As
previously mentioned, Ngũgĩ is widely regarded as a reputable postcolonial thinker,
largely due to his critical thoughts on the use of language in a postcolonial literary
tradition. These are exceptionally prevalent in his work Decolonizing the Mind (1986),
wherein Ngũgĩ discusses the effect the coloniser's language has on its colonial subjects.
However, we have chosen to base our analysis on a number of cultural theories and
concepts in favour of a more linguistic approach, as we did not find a merging of the two
feasible.
In regards to the themes we have chosen, we limit ourselves to the characters
and their identities in the novel, rather than searching for a possible moral message
5
regarding the nation-building of Kenya. As the characters through the novel attempt to
navigate a hostile society, we find that their dreams and ideals for the future are more
crucial to the novel’s progression than our own interpretation of what Ngũgĩ’s Kenya
would look like, based on our reading of this one novel.
The methodological and theoretical approach in this paper falls under the area
postcolonialism. Unlike post-colonialism, which deals with the consequences of
colonialism after countries gain their independence, postcolonialism is not concerned
with the chronological break implied in the former term. Instead, postcolonialism looks
at “who people are before colonization, during colonization, and after colonization” (Elias
2011, 109-110). Importantly, although the novel was published in 1964 - one year after
Kenya’s independence, our analytical focus is on the story which takes place during an
unspecified period under the colonial rule, which is why we use postcolonial critique.
A brief history of Kenya
To gain a more in-depth understanding of how Kenyan society was shaped
during the era of colonialism, this chapter will examine the concrete historical events
referenced in the novel. This provides ample context to understand the period in
question, and how the struggle for independence manifests itself in the fictional
accounts.
British colonization started at the end of the 19th century, with the establishment
of the British Protectorate of Kenya in 1895. As part of the Scramble for Africa, Britain’s
goal was the accumulation of land and natural resources, and, as a more moralistic
reasoning – the civilization of Africa and its people (Ochieng 1985, 82). Following the
expansion of British dominated territory, it was discovered that the highlands north of
Nairobi were extremely well-suited for growing cash crops such as coffee, tobacco and
tea. With the recognition of Kenya as a British Crown Colony, British farmers built their
farms in what became known as ‘the White Highlands’. The native Kikuyu population
were largely uprooted and placed into reserves (Ngũgĩ 2012, 32). In the years following
the British settlements came the Registration Act, which forced all African adult males to
carry identification whenever leaving the reserves to work on the farms (Ochieng 1985,
107). This was one example of racist policies put in place to subdue the native African
6
population. Another example was that only white settlers had permission to grow and
profit from the cash crops leaving the African farmers in poverty relative to their white
counterparts (Kenya Timeline, Crawfurd.dk, 13.11.2017). A personified example of this
is in the character of Mr Howlands in Weep Not, Child, who employs Ngotho on his farm
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 32). Howlands’ attitude towards Ngotho and how it changes in the course
of the novel is a manifestation of this divide between the white settlers and the native
Africans, as will be examined later in the analysis.
“If he employed someone in the house, it was only because his wife had asked for an
extra ‘boy’. And if she later beat the ‘boy’ and wanted him sacked, well, what did that
matter? It was not just that boys had black skins. The question of wanting to know more
about his servants just never crossed his mind.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 30).
Religion can be argued to be part of a colonial heritage that transcends time and
space. Kenya’s religious beliefs have changed over time and thus the narrative contains
a glimpse of this assortment of religions displayed by the characters.
Since 1859, explorers and missionaries were sent to Kenya with the purpose of
“the diffusion of better principles” (Fazan 2014) in order “to open up the interior of
tropical Africa to Christianity and trade”(Fazan 2014) and by the time Kenya was
established as the British Protectorate of Kenya in 1895, the country had already
suffered significant religious changes.
For the purpose of this analysis, the focus will lie on the relationship of the
Kikuyu and British colonialism. The next section will briefly introduce the Kikuyu
process of evangelization. Religion in the pre-colonial Kenya was an important aspect of
societies, especially in the Kikuyu tribe, which is based on a system of spiritual belief
that was under constant transformation during colonization (Sandgreen 1982, 196).
The Kikuyu believe in the creator god Ngai, and that “a reservoir of power existed
that could be tapped for the good of all, through proper contact with Ngai and the
ancestors” (Sandgreen 1982, 196). In order to approach the creator Ngai, it is imperative
that the nation is found in a time of crisis, in which Riika senior leaders “would commune
with him through sacrifices at the sacred Mugumo trees”(Sandgreen 1982, 196). This
ritual would be present only when matters over kinship nature arise; “each mbare
leader would gather his descent group together and sacrifice to the family ancestors”
(Sandgreen 1982, 196).
7
However, when the African Inland Mission (AIM) arrived in 1903 the Kikuyu
system of belief changed substantially as a result of the four missions opened around
Kenya (Sandgreen 1982, 196). The change was gradual and multifaceted depending on
geographical zone. The Kikuyu were not pulled towards Christianity by force or due to
territorial enclosement. They had the need to “feel closer to spiritual forces than was
hithertofore available to them” running to the missions (AIM) as a form of refuge from
the “obnoxious colonial situation such as taxation, land alienation, forced labour and even
conscription to the military” (Sandgreen 1982, 196).
Between the years of the First and Second World War, the discontent with the
ruling white government grew, as the mission-educated African youth came of age and
started to organize. Groups such as the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA, formerly
known as the Young Kikuyu Association) and the later political party Kenyan African
National Union (KANU) were created to protest the widely racist policies set in place by
the British government and recover the lands taken by the white settlers (Kenya Colony,
Encyclopedia Britannica, 09.11.2017). This sentiment is widely echoed in Weep Not,
Child, where the Christian Mission schools are widely referenced and the dissatisfaction
of the Kikuyu is a major theme. While the main character of Njoroge attends one of the
missionary schools, his father Ngotho attends a workers’ strike, ultimately costing him
his job at Mr Howlands’ farm (Ngũgĩ 2012, 60-61).
A key player in these groups was Jomo Kenyatta, who would become the first
President of the independent Republic of Kenya. While he does not directly appear as a
character in Weep Not, Child, Kenyatta is often referred to as ‘Black Moses’ and seen as a
symbol for the Kikuyu “Education is the light of Kenya. That’s what Jomo says.” (Ngũgĩ
2012, 40). To fully understand the implications, however, it is worth examining his
specific role in the struggle for independence.
Born around 1894 in Kiambu in the heart of the Central Highlands, Kenyatta
joined the EAA in 1921 along with fellow Kikuyu Harry Thuku. In the 1930s Kenyatta
travelled to England to testify at the British Parliament against more expansive plans to
further unify British East Africa (Uganda, Kenya and, after the First World War,
Tanzania). While he was in Britain, Kenyatta studied at University College London and
the London School of Economics, where he became increasingly critical of the Empire
and its actions, not only in Kenya, but in Africa at large (Jomo Kenyatta, Encyclopedia
8
Britannica, 09.11.2017. In Weep Not, Child Kenyatta’s education is a symbol of his status,
inspiring Njoroge to follow in his footsteps by educating himself “Njoroge thought that
he would like to learn like Jomo and eventually cross the sea to the land of the white man.”
(Ngũgĩ, 2012 40).
After the Second World War, Kenyatta returned alone to Kenya and joined the
Kenya African Union, a political union fighting for more African representation in the
Kenyan government. He was elected the Union’s leader in 1947, quickly gaining
monikers like ‘Great Elder’ or ‘Mzee’, which persisted throughout his life. The KAU had
one goal in mind: independence from British colonial rule. However, it was not the only
group fighting for independence.
The Mau Mau movement was a culmination of oppressive British policies that
put especially the Kikuyu at a disadvantage. With more and more restrictive land
ownership laws, and the conscription of young Kikuyu men into the British Army as so-
called askaris under the Second World War, a revolutionary movement was underway
(Ochieng 1985, 134). Their goal was to drive the British settles out of Kenya, and while
the movement consisted mainly of the disaffected Kikuyu, many other tribes joined as
well. The involvement with the Mau Mau is heavily implied, lending the Mau Mau an air
of mystery and unknowable danger. This was especially furthered by the rumoured
oath-swearing ceremonies which gave the movement an almost cultist renown among
the British colonists. These oaths are never shown directly in the novel, but referred to:
“He would not take the Mau Mau oath at his son’s hand or instruction.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 77).
The nature of the Mau Mau movement was unlike its KAU counterpart, a highly
militaristic effort. Employing guerrilla tactics from the Kikuyu veterans’ experiences in
the Second World War, the movement conducted raids on white settler farms, and
similar acts of sabotage (Mau Mau uprising: Bloody history of Kenya conflict, BBC.com,
07.04.2011). The most prominent actions of the Mau Mau that feature in the novel,
however, are the murders. In the second part of Weep Not, Child, Howlands, now a
District Officer, is finally shot by Boro as revenge for the death of his father (Ngũgĩ 2012,
139-140).
In 1952, the rebellion erupted with the British government declaring a state of
emergency in Kenya and army troops were dispatched to fight the rebellion. The state of
9
emergency entailed curfews and large numbers of Kikuyus being arrested and harassed.
This violence is shown as key moments in Weep Not, Child, for example in chapter 12,
where Njoroge witnesses the murder of his teacher Isaka (Ngũgĩ 2012, 111-112) and
later with his brutal interrogation (Ngũgĩ 2012, 127). The British government used the
Mau Mau as a scapegoat against all African-led political organizations, generalizing
these movements as simply being branches of the vicious Mau Mau rebellion. “Who were
black men and Mau Mau anyway, he asked for the thousandth time? Mere savages! A nice
word – savages.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 86).
The fights continued for 7 years, with 32 casualties on the British side and an
estimate of 25’000 on the Kenyan side (Bloody uprising of the Mau Mau, BBC.com,
07.04.2011). One of the most renowned of these casualties was the Field Marshal Dedan
Kimathi.
Kimathi was widely regarded as the leader of the violent rebellion, but was not a
founder of the movement. Historical accounts are conflicting, but Kimathi joined the
KAU in the late 1940’s and subsequently joined the militaristic Kikuyu-led Mau Mau
movement. He took the oath in 1951 and lead a great number of raids from the base in
the Abedare forest. As a prolific ex-veteran, he became the face of the Mau Mau
movement and was targeted by the colonial government and a heroic figure to Mau Mau
sympathizers (Ngũgĩ 2012, 73-74). Following his arrest in 1956, Kimathi was hanged,
marking the end of the forest wars (Politics of death: How Dedan Kimathi was captured,
Peter Nguli, 04.06.2013).
This hostility towards the black population culminated with the arrest of Jomo
Kenyatta in 1953 and the ban of KAU (Ochieng 1985, 135) (Ngũgĩ 2012, 68). Though
Kenyatta was never involved with the Mau Mau, he was considered a huge inspiration
for the movement, for better or for worse. The British regarded him as a leader of the
movement, and the Kikuyu saw him as a spiritual leader. “To him too, Jomo had been his
hope. Ngotho had come to think that it was Jomo who would drive away the white men.”
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 82). It is around this time that Ngũgĩ’s novel ends; before independence
and with the around Kenyatta’s arrest, thus leaving us with a pessimistic ending for the
Kikuyu protagonists.
10
The end of the colonial period in Kenya was marked by violence against the
native population and the struggle for land ownership. Through an escalation of the
Mau Mau rebellion and the British subsequent attempts to subdue the rebellion, the
novel shows the personal consequences this violent period had for the lives and ideals
of its characters.
Methodology
The analysis of Ngũgĩ’s Weep Not, Child in this paper follows a character analysis
through a number of themes that will be described and developed further below. The
themes were chosen after a close reading of the novel, keeping in mind the theoretical
focus of this research - the intention to explore the concepts of hybridity, ambivalence
and mimicry, and Third Space in the context of colonial Kenya. At the same time, we are
also interested in the working of hegemony in a colonial setting. For these reasons,
looking at the relationships between characters through themes is the most suitable
method to analyze the power struggles and negotiations created, conditioned, inhibited
and permitted by the colonial regime in Kenya.
The analytical framework adopted in the analysis is one of postcolonialism,
which is reflected in the selection of Bhabha’s theories of hybridity, ambivalence and
mimicry, and Third Space. This approach to the study of Ngũgĩ’s novel is deemed most
appropriate because of the main goals that postcolonialism has set out, namely to
challenge racist and oppressive practices and discourses, which is done by “including
voices, stories, histories, and images from people traditionally excluded from
European/western descriptions of the world” (Bauchspies in Ritzer, 2007).
Elias notes that the analysis of postcolonial texts or the postcolonial analysis
starts by deconstructing “the position of the subject in the moment of enunciation; look at
what the subject says, how it says it, in what context, on whose behalf and for whom”
(Elias 2011, 119). In this project, this is done via character analysis, with the objective of
depicting colonial Kenya from the colonial subject’s point of view. In Weep Not, Child,
the story is told from a third-person, omniscient unintrusive point of view, with the
focus on character shifting between the themes that frame the analysis. Looking at the
point of view implemented in the novel allows for the destabilization of power relations
(Elias 2011, 112) inherent in the colonial character of the then Kenya which Ngũgĩ was
11
writing in and about. Elias (2011, 119) also suggests that when dealing with a
postcolonial text, it is necessary to investigate the field of marginality in a given text and
analyze what tension this move creates.
Themes
The themes that structure the analysis are British Rule, Mau Mau, Land, Religion,
and Education. Our reading posits these themes as in a mutual interplay. Looking at how
the characters engage with the themes allows us to trace the ways in which Ngũgĩ
portrays the conflict that took place in the 1950’s, and how he sketches the relations of
the oppressed and the oppressors.
As the name suggests, the first theme revolves around the presence of the British
in Kenya. This section analyses the broader relationships and interactions between the
colonizers and the colonized in Weep Not, Child.
The second theme, the Mau Mau, explores the emergence of the revolutionary
group that sought to liberate Kenya from the oppressive colonial system. Like the
section on British Rule, this analysis allows us to examine the historical context of the
setting and how it is portrayed by Ngũgĩ.
The third theme, land, is closely tied to the previous theme, as it ties in with the
conflict of land ownership, as mentioned in the section on historical context. Here the
relationship of the natives and the settlers to the land is explored through the
characters of Ngotho, Boro and Mr Howlands.
Religion stands out as an important factor in the encounter between the
Christian British colonizers and American missionaries (Sandgren 1982), and the belief
system of the Kikuyu people. In our analysis of this theme, we aim to explore how
religion shapes the world views of the characters of Njoroge and his family and Mr
Howlands in the novel.
Lastly, education is a significant theme when studying hybridity in Ngũgĩ’s work,
as it provides a fertile space for the interactions and consequent negotiations between
the different classes represented in the novel.
12
Theory
Hegemony and the Subaltern
Hegemony and the subaltern are key concepts in Gramsci’s work (Bates 1975,
351; Green 2002, 1). The concept of the subaltern was developed gradually throughout
the Prison Notebooks: Notebook 1 mentions the subaltern only in relation to hierarchy
in military rankings (Green 2002, 4), whereas in Notebook 3 one already finds the
subaltern as an issue of social class, where the tension between the subordinate and the
ruling groups is central. The term was then narrowed down to stand for “slaves,
peasants, religious groups, women, different races, and the proletariat” in Notebook 25
(Green 2002, 2). Subalternity is thus constituted by a wide range of groups whose social
and political organization varies significantly (Green 2002, 10), and whose only
common trace is their submission to the ruling groups (Louai 2011, 5). Consequently,
while some groups “leave no traces of their development, […] others have “advanced” to
the point where they have the ability to come to power” (Green 2002, 11).
Gramsci’s inquiry into the position of the groups he defined as subaltern revolves
around their genesis and the socio-political causes that brought it about, their agency in
the domains of politics, history and literature, and the possibility for the transformation
of their status quo (Green 2002, 3) - the latter imagined by Gramsci as a permanent
victory which subverts the master-slave relation, and realized by “releasing the
subordinated consciousness of non-elite group from the cultural hegemony exercised by
the ruling class” (Louai 2011, 5).
Furthermore, hegemony is described as “political leadership based on the consent
of the led, a consent which is secured by the diffusion and popularization of the world view
of the ruling class.” (Bates 1975, 352) This is related to an important shift in the
understanding of state’s relationship to power. The state does not possess the power to
subject people per se, that is, “man is not ruled by force alone, but also by ideas.” (Bates
1975, 351) Hegemony complements the political domination of social groups by the
ruling class. In fact, without hegemony, the subaltern’s subordination to the ruling
groups is not possible. Gramsci indicated that hegemony operates in the realm of civil
society (the church, newspapers, trade unions, schools, etc.) where the dominant
group’s values and ideology become appropriated (Green 2002, 7). As an implication,
13
any value or norm of the dominant society becomes internalized and adopted as ‘truth’
and ‘common sense’ by those subordinated to the ruling class (Green 2002, 21).
When studying the subaltern, the risk of encountering a text which
misrepresents and misinterprets the subaltern groups complicates the tracing and
producing of the subaltern history (Green 2002, 14). Therefore, each representation or
interpretation of the subaltern history, conditions, and aspirations needs to be
understood as stemming from a specific context which influences the portrayal of
subalternity (Green 2002, 15).
The study of Weep Not, Child in this project is one of the many possible ways of
analysing hegemony and the subaltern in colonial Kenya. One should keep in mind that
we are dealing with a work of fiction, and therefore the representations of the colonial
relations are deeply dependent on the author’s position. As mentioned earlier in the
introduction, we are treating the novel as a postcolonial work and our overall
framework is that of postcolonialism, thus the portrayal of the subaltern and hegemony
in Weep Not, Child are treated in accordance with this framework.
Hybridity
This concept seeks to transcend and break with the barriers of conventional
western modes of thought that construe ethnicity “as unified and unitary set of beliefs,
practices, and configurations” (Klages 2006, 159).
In the Location of Culture, Homi K. Bhabha exhorts the reader to step out of the
conventional modus operandi and to reconstruct the modern world within a new line of
thought. As we leave behind the ‘primary and conceptual’ (Bhabha 2004, 2) categories
and bring forth new conceptualizations of the self, Bhabha asserts that we “need to think
beyond narratives of originary and initial subjectivities and to focus on those moments or
processes that are produced in the articulation of cultural differences” (Bhabha 2004, 2).
From these ‘moments or processes’, Bhabha mentions, emerge fragments of ‘in-between
spaces’ where it is possible to assemble “new strategies for selfhood— singular or
communal— that initiate new signs of identity, and innovative sites of collaboration, and
contestation, in the act of defining the idea of society itself” (Bhabha, 2004, 2). The hybrid
represents this step towards a new conceptualization and construction of the subject
that is characteristic of Post structuralism (Klages 2006, 159).
14
Bhabha’s position emerges from a deconstructionist approach that aims to
transcend from the logic of binary oppositions and essentialist notions characteristic in
structuralism (Lal and Lal 1997, 72). Cultural differences, comprehended within a
Structuralist perspective, are based on a system of binary oppositions, unities always in
contrast to each other (McQuillan 2000, 8). However, according to Bhabha, these
cultural differences constructed within binary oppositions and ‘singular or communal’
milieus ought to be seen as an ‘ongoing negotiation ’(Bhabha 2004, 3), not as a part of a
‘pre-given ethnic or cultural trait’ (Bhabha 2004, 3) which allows to reassess identity
construction. Thus, hybridity refers to the subject located in an “interstitial passage
between fixed identifications” which “opens up the possibility of a cultural hybridity that
entertains difference without an assumed or imposed hierarchy” (Bhabha 2004, 5).
In postcolonial discourse, the hybrid transcends the boundaries of the binary
oppositions colonizer/colonized, west/rest and self/other discourses, and hails its
construction as a “superior cultural intelligence through the advantage of ‘in-
betweenness’, the straddling of two allures and the consequent ability to ‘negotiate the
difference’” (Hoogvelt 1997, 170). The concept of hybridity will shed light on the
characters in the novel and their development through the narration. By analysing the
characters throughout different themes we will unravel how the characters are
constructed through the lens of postcolonial context.
Ambivalence and Mimicry
Bhabha’s concepts of ambivalence and mimicry are, according to his own work, an
unavoidable result of colonial discourse and the exertion of its authority over the
colonized. It is precisely in the space in which colonizer and colonized meet that these
concepts arise as a consequence of colonial interaction.
Ambivalence, Bhabha explains, “describes the complex mix of attraction and repulsion
that characterizes the relationship between colonizer and colonized” (Ashcroft 2007, 10).
This notion assumes that the relationship between the two is not a matter of clear-cut
divisions, such as total assimilation or absolute rejection, but rather something in
between and something fluid. This ambivalence emerges from the way in which the two
agents, colonized and colonizer, interact, and at the same times shapes the way in which
they relate to each other. If the status of the colonized is to be perceived as a layered
15
reality of ambivalent attitudes, the position of the colonizer is equally nuanced, since
“the way in which colonial discourse relates to the colonized subject […] may be both
exploitative and nurturing, or represent itself as nurturing, at the same time.” (Ashcroft
2007, 10). According to Bhabha, the role of ambivalence in colonial discourse is a key
concept in the analysis of colonial relationships, for it is this ambivalence that can
ultimately bring the downfall of colonial domination.
The concept of ambivalence and its aforementioned implications can only be
understood when paired with the concept of mimicry. Bhabha defines colonial mimicry
as “the desire for a reformed, recognizable Other, as a subject of a difference that is almost
the same, but not quite.” (Bhabha 2004, 122) Thus, the colonialized is turned into a
mimic, a version of the colonizer that looks like itself but it is not. This is done as a
means of control, to ensure the compliance of the colonized subject not through
assimilation, but through a process of mimesis that results in a colonized individual that
is, as an example, “Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, opinions, in morals,
and in intellect.” (Ashcroft 2007, 125). As a result of colonial action, a type of individual
emerges that is neither/or, for the adoption and adaption of the English language and
the English customs, amongst which religion can be included, are not total and
complete. There is no assimilation, no “harmonization of repression of difference, but a
form of resemblance” (Bhabha 2004, 128); mimicry is a camouflage rather than a
transformation. Thus, the ambivalent nature of colonial discourse converges in and is
revealed by the result of colonial authority: “mimicry repeats rather than re-presents”
(Bhabha 2004, 128) or rather, the imitator is not what it imitates. As a consequence, this
“flawed colonial mimesis, in which to be Anglicized is emphatically not to be English”
(Bhabha 2004, 128), enables a “splitting of colonial discourse so that two attitudes
towards external reality persist; one takes reality into consideration while the other
disavows it and replaces it by a product of desire that repeats, rearticulates ‘reality’ as
mimicry” (Bhabha 2004, 130), this product being the colonized subject.
If mimicry poses a threat to colonial power, Bhabha argues, it is because it makes of the
colonial subject a ‘partial’ presence, an uncertainty that is born from the repetition of
signs the implications of which does not necessarily understand or accept (Bhabha
2004, 123). These elements, be they language, religion or custom, become in the hands
of the colonized a partial presence like itself, an empty repetition, a mockery of the signs
of authority of the colonizer (Bhabha 2004, 172). In other words: “mimicry reveals the
16
limitation in the authority of colonial discourse”(Ashcroft 2004, 125). Thus, the colonizer,
in articulating the colonial discourse around difference, enables and at the same time
promotes the emergence of ambivalence and mimicry, elements through which,
according to Bhabha, the limitations and weaknesses of colonial discourse are exposed
(Bhabha 2004, 162).
Taking into account the definitions of ambivalence and mimicry presented in this
chapter, the characters of Weep Not, Child will be analysed according to their
relationship with colonial discourse and the way it affects their own depictions and that
of a postcolonial Kenya.
The Third Space
The Third Space of enunciation is a term coined by Homi K. Bhabha and can roughly be
defined as “an alternative place that emerges once people of different cultures try to
negotiate and transgress the boundaries between Self and other” (Ikas and Wagner 2009,
123). Bhabha sees an opposition in the relation between the first space, the indigenous,
and the second space, the colonial. This opposition is the difference in power the
colonizer has over the colonized. The Third Space comes into play when an individual
from either the first or second space tries to interact with the other’s culture. It is
neither a real physical place nor a spiritual place but rather acts as an in-between place.
Bhabha approaches this space through literature and language and views it “as a process
that opens up and broadens horizons for translating and communicating the multiple
elements and experiences of the self and the other that are simultaneously present and
thought to interact in a contact zone” (Ikas and Wagner 2009, 130). The Third Space,
therefore, breaks away from duality contrasts like ‘man and woman’ or ‘colonizer and
colonized’ and instead look at how each pair influences each other in a mutual exchange
relationship instead of an either-or relationship (Ikas and Wagner 2009, 130). The
Third Space is closely linked with the previously mentioned idea of hybridity, as
hybridity opens up the way for the Third Space. Bhabha sees Hybridity as the Third
Space, as it enables the new positions to emerge. As Bhabha goes on to say in his work
The Commitment to theory (1988) “It is that Third Space, though unrepresentable in itself,
which constitutes the discursive conditions of enunciation that ensure that the meaning
and symbols of culture have no primordial unity or fixity; that even the same signs can be
17
appropriated, translated, rehistoricized, and read anew.” (Bhabha 1988, 21). The main
use of the Third Space in the project is seeing when the novel goes beyond the
dichotomies of colonizer and colonized and instead shows us a Third Space and to see
how this is then used in the novel.
Analysis
As previously mentioned, the themes that will be analysed are British rule, Land and the
Mau Mau, religion and education. But before getting to the main themes of the novel it is
important to analyse the notion of race and class. While race and class are not as big of a
theme as the others, it is important to briefly analyze them as they are present
throughout the background of the novel. However, race and class will be relevant
throughout the analysis.
There is a clear class and racial hierarchy shown throughout Weep Not, Child. At
the top, we have the white British settlers, followed by the Indians, and then the native
Kenyans. Within each of the groups, some further subdivision can be seen. The white
settlers are the ruling class but also get the best lands and freedom to grow the cash
crops. While the Indian perspective is not prevalent in the novel there are a few scenes
with them. In these few scenes, they are mainly shown as shopkeepers who go out of
their way to help white customers while being somewhat dismissive of the native
Kenyans. During the interlude between parts 1 and 2, the concept of a colour bar is
introduced. As Njoroge goes on to say “black people had no land because of the colour
bar, and they could not eat in hotels because of colour bar. Colour bar was everywhere.
Rich Africans could also practise colour bar on the poorer Africans” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 69). The
rich Africans using the colour bar on poorer Africans can be seen in the relationship
between Jacobo and Ngotho.
Within the family of Njoroge, there is also a hierarchy present. His father Ngotho
is the absolute head of the house. Between Ngotho’s two wives there is also a hierarchy
between first wife and second wife (Ngũgĩ 2012, 10). Males are also separated from
those who are uncircumcised and seen as boys and those who are circumcised and seen
as men. Lastly, there is also a dichotomy between younger and older generations which
in mainly shown through Ngotho and Boro.
18
This distinction of race and class sets the scene of which hierarchies the novels
operate within. Having established this, we are further observant of how the characters
relate to each other across the established ranks of the community.
British Rule
The setting of Weep Not, Child is in colonial Kenya, where the British Empire and
its oppressive laws shape the lives of the main characters, for better or for worse.
Referencing the restrictive land laws from the start of the 20th century, the richest
characters in the novel are the ones allowed farm cash crops of tea and pyrethrum. Mr
Howlands, the main antagonist, is one, and Jacobo, the local Kikuyu chief is the other. Mr
Howlands is throughout the novel a manifestation of the British settler. Through a close
third-person narration, the reader is shown Mr Howlands train of thought and how he
identifies with this persona of the settler. Though British himself, Howlands does not
seem interested in Britain or British ideals, but is instead alienated from his home
country, and by extension, his family. He does not acknowledge England as his home or
a higher authority, neither does he identify as Kenyan, native or otherwise. “To submit to
his wife was to listen to the voice of England. He would reduce everything to his will. That
was the settlers’ way.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 87). This characterization of Howlands being neither
Kenyan nor English allows him to enact Bhabha’s mimicry, as he finds himself creating a
new identity outside the established culture of the two countries. This is especially
significant for Howlands’ relationship with his surroundings, which will be examined
further in the question of land ownership.
With Mr Howlands as the novel’s manifestation of British rule, Jacobo is his
subordinate and an example of the cronyism that was established during this period.
“Although the British officials later realised that most Kenyan societies, especially
the Akamba and Kikuyu, did not have traditional chiefs and were ruled through councils of
elders, they nevertheless retained these artificial chieftainships as a convenient, even
necessary, instrument of colonial rule.” (Ochieng 1985, 106).
As the only African in the community allowed to grow pyrethrum, Jacobo’s status
and wealth are immediately elevated from his African peers. In the extremely
hierarchical structure of the community, Jacobo is closer to the European ideal than
Ngotho and his family, as seen in how he and his wife behave.
19
“The place looked like a European’s house and Njoroge was always overawed by
the atmosphere around the whole compound.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 18) “... she never liked her
children to associate with primitive homes” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 19).
However, as an African, he remains subservient to Mr Howlands, which becomes
especially clear in the second part of the novel, where Jacobo becomes his assistant. It is
clear from their relationship that Mr Howlands does not hold Jacobo in any regard,
unlike Ngotho. Jacobo however, seems ignorant of this fact, merely relishing in his
position of power and how it allows him to torment Ngotho and his family:
“Their detention would make it easier to keep an eye on this Ngotho because as I
was telling you he may be the real leader of the Mau Mau.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 88). This
relationship between the two echoes Bhabha’s concept of mimicry. In his close
proximity to the colonial powers, Jacobo finds himself trying to mirror this power
through assimilating to English sensitivities “Jacobo, gun in hand, came in. He removed
his hat and folded it respectfully.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 87). On the other hand, Howlands
despises Jacobo for this and views him on par with the rest of the African population: as
savages “ Mr Howlands despised Jacobo because he was a savage. But he would use him.”
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 86). This again is in line with Bhabha’s explanation of mimicry, as
Howlands’ repulsion of the colonized attempts of adapting into the English manner
seems to him hollow and ignorant.
Jacobo functions as a pawn in a larger conflict, where his own goals are clear, but
his options to pursue this are limited to the will of his superior. He is little more than a
minion of the oppressive British colonial system and his position is a result of
Howlands’ ‘divide and conquer’-mentality, as is revealed in chapter 10: Howlands had in
fact helped Jacobo to get permission to grow pyrethrum. In turn, Jacobo had helped him to
recruit labour and gave him advice on how to get hard work from them.” (Ngũgĩ 2012,
87).
This strict hierarchy of the community becomes the main source of conflict in the
novel. Jacobo is set up as a lackey for the British government, making him the target of
envy from his African peers. Meanwhile, Ngotho and his family live in relative poverty,
with Ngotho working as a squatter on Mr Howlands’ farm and Kamau working as a
carpenter. Boro, having returned from the Second World War, has no land of his own
and very bleak prospects of finding work, leaving him disillusioned and bitter. This
bitterness will be examined further in relation to the question of land. In general, the
20
characters are all dissatisfied with the situation and the British rule at large. Ngotho
comes to this conclusion after the conversation with Mr Howlands, where it is revealed
that he, and the British colonizers at large, will never leave (Ngũgĩ 2012, 32-33). Kamau
further articulates the sentiment: “‘And they have left their country to come and rob us
acres of what we have?’
‘Yes. they are robbers” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 46).
The conflict escalates with the arrest of Jomo Kenyatta in the interlude of the
novel and the instalment of the state of emergency that follows it. The oppression of the
Kikuyu increases and the British colonial government becomes stricter, as seen with the
appointment of Mr Howlands as the DO. Embittered by the Mau Mau’s audacity to
challenge his rule, he is no longer simply indifferent to the African population, but
vehemently despises them.
“Previously he had not thought of them as savages or otherwise, simply because he
had not thought of them at all, except as part of the farm - the way one thought of donkeys
or horses in his farm…” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 86).
Here we see Howlands’ actively subscribing to the racist colonial rhetoric on
black Africans, and thus he becomes a more overt manifestation of the British
colonizers. His actions as D.O further this notion, as seen in the instructions he gives
Jacobo, who is now his assistant: “Just keep an eye on the sons. Arrest them for anything -
curfew, tax, you know what.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 88). The image of the black Jacobo being
subordinate to the white Mr Howlands serves as an overt statement of the hierarchy
between them, furthered by Jacobo obediently referring to Mr Howlands as ‘sir’.
Jacobo’s status as the accomplice of the British rule is escalated and he uses this position
of relative power to further his own goals of revenge against Ngotho and his family.
The first explicit death in the novel is at the hands of a British soldier, when
Njoroge witnesses the murder of one of his favourite teachers, who is suspected of being
Mau Mau (Ngũgĩ 2012, 111-112). The death is especially traumatic, as the teacher Isaka
is not hostile towards the British, to begin with, but attempts to appeal to the assumed
shared Christian values between himself and the soldiers. “Where had he left his
documents? Satan had made him forget them at home. But the white soldier knew better.
Isaka was a Mau Mau.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 111). Like Howlands against Jacobo, the white
soldier resents Isaka’s appropriation of English culture, but unlike Howlands, the
21
soldier punishes Isaka with this mimicry, using Jesus against him. “‘Come this way and
we’ll see what Jesus will do for you.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 111).
From the perspective of the main protagonists, the British colonial rule sets up
an oppressive framework, that Ngotho and his family are trapped within. Unable to
advance within the system, they attempt to rebel in various ways, but are violently
stopped by the laws of the land. “The white man makes a law or a rule. Through that rule,
he takes away the land and then imposes many laws on the people concerning that land
and many other things, all without people agreeing on it first as in the old days of the
tribe.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 82). The laws are set in place to further subdue the African
characters, who in turn attempt to further rebel against the hostile environment with
tragic consequences.
Land
In Weep Not, Child, the topic of land ownership is the centre of conflict, not just
as a means of survival, but as a question of identity. In the beginning of the novel,
Ngotho tells the Kikuyu creation myth of Gikuyu and Mumbi, wherein Ngai, the God of
creation, bestowed the land to the Kikuyu people and clans “This land I hand over to you.
O Man and woman - It’s yours to rule and till in serenity sacrificing - Only to me, your God,
under my sacred tree…”(Ngũgĩ 2012, 24). This sets up land ownership as a divine and
fundamental aspect of Kikuyu culture, which the characters echo throughout.
As the patriarch of his family, Ngotho’s main goal and purpose is to provide for
his wives and children and in the start of the novel, he seemingly lives up to this ideal,
having enough excess to provide his youngest son Njoroge with an education (Ngũgĩ
2012, 12). Ngotho is very traditional in the sense that he believes in the prophecy of
Mugo wa Kibiro, that the white men will return to England, and he will once again
return to his ancestral land. This reverence of the prophecy shows Ngotho’s belief in the
divine right he as a Kikuyu has to the land he lives on and tends to. However, when Mr
Howlands makes it clear that he is going to stay permanently in chapter 3, Ngotho finds
that he is forced to be more proactive in reclaiming his land and his authority. This
matter becomes more pressing when his veteran son Boro clearly challenges his
authority and urges him to take the Mau Mau oath: “He would not take the Mau Mau oath
at his son’s hand or instruction.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 77). As the novel progresses, Ngotho is
22
seen gradually stripped of his authority as the patriarch of his family, leading him to
attack Jacobo during the strike. “For one single moment Jacobo crystallized into a
concrete betrayal of the people. He became the physical personification of the long years of
waiting and suffering – Jacobo was a Traitor.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 62). Ngotho’s resentment of
Jacobo also stems from the fact that it is his land that Ngotho’s family lives on. The
attack on Jacobo forces Ngotho and his family to leave Jacobo’s land, leaving them more
destitute than ever. Following the state of emergency, Ngotho murders Jacobo and is
subsequently imprisoned, tortured and dies as a result. This continuing failure as the
patriarch of the family is represented in Ngotho’s seemingly diminishing masculinity
relating back to his loss of the land.
“Was he a man any longer, he who had watched his wife and son taken away
because of breaking the curfew without a word of protest? [...] He came back to his seat, a
defeated man, a man who cursed himself for being a man with a lost manhood.” (Ngũgĩ
2012, 89)
His second eldest son defies him by not only joining the Mau Mau, but also
pressuring his elder to join. Ngotho resists not due to his own moral direction, but out of
pride and respect for the traditional order (Ngũgĩ 2012, 77). Later in the novel, after
murdering Jacobo, Ngotho is castrated at the hands of his jailers (Ngũgĩ 2012, 128).
They have physically and metaphorically stripped Ngotho of his last shred of status as
the patriarch. On his deathbed, he laments this loss in front of Boro “You too have com
back - to laugh at me? Would you laugh at your father? No. Ha! I meant only good for you
all.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 135). His quest to return to his own land ends in failure and leaves his
family to fend for themselves.
Boro, being the now eldest son after his brother’s death in the Second World
War, returns home cynical at the status quo. His father notes that he is ‘changed’ on
numerous occasions and is alienated from his family. He opposes the white rule of their
land, being the first to articulate that Howlands’ ownership of their ancestral land being
unjust:
“I grew up here, but working (here Ngotho looked all around the silent faces and then
continued) ... working on the land that belonged to our ancestors…”
“You mean the land that Howlands farms?” Boro’s voice was cracked, but clear.” (Ngũgĩ
2012, 26)
23
Though very embittered and opposed against the white rule, Boro had very
contradictory motivations in joining the Mau Mau, as seen in the discussion he has with
his lieutenant:
“Don’t you believe in anything?
No. nothing. Except revenge.
Return of the lands?
The lost land will come back to us maybe. But I’ve lost too many of those whom I loved for
land to mean much to me. It would be a cheap victory.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 112).
This ambivalence is carried on from the rootlessness Boro has been subjected to
after his return, having no job to return to, and more importantly, no land he can claim
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 26).
Like his father, Boro views the land as the birthright of his people and his culture. Along
with his brother who lost his life in the war, Boro has had the very land and soul of his
people stolen by the white colonizers.
As mentioned before, the character of Mr Howlands functions for a stand-in for the
British presence in the novel, but when it comes to the theme of landownership,
Howlands interestingly takes on the prevalent African values, subverting them into his
own. Like Ngotho, he is a veteran of the First World War, and has lost a son in the
Second World War (Ngũgĩ 2012, 32). And like Ngotho, his reaction to this trauma is to
focus on his farm and the land.
“Mr Howlands lost all faith - even the few shreds that had begun to return. He
would have destroyed himself, but again his god, land, came to the rescue. He turned all his
efforts and energy into it. He seemed to worship the soil.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 32).
As mentioned, Mr Howlands’ identity as a settler takes precedence over his
identity as a British citizen and as a settler, he identifies more with the land itself than
the people in it. This reverence of the land as something divine creates a strange
dynamic between Howlands and his surroundings, where he identifies the land itself as
his reason for being, and sees it as an extension of himself. Contrasting with Ngotho and
Boro’s views of their land as being an inheritance from the god Ngai, Howlands has a
more pantheistic view of the land as God itself, as seen in the quote above. Even so, his
reverence of the land is more reminiscent of Kikuyu world views than English ones,
lending him an air of ambivalence according to Bhabha. In Bhabha’s view, the cultural
24
exchange goes both ways between the colonizer and the colonized. In Howlands’ case,
he is not only taking over originally Kikuyu lands, but Kikuyu values as well.
In lieu of British ideals or colonial mindsets, Howlands does not see the land as
something to colonize or civilize, in fact, he does not particularly care about the people
living there and how they fare. This is especially clear in his relationship with Ngotho
“Ngotho was too much a part of the farm to be separated from it.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 31). In
this quote, Howlands does not view Ngotho as belonging to any ethnic group or race,
but to the land he farms, and to Howlands himself. That is why when Ngotho then joins
the strike, Howlands’ reaction is so violent and hate-filled. It is an act of rebellion at
Howlands’ position of power in the hierarchy of colonial rule, but more so, it is an act of
rebellion against what Howlands perceives as the natural and divine order. Howlands’
goal to preserve his dominion of the land continues throughout the novel. His final
words before being killed by Boro are: “This is my land.” (Ngũgĩ 2012,140).
In summary, the theme of land ownership is presented as a question of identity,
rather than of law. The characters each struggle claim ownership of what they see as
their rightful place of belonging. This struggle proves fatal for both Ngotho and Mr
Howlands, who are both killed in the name of preserving their claim to the land and
Boro is forced into exile after avenging his father’s death.
Mau Mau
In Weep Not, Child, the Mau Mau movement do not feature as directly as the
colonial British rule. They are not characterized as an unambiguously righteous
organisation, and except for an unnamed lieutenant in chapter 12, they are not
represented by any one character. The first mention of them happens in chapter 9
during a discussion between Njoroge and his schoolmates.
“The homeguards with their white masters. They are as bad as Mau Mau.’ ‘No. Mau
Mau is not bad. The Freedom boys are fighting against white settlers. Is it bad to fight for
one’s land?’” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 79).
“’I like K.A.U and fear Mau Mau’” (Ngũgĩ 2012 80).
In the first part of the novel the Mau Mau are given an air of mythology, as the
younger and more naïve characters describe the leader, Dedan Kimathi as a magical
figure “That’s the point. Dedan can change himself into anything - a white man, a bird, or a
tree. He can also turn himself into an aeroplane. He learnt all this in the Big War.” (Ngũgĩ
25
2012, 74). However, as the novel progresses, and the situation turns more dire, the Mau
Mau become more tangible and provide a last resort for the character of Boro. However,
they also provide the colonial government with ample justification for committing
violent crimes against the Kikuyu, as seen with the death of Teacher Isaka (Ngũgĩ 2012,
111-112).
As mentioned, Boro returns from the Second World War to a community he
cannot place himself into. Without having any land or work to return to, he grows more
hostile towards the colonial powers that have placed him in this situation
“When the war came to an end, Boro had come home, no longer a boy but a man
with experience and ideas, only to find that for him there was no employment. There was
no land on which he could settle. Even if he had been able to do so.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 26).
This relates back to the actual historical roots of the Mau Mau, wherein many of
the members had a background in the British army as askaris (Ochieng 1985, 125).
However, these sentiments are not echoed by his father, and so Boro comes to resent
Ngotho for his placidness in the face of the colonial system, in this case: Ngotho’s
employment at Mr Howlands’ farm.
“’How can you continue for a man who has taken your land? How can you go on serving?’
He walked out, without waiting for an answer.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 27)
Boro’s antagonism towards his father is thus a challenge to his authority at the
helm of the family, as seen when he attempts to pressure Ngotho into taking the oath
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 77). Boro’s own motivation for joining the Mau Mau movement is however
very ambivalent, as seen in the dialogue with his lieutenant.
“Boro had always told himself that the real reason for his flight to the forest was a
desire to fight for freedom. But this fervor had soon worn off. His mission became a mission
of revenge.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 112).
Here it becomes clear that his motivation is not just to reclaim the land that the
British have stolen from his family, as is articulated in chapter 2 (Ngũgĩ 2012, 26-27).
This further shows how detached Boro is from the community surrounding him, as he is
no longer concerned with the struggle for his land and by extension, his heritage. This
disconnects him from his culture at large, leaving him rootless and concerned only with
his own need for revenge for his fallen brother. His involvement with the Mau Mau,
however, has consequences for Boro’s entire family, as seen in the second half of the
novel.
26
As mentioned, D.O Howlands is not above framing the family for even minor
offences (Ngũgĩ 2012, 89). This becomes startlingly clear with the incarcerations of Kori
and Njeri, which again leads Boro to blame his father’s cowardice. “They have taken my
mother and brother away!’ Boro slowly repeated. […] ‘Curfew…’ And then turning his voice
to Ngotho, ‘And you again did nothing?’” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 90).
Displaced by the British powers and alienated from his own culture, Boro’s anger
is directed solely at the colonizers and their cronies. However, this displacement from
having fought in a British War also influences Boro in terms of his soldiering skills “Boro
had learnt to be a good marksman during the Second World War.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 140). In
killing Howlands with the same techniques he acquired in the war, Boro has come full
circle as a weapon used by the British, now towards the British. As Orwell wrote: “There
is one thought which every white man [...] thinks when he sees a black army marching
past. ‘How much longer can we go on kidding these people? How long before they turn
their guns in the other direction?” (Ochieng 1985, 125).
Religion
This section focuses on the characters’ religious influences observed through the
concept of hybridity. As mentioned before, the concept of the hybrid in postcolonial
theory refers to the individual as being beyond the boundaries of the binary oppositions
colonizer /colonized underlining the fact that such being must be of “superior cultural
intelligence through the advantage of ‘in-betweenness’, the straddling of two allures and
the consequent ability to ‘negotiate the difference’” (Hoogvelt 1997, 170).
It can be argued that the characters in the novel of Weep Not, Child are
constricted by religion as a result of colonialism. Njoroge, for example, could be argued
to be situated between two religious forces, namely Kikuyu’s spiritual beliefs and
Christianity, and thus he navigates between these realms.
“O, mother, you are an angel of God, you are you are you are. Then he wondered: had she
been to a magic worker? Or else how could she have devised his child’s unspoken wish, his
undivulged dream? (Ngũgĩ 2012, 1)
Njoroge, grateful for having the opportunity to go to school, wanders between
the two traditions. His rationalization of God and religion could be argued to exist in an
27
interstitial space, where there are no boundaries or hegemony between the two; he
explores and exercises religion in such a way that can only be understood in the light of
colonialism.
Njoroge is defined as a highly devoted person, as he actively makes a connection
of his religious beliefs and the events going on around him. This is exemplified by
analyzing one specific scene from the first part of the novel (Ngũgĩ 2012, 1). Njoroge’s
mothers and father discuss the strike that is about to happen. Ngotho is not sure
whether to join the strike, and doubtful of his decision he communicates the events of
the meeting to his wives, which result in a family quarrel over what is the best decision
for the family. Njoroge, knowing about this encounter, worries about the future and asks
the Lord about the denouement of this event.
“In his bed, he knelt down and prayed. ‘God forgive me, for I am wicked. Perhaps it
is me who has brought uncleanliness into our home. Forgive me my sins. Help my father
and mother [...] He wanted an assurance. He wanted a foretaste of the future before it
came. In the Old Testament, God spoke to His people. Surely he could do the same thing
now. So Njoroge listened, seriously and quietly [...]” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 56-57).
Njoroge’s religious beliefs go beyond a mimetic process that was ever present in
colonization, but wanders through the realm of the hybrid, according to Bhabha’s
conceptualization.
Furthermore, his relationship to religion goes beyond obedience and belief in
God, he reflects what he has learned from the preacher. He seeks for a better
understanding of what religion consists of and the ways it can be incorporated into the
events around the village and the country. As he does so, he engages in conversation
with Mwihaki and discusses the veracity of the preacher’s words.
“Do you think what he said was true?’
‘What? He said many things .’
‘That Jesus will come soon?’
Njoroge started. He too was thinking about what the old teacher predicted about the
world.
He had been impressed because it all looked so true, war, diseases, pestilence, insecurity,
betrayal, family disintegrations- Njoroge had seen all this [...]
‘I don’t know,’ he at least said.
28
‘Dear Jesus,’ she murmured to herself.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 100).
As seen in the last quotation, there is a need for the character to seek, not the truth, but
a way to comprehend what is happening to him, however, he is critical of the pastor’s
approach.
Moreover, by creating a comparison between Njoroge’s discourse before, during
and after the rebellion and his personal and family experiences, it can be argued that
Njoroge’s faith diminishes as the story continues. The development of the war and the
tragedies that befall his family generate a gradual disbelief in God. For example, the
previous quote, as it has been discussed, shows a character who tries to comprehend
the events around him in relation to his faith. On page 52, however, Njoroge speaks
about the righteousness and equality that should exist in the world.
Njoroge comes to place faith in the Bible and with his vision of an educated life in
the future is a belief in the righteousness of God. Equity and justness are there in the
world.
“If you did well and remained faithful to your God, the kingdom of Heaven would be
yours. A good man gave a reward from God: a bad man would harvest bad fruits. The
tribal stories told to him by his mother had strengthened this belief in the virtue of toil and
perseverance. [...]” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 52).
This serves as a juxtaposition to where his faith has ceased:
“O, God- but why did he call on God? God meant little to him now. For Njoroge had now lost
faith in all the things he had earlier believed in, like wealth, power, education, religion.
Even love, his last hope, had fled from him”. (Ngũgĩ 2012, 145)
Once his education is also taken away from him, Njoroge ceases to rely on
religion to bring perspective, knowledge or even hope to his life. For him, religion is no
longer important. After the horrors that he and his family have endured, there is no
hope left in young Njoroge.
Njoroge's relationship with religion, to conclude, is considered to be in an
interstitial space, and his character could be considered to be a hybrid due to the way in
which he negotiates and navigates both Christian religion and tribal faith without falling
29
into a binary opposition. There is no hegemony reigning in these latter two. He accepts
and is oblivious to the fact that one cannot exist if the other one is present, but he
merges these two traditions becoming part of Bhabha’s hybrid.
Contrary to Njoroge, whose beliefs arise often and are negotiated discussed and
questioned by both of the characters, Njoroge’s elder brothers, Boro and Kamau, have a
different conceptualization of religion.
For Boro and Kamau religion comes in a second plane, as they are more worried
about the future of Kenya and the political situation developing at that moment.
Traditions, as it has been mentioned before, are an intrinsic part of the African
community, and so is storytelling. One particular night their father Ngotho narrates the
story about the creation of the world and the rise and fall of the Kikuyu land brought
upon the white man.
Ngotho narrates how at the beginning of time, Mukuyu, God’s tree, appeared at
the foot of Kerinyaga, or Mount Kenya. At this time the first man and woman (Gikuyu
and Mumbi) were created and the creator god, Ngai, promised the land to the two
(Ngũgĩ 2012 23). Ngotho later surmises that the reason for the occupation of the British
may be a form of divine punishment, as it features in other Kikuyu legends:
“But maybe the children of Mumbi forgot to burn a sacrifice to Murungu. So he did
not shed His blessed tears that make crops grow. The sun burnt freely. Plague came to the
land. Cattle died and people shrank in size. Then came the white man as had long been
prophesied by Mugo wa Kibirio, that Gikuyu seer of old.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 25).
To this story, Boro is enraged from the passive attitude of his father. He thinks
that faith, religion, and superstition will not free the African man.
“As he listened to this story, these entire things come into his mind with a growing
anger. How could these people have left the white man to occupy the land without acting?
And what was all this superstitious belief in a prophecy? In a whisper that sounded like a
shout, he said, ‘To hell with the prophecy.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 27).
Boro’s characterization contrasts Njoroge’s, accentuating the latter’s hybridity even
more. At first, Boro’s approach to religion sets him apart from the other characters, but
as the reader moves forward on the narration we learn that his attitude is, in fact,
ambivalent, for example when Njoroge asks his brother Kamau about Jomo:
30
“(Njoroge) do you think it’s true what father says, that all the land belongs to the black
people?’
‘Yes. Black people have their land in the country of black people. White men have their
land in their own country. It is simple. I think it was God’s plan”
[...]
Who is Jomo?
‘Boro called him the black Moses.’
‘In the Bible?’
‘I don’t know.’
‘I think I’ve heard about that in the Bible’” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 46).
According to Kamau, Boro refers to Jomo as the black Moses, however, the reader
cannot know if the brother actually made a comparison between these two. Njoroge
however, makes the connection right away. From this fragment emerges the discussion
about the intermingling of faiths. On the one hand, Boro despises the British rule and
the occupation of them in the Kikuyu lands. This attitude emerges from the oppression
of the African people, on the other hand, waving a high level of ambivalence, he makes a
comparison between the biblical character and the insurgent Jomo Kenyatta. In the
same manner, the speech of Kiarie is built with the same ambivalence: the rebellion asks
for their land back, argue that God was the one who has sent Jomo to liberate their
people from their oppressive hand.
“He told them how the land had been taken away, through the Bible and the sword.
‘Yes, that’s how your land was taken away. The Bible paved the way for the sword.’ For
this, he blamed the foolish generosity of their forefathers who pity the stranger and
welcomed him with open arms into their world.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 61).
They condemn religion for being the one that ‘paved the way’ and at the same
time, they hail God for having sent Jomo (although it is not clear which god they refer
to). It can be argued that the speech of Kiarie is embedded with both ambivalence
towards the colonized and mimicry of their political ideology.
This could be seen to be part of the colonial influence that is embedded so deeply
that he is unable to see the incongruity. Kamau, appears to conceive religion in a
different way than his brothers, even though there are not so many references or
31
indications as to how he really thinks about religion. The reader can infer that for him
religion does not stand for oppression, and he embraces both traditions. Like Njoroge,
Kamau thinks about religion as a way to express his discontent with the white
occupation in Kenya, if God placed each race on different continents, then why should
the white man occupy the land that was meant for the black man? (Ngũgĩ 2012, 46).
His religious belief is kept within that frame of understanding and he is enraged that the
white settlers have taken away their territory. However, his religious standpoint is not
further elaborated in the narration but it is important to remark the differences
between the three brothers, as each represents a facet of the colonial/postcolonial
consequence in relation to their religious beliefs.
Mr Howlands’ relation to religion, as his conceptualization of previously
mentioned part, breaks with the stereotype of the settler as a missionary and as
doctrinaire. Mr Howlands, in fact, is rid of any religious connotations, and thus it is
reflected in the narration. For him the most important thing is the land that he is taking
care of, that he is cultivating, the land is his muse, his woman and if there were a god,
then his god would be the farm he has created. This sentiment intensifies when the
rebellion starts to unfold, driving the character into a zealous and defensive mode:
“[...] it was no good calling on the name of God, for him, Howlands, did not believe in God.
there was only one god for him - and that was the farm he had created, the land he had
tamed. And who were these Mau Mau who were now claiming that land, his god? [...] He
had been called upon to take up a temporary appointment as a district office. He had
agreed. But only because this meant defending his god. If they claimed the only thing he
believed in, they would see!” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 86).
Mr Howlands’ relationship with the land and god could be compared with
Ngotho’s. The most important thing for both of them, to defend their land and to be able
to have it back, is what drives both of the characters. Their religion in this sense
becomes the love and care they have for their land.
The narration of Weep Not, Child exemplifies the multifaceted construction of
religion in colonial Kenya. Through the characters and their different approaches to
religious beliefs and traditional rituals, the reader is able to understand and to observe
how each character navigates between religious identities.
32
Education
Education plays a very large role throughout the novel. The novel starts off with Njoroge
receiving the news from his mother that he will be sent to school. While the main way
education is viewed in the novel is through Njoroge, we also get a glimpse of education
through the characters of Kamau, Mwihaki and Stephen Howlands. Kamau is doing an
apprenticeship to become a carpenter and Mwihaki and Stephen are both in school.
Throughout the novel, we closely follow Njoroge’s progress through school where he
consistently does well. He progresses from grade to grade and eventually makes it to
high school.
Njoroge has an extremely high regard for education. He sees it as the primary
way to move up in the world. “The vision of his childhood again opened before him. For a
time he contemplated the vision. He lived in it alone. It was just there, for himself; a bright
future” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 3). This idea that education will provide a bright future is
something that Njoroge believes in throughout the novel until just before the end.
Njoroge’s idea of the bright future that education can bring grows over the course of the
novel. While at first, he is happy just to be learning as he becomes older he starts to
dream of eventually going abroad to study. At the start of the novel, the future that
Njoroge is talking about is the idea that education will make one rich. Njoroge believes
that “Jacobo is as rich as Mr Howlands because he got an education” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 4).
Eventually, Njoroge starts seeing education as more than just a bright future for himself
and starts seeing it as the path towards a bright future for Kenya. This is first brought
up by his brother Kamau who, quoting Jomo, says “Education is the light of Kenya”
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 40) and further argued for by Jacobo when Njoroge reveals to him that he
is going to high school: “I hope you do well. It such as you who must work hard and rebuilt
the country. Njoroge felt something jump in him. He saw himself rebuilding the whole
country.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 101). After this Njoroge starts to believe in the idea and shares it
Mwihaki in chapter 13 when trying to instil hope in her about the future. Njoroge also
starts to believe that education is also the way out of the current political situation
when he says “Only education could make something out of this wreckage” (Ngũgĩ 2012,
91).
In the novel receiving an education is a prestigious undertaking. Both for the
individual receiving it but also for the family who is sending them to school, and the
33
surrounding community. This can be seen when Njoroge gets accepted to high school
“The news of his success passed from hill to hill. In spite of the troubled time, people still
retained genuine interest in education. [...] Somehow the Gikuyu people saw their
deliverance as embodied in education.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 116). Njoroge parents also use his
education as a potential way for them to move up in the world. Njoroge’s mother sees
the education of her children as the crowning achievement of her motherhood. But also
uses it as a way to try and gain more prestige over the wife of Jacobo and Mr Howlands,
and would go on to say “It did not matter if anyone died poor provide he or she could one
day say: ‘look, I’ve a son as good as and well educated as any you can find in the land.”
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 16). Njoroge’s father Ngotho sees his son’s education as a way to gain back
his land, and while he recognizes the importance of education, he still believes that
owning land is more important. (Ngũgĩ 2012, 40-41). But at the same time just like his
wife, Ngotho does gain a sense of pride from having one of his sons in school and
compares himself as now being more equal with Jacobo (Ngũgĩ 2012, 12). Lastly,
Njoroge’s brother Kamau sees Njoroge’s education as something that will help out the
entire family and he goes on to say “I could be rich and then we could all help you in
school. Your learning is for all of us. Father says the same thing. He is anxious that you go
on, so you can might bring light to our home” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 40). Njoroge becomes aware
of the demands that are put on him as he is attaining an education:
“He knew that for him education would be the fulfillment of a wider and more
significant vision- a vision that embraced the demands made on him, not only by his father,
but also by his mother, his brothers and even the village. He saw himself destined for
something big, and this made his heart glow” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 41).
Education or more specifically the school itself becomes a Third Space in the
novel. It is already a space where European ideas are merged with Kenyan culture. The
result is that the children in the educational system become hybrids. But it also acts as a
place where both the cultures of the coloniser and colonised can meet on an equal
footing. This can be especially seen during the meeting Njoroge and Stephen have in
chapter 14 at Siriana Secondary School. While both boys had been aware of each other
before this meeting they had never before communicated or interacted due to social
hierarchy boundaries. Now that they are both school boys they are on equal footing.
“Njoroge saw he was not afraid of Stephen. Here in school Stephen was a boy. Njoroge
could not be afraid of a boy.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 120). Within this school, they are free to talk
34
and share ideas with each other which in turn allows both boys to gain a greater
understanding of each other as well as each other’s culture. The boys talk about their
fears, insecurities and home which draws them closer together. “They felt closer together
by a common experience of insecurity and fear no one could escape” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 122).
The school is not only a place where the colonizers’ culture meets the colonized
cultures, but also a place where the different tribes from Kenya come together. Similarly
to how the school is a place for Njoroge and Stephen to come to understand each other,
it also acts as a place for Njoroge to come to understand the different tribes of Kenya.
“Here again, he met boys from many tribes. Again, if these boys had met him and had tried
to practice dangerous witchcraft on him, he would have understood. But instead, he met
boys from other black communities who were like him in every way.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 119).
Siriana Secondary School in the novel becomes a Third Space, as it allows for the
transgression beyond the colonizer and the colonized, and beyond the difference in the
Kenyan tribes. It becomes a place where many can meet, talk and bond as equals. But
most importantly it acts as a place where all the different people who live in Kenya can
learn from each other.
Education in the novel still remains a colonial construct. The schools that Njoroge went
to where all forms of missionary schools. Even when the Kikuyu people try to form their
own school they were shut down by the government (Ngũgĩ 2012, 75). England is also
seen as the centre of learning in the novel. The characters see going to England to learn
as the highest level of education one can achieve. Interestingly in several parts in the
novel the idea of England being the centre of education gets confused with the centre of
education being anywhere but in Kenya, as seen in the discussion between Njoroge and
Kamau about Jacobo’s eldest son:
“People say that because he has finished all the learning in Kenya, he will now go far away
to…’ England.’ Or Burma.’ England and Burma and Bombay and India are all the same
places. You have to cross the sea before you can reach there’. That’s where Mr Howlands
comes from? Yes.’ I wonder why he left England, the home of learning, and came here”
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 4-5).
English is also seen in the novel as the language of the educated. When Ngotho
asks the question as to why Kenyans had no education before the colonizers arrived the
answer that was given is that old Kenyans did not know English (Ngũgĩ 2012, 39).
35
What Ngũgĩ expresses in the novel is that education is an excellent tool for self-
improvement for the youth of Kenya. It can be argued that Njoroge’s experience of
education is a direct reflection of other students of his generation. Ngũgĩ in the novel
does at one point say that “Education for him (Njoroge red.), as for many boys of his
generation, held the key to the future” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 51). But what also becomes apparent
with the novel’s end in mind is that education is the solution to the problems of the
future. Njoroge uses education as a kind of shield to hide from the troubles happening
around him. He is somewhat innocent and ignorant of the current political reality. When
he finally gets dragged into this brutal reality, he is unequipped to cope with it. After his
time in the internment camp, his beliefs crumble around him and he has trouble keeping
a job as a store clerk. Njoroge’s great plans for the future with his education disappear
and he gives up on life. It doesn’t seem like Ngũgĩ argues that education, in the end,
leads to failure; but more than the political situation in Kenya at that time was
destroying people’s lives, dreams and hope. Not even the power of self-improvement
through education is saved from the political situation.
The analysis has examined the characters’ interaction with the main themes of
the book mainly British rule, Land and the Mau Mau, religion and education. Through
the theme of British rule, it becomes apparent that the characters are heavily oppressed
and the strict framework makes it hard for them to move up in the world. The land is
closely connected with the characters sense of identity and how they relate to each
other outside the strict social hierarchy. But while the Mau Mau is also closely
connected with the land question within the novel, they are treated somewhat
ambivalently, although providing the Kenyan characters with a sense of vigilante justice.
In the theme of religion, the combination of Kikuyu mythology with Christian values
provides a multifaceted colonial discourse, which the characters use in their search for
meaning. As an extension of this theme, education plays a central role in the novel and is
the main way characters can better themselves. However the political situation in Kenya
shown in the novel is so dire, that self-improvement through education becomes almost
impossible.
36
Discussion
In this chapter, we will discuss the construction of hegemonic colonial power in the
novel through the themes presented in the previous section. In addition, the intricate
subaltern relationships between the different groups that stem from hegemonic power
will be delineated, also in relation to the themes observed in the analysis. The
discussion will be carried out under the theoretical framework of Antonio Gramsci’s
notion of hegemony and the subaltern and Homi Bhabha’s concept of the hybrid,
mimicry and ambivalence in an attempt to answer our initial question: how is colonial
Kenya constructed in Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o’s Weep Not, Child?
Structures of Power: Establishing Hegemony
Gramsci’s notion of hegemonic power is built upon the idea of consensual ruling.
Although there exists a ruling class that dictates and sets the notions of what is right,
allowed and expected, governance is actually the result of “political leadership based on
consent of the led, a consent which is secured by the diffusion and popularization of the
world view of the ruling class.” (Bates 1975, 352). As a consequence, the subaltern
groups find themselves embracing and internalizing the hegemonic values around
which power is established, thus contributing to their own governance. The binary
nature of the system makes it extremely difficult to break free from, since it is based on
a pervasive mindset that establishes a clear-cut division between the hegemonic power
and the subaltern groups while enticing the ruled group to recreate and perpetuate the
values promoted by the ruling class. This way, there is no desire to achieve
independence from the hegemony, but rather become closer to the ideals sponsored by
it, thus remaining within this binary mindset.
Taking this notion as a point of departure, it is safe to assume that in Weep Not, Child
there exists a clear, dominant hegemony imposed and enforced by the colonizer, often
referred to in the novel as ‘whites’, ‘settlers’ or ‘Europeans’, which rules both by force
and ideology. As it has been elucidated in the analysis, there are some key elements
around which this hegemony is built, and through which the colonizers exert their
power over the subaltern groups in the novel.
Given the colonial context of the novel, it is also important to recall two basic
mechanisms that regulate and allow for the existence of this hegemony: mimicry and
37
ambivalence. As it has been explained in previous sections, ambivalence is born as a
result of the multifaceted relationship that the colonized subject, in this case the
Kenyans, experiences in relation to the colonial power. While there are some characters
that outright reject the presence of the coloniser and meet it with hostility, as Boro for
example, there are others who go through a more nuanced process articulated between
opposite poles of acceptance and rejection, the main example being Njoroge and his
stance regarding education. It is through mimicry, however, that the hegemonic power
exerts the strongest influence. When the colonial subjects accept and interiorize the
alien values imposed by the colonial hegemonic power, they are, both and at the same
time, confirming the grip of colonial rule and singling out the alienness of the values
enforced upon them.
Education as a Tool of Control
As it has been made clear in the analysis, education in Weep Not, Child is a central aspect
of colonization and hegemonic power. From the very beginning, it becomes evident that
the English language and all that relates to it are indeed the path to culture, knowledge
and education. Njoroge accepts this without further considerations, and proceeds to
pursue his education with unflinching resolve.
Education, being managed and arranged by the colonial missions, has a very specific
meaning and a very specific set of implications: it is one of the main pillars around
which hegemonic power is built. The fact that Njoroge does not question the origin or
intention of his education proves that it is indeed serving the main purposes of
hegemony, that is, that of consolidating a common perspective of the world favourable
to the ruling class, the British colonizers in this case, thus ensuring their control over
the subaltern groups.
While, as it has been argued in previous sections, Njoroge remains within the realm of
the hybrid for the most part, there are still events in the novel that mark him as a
colonial subject, vulnerable to the processes that colonial hegemonic power entail and
make use of. The first event, related to the English language, takes place when Njoroge
starts learning English and Mr Howlands´ daughter visits the school:
“‘Good afternoon, children.’
‘Good morning, Sir.’
38
Lucia felt like crying. Had she not taught the correct thing over and over again? She had
been let down. The visitor was explaining that since it was after lunch, after twelve o’clock,
they should talk of ‘afternoon’, and since she was a woman, they should call her ‘Madam.’
‘All right?’
‘Madam!’ shouted Lucia almost hysterically. She could have killed someone.
‘Yes, Madam.’
‘Good afternoon.’
‘Good afternoon, Madam’
But some still clung to ‘Sir’. It had come to be part of their way of greeting. Even when one
pupil greeted another, ‘Sir’ accompanied the answer. “(Ngũgĩ 2012, 50)
Here, the reactions of all the characters involved in this short exchange shed light on the
different conceptions of language and correctness that govern the mindsets of the
characters. On the one hand, Lucia becomes embarrassed at the mistakes of the
children, since it is a European they are talking to, and thus respect should be shown at
all times. What Lucia perceives as a breach of decorum, the children are unable to
acknowledge or even realise, since they are just repeating what they have come to learn
as a general greeting. This is important for two reasons: first, Lucia’s reaction reveals
the underlying but ever-present division between the ruling class, here the Europeans
or colonizers, and the subaltern group, here the Kenyans or colonized. Second, the fact
that the children use the word ‘Sir’ indiscriminately suggests a form of mimicry, thus
making evident the fact the children are, in fact, participating in a hegemonic process
designed to perpetuate their subaltern condition. As Bhabha writes: “Almost the same
but not white: the visibility of mimicry is always produced at the site of interdiction.”
(2004, 128).
Another relevant moment that puts into manifest the inner workings of
hegemony also takes place, precisely, ‘at the site of interdiction’, that is, at school.
Shortly after Njoroge starts attending Siriana Secondary School, he is struck by the
presence of white teachers and the way they relate to Kenyan students and other, non-
white teachers:
“Though he had never come into real contact with white men, if one had met him and had
abused him or tried to put him in his place, Njoroge would have understood. He would
have even known how to react. But not when he met some who could smile and laugh. Not
39
when he met some who made friends with him and tried to help him in his Christian
progress.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 119)
Without going any further, one could assume that, Siriana high school being the
embodiment of the Third Space, all the individuals there are brought to the same level,
regardless of their previous status within hegemonic relationships. Njoroge’s first
impression of his teachers, however, is soon marred by reality:
Many people believed the harmony in the school came because the headmaster was a
strange man who was severe with everyone, black and white alike. […] He tried to bring
out the good qualities in all, making them work for the good name of the school. But he
believed that the best, the really excellent, could come only from the white man. […] He
was automatically against all black politicians who in any way made people feel
discontented with the white man’s rule and civilising mission (Ngũgĩ 2012, 126).
In this single passage, the hegemony of the white man is finally exposed as an
undeniable reality. Under colonial rule, there is no place for equality, since the white
man will always and indisputably be the superior entity from which excellence
emanates, while the subaltern groups can only aspire to become as close as possible to
the ideals imposed by the colonizer. It is in this aspiration, this eagerness to attain that
which has been established as a goal by a foreign power that the flaw of colonial
discourse is revealed, since “mimicry is constructed around an ambivalence; in order to
be effective, mimicry must continually produce its slippage, its excess, its difference.”
(Bhabha 2004, 122). In other words: in pursuing an education, Njoroge is bound to
never be fully successful due to the only determining factor he cannot change, that is to
say, his blackness.
This is revealed to be the case when his meteoric career as an exemplary student
becomes thwarted when he is wrongly accused of belonging to the Mau Mau and
brought into an internment camp, where he is repeatedly humiliated and tortured.
From then onwards, his faith, both in God and in education, shrinks almost to
nothingness when the future that was promised to him through education is taken away
from him. Having nothing more for what to live after Mwihaki declines escaping the
country with him, he becomes suicidal and his self-image is forever destroyed: “You are
a coward. You have always been a coward.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 147).
40
Mau Mau as the Rebellious Subaltern
Subalternity is by no means restricted to a specific group of individuals or a particular
ethnicity. In Weep Not, Child, there are, in fact, several subaltern groups that interact
with each other and relate to the colonial power in different ways. From the beginning
of the novel it is made clear that Europeans, Indians and Africans are part of this
hegemonic relationship, however, they relate to themselves and each other in different
ways. As an example:
“The Indian shops were many. The Indian traders were said to be very rich. They
too employed some black boys whom they treated as nothing […] The Indians
feared Europeans […] But some said this was a cunning way to deceive the white
women because […] the women would be ready to pay any price whey were told
because they thought an Indian who feared them dared not cheat about prices.”
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 7).
While the Europeans are on the top of the chain, the Indians are also perceived to have
power over the Kenyans, and even within the black people, there exists a dissension and
division, as it can be seen in the relationship between Ngotho, the dispossessed black
man whose land was taken from him, and Jacobo, the colonial subject in possession of
the two elements of prestige status: land and education.
The way the subaltern groups relate to each other is also conditioned by the
influence of the hegemonic power. If Indians are portrayed as exploiters and deceivers
and practicing a weird culture that makes them unlikable and unapproachable (Ngũgĩ
2012, 7), power relationships among black people are also marked by the looming
presence of the colonizer, as the colour bar example shows in the Interlude: “Black
people had no land because of colour bar, and they could not eat in hotels because of
colour bar. Colour bar was everywhere. Rich Africans could also practise colour bar on the
poorer Africans…” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 69).
As a result of this divisiveness among the different subaltern groups, the
opposition to hegemony is weak and fragmented. While the novel shows a general
discontent towards colonial rule on the part of the subaltern groups, the insidious and
pervasive nature of hegemonic processes contributes to this fragmented social
landscape in which the colonized struggle with themselves and each other: “There are
some people, black or white, who don’t want others to rise above them. They want to be
41
the source of all knowledge and share it piecemeal to others less endowed. It is the same
with rich people.” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 20).
It is precisely as a reaction to the presence of the colonizer that the Mau Mau are born.
In terms of hegemonic relationships, the Freedom Boys of the Forest, as they are
referred to the first time they are mentioned in the novel (Ngũgĩ 2012, 74 ), could be
read as non-compliant, as their main goal is to drive the occupying forces out of the
country and take it back for the black people on their own terms.
While this in itself may seem an obvious reaction to hegemonic power, the fact
alone that there is a group that exists in direct opposition to the colonizer is also an
indication of the faulty machinery of hegemonic processes. In terms of characters, Boro,
the main Mau Mau representative in the novel, stands in stark contrast of his brother
Njoroge. Having been initiated into the Mau Mau by means of taking the oaths, his
development throughout the novel brings him further and further from the typical tools
the hegemony makes use to integrate individuals in the colonial mindset.
From the beginning, Boro’s attitude towards the British invaders is clear, as it
can be seen after Ngotho reveals that Mr Howlands’ land belonged originally to his
family: “As he listened to this story, all these things came into his mind with a growing
anger. How could these people have let the white man occupy the land without acting?”
(Ngũgĩ 2012, 26). Anger is indeed a very fitting word, for it seems to mark Boro’s
development until the final confrontation with Mr Howlands: “Mr Howlands thought him
mad. Fear overwhelmed him and he tried to cling to life with all his might.” (Ngũgĩ 2012,
140).
In a way, the Mau Mau can be read as both a colonial product and result of
colonial intervention. As a result, they are too, in a way, a consequence of the hegemony
and hence they are marked by it. The quotation above, for example, shows how Boro
makes use of the skills he acquired in the war, war to which he was sent by the British.
Even if the Mau Mau stand in direct opposition against the colonial power, they too are
shaped by it, as is the land, the people, education, religion and everything once under
colonial rule.
42
Disillusionment with Colonial Kenya
The result of the oppressive hegemonic rule of the British is that the characters are left
either dead or severely disillusioned. This can be seen in the intermission of the novel,
wherein Jomo Kenyatta is arrested. The arrest is a turning point of the novel wherein
the Kikuyu population realises that the British government will not allow any
insurgence from them. By removing their one legal representative, the African
population is left without any means to fairly oppose the restrictive government. It is at
this point that the Mau Mau become a key player, and as we have seen in the analysis,
this has dire consequences.
The Mau Mau can be viewed as the result of a severely disaffected Kikuyu
population in revolt against the oppressive British colonial rule. This is the case that
Robert Ochieng argues in his historical accounts of Kenya’s development, and likewise it
can be seen in Weep Not, Child. As previously mentioned, Boro finds himself drawn to
the Mau Mau, first as a means to freedom and independence, but later defines his
motivations and purely for revenge. In this sense the Mau Mau function as a last resort
against the antagonistic British rule.
To Njoroge, the protagonist of the novel, the death of his father and his brothers’
exile leaves him to provide for the family. However, without the means of education,
which were stripped from him due to his supposed affiliation with the Mau Mau, his
only possibility is to stay subservient to the racial hierarchy, by working for an Indian
shop owner (Ngũgĩ 2012, 137-138). Thus his family’s struggle for independence has
been for naught, as Njoroge is still at lower tier of the colour bar, and furthermore, his
dreams of betterment through education are similarly deemed null and void.
This becomes fervently clear in the last chapter of the novel, where Njoroge
abandons all hope he had for Kenya:
“‘Yes, we go to Uganda and live -’ [...]
‘Don’t you see that what you suggest is too easy a way out? We are no longer children.’ she
said between her sobs.
‘That’s why we must go away. Kenya is no place for us. Is it not childish to remain in a hole
when you can take yourself out?’” (Ngũgĩ 2012, 144).
Njoroge poses the option of leaving the country and with it, their childhood
ideals, but Mwihaki, on the other hand, decides to stay in Kenya, reasoning that she still
has a duty towards her mother. This exchange shows two very different views on what
43
the mature thing would be and poses an interesting dilemma for the colonial subject. Is
it better to persist in fighting against the hegemonic system, or to leave it behind in
search of a different society? Ultimately in Ngũgĩ’s novel, the answer is an ultimately
pessimistic view of life in a colonial system. Njoroge realises after his suicide attempt,
that escaping the system is in itself an impossible task, and he and Mwihaki decide to
carry on with their lives, despite the surrounding hostile rule of the British. However, as
the novel was published shortly after independence, this choice could be seen as a sign
of the persistency of its subaltern protagonists.
Conclusion
Throughout the analysis and subsequent discussion of the novel we have examined the
question of how colonial Kenya shapes the lives of the main characters. We have done
this by looking at the main themes of the novel British rule, land and the Mau Mau,
religion and education. The British rule poses a strict legal framework that denies the
family of Ngotho any access to a better life. This is further emphasized in the second
part of the novel, wherein the oppression worsens with the insertion of the state of
emergency and the Kikuyu characters are violently persecuted.
The theme of land in the novel is presented not as a question of legality, but of
identity. It is through land ownership, that both Mr Howlands and Jacobo are able to
assert dominance in the community. Furthermore, both Boro and Ngotho suffer from
the loss of land: Boro in his sense of rootlessness, which leads him to join the Mau Mau,
and Ngotho’s loss of land leads him to commit desperate acts of violence in order to
uphold his authority as the family patriarch.
The Mau Mau are treated with an ambivalent respect in the novel. Through the
mentioning of real historical figures like Dedan Kimathi and Jomo Kenyatta, the novel
references the organisation as a historically true and relevant movement, but for the
characters themselves, the Mau Mau provide a sense of vigilante justice, and for Boro
especially, a method of vengeance.
Education plays a central role throughout the novel. What Ngũgĩ shows us
through Njoroge’s education is that it is an excellent way for the youth of Kenya to move
up in the world and better themselves. The schools in the novel act as a Third Space
wherein the colonizer and the colonized can meet on an equal footing. But education in
44
the novel acts as a solution for the problems of the future and Njoroge is unable to cope
with the problems that are happening around him. In the end, not even education is
spared from the political situation in Kenya.
Religion plays a large role in the identity of the characters, as it relates to the
coloniser’s cultural hegemony. Even so, the characters appropriate the Christian values
and imagery, merging it with their own struggle for freedom. This can be seen in the
moniker given to Jomo Kenyatta as ‘Black Moses’, or how Njoroge prays to a Christian
God for deliverance.
As we have seen, the British hegemony over the Kenyan population inevitably
results in the emergence of subaltern groups that both allow for the colonial power to
rule and at the same time expose it as the foreign imposition it truly is. Education and
religion, as framed and presented by the hegemonic power, are the main elements that
enable Europeans to rule by promoting a worldview favourable to the ruling class that
the colonial subjects deal with in terms of ambivalence and mimicry or outright
opposition. Although hegemony has in itself the key to its own downfall, it affects the
country in such a deep level that the colonial presence can be felt even long after the
colonizer's departure.
Weep not, Child by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o shows what Kenya was like at the end of
the British empire. The novel underlines the impact of the colonial rule in Kenya and the
ways in which individuals negotiate their religions identities during the Mau Mau
rebellion. As the sun set on the British Empire and the light start to wane the novel itself
becomes darker and darker. The hopes, dreams and aspirations the characters once
held at the start of the novel are all but a distant memory by the time the novel ends.
The harsh colonial rule, violence committed by and against the Mau Mau and personal
vendettas strip all the characters of what they hold dear, leaving them disillusioned and
broken.
45
Works Cited
Abrams, M. H., and Geoffrey Galt Harpham. A Glossary of Literary Terms. Eleventh
edition, Cengage Learning, 2015.
Aguilar, Mario I. ‘African Conversion from a World Religion: Religious Diversification by
the Waso Boorana in Kenya’. Africa, vol. 65, no. 04, Oct. 1995, pp. 525–44.
CrossRef, doi:10.2307/1161131.
Ashcroft, Bill, et al. Post-Colonial Studies: The Key Concepts. 2nd ed, Routledge, 2009.
Bates, Thomas R. ‘Gramsci and the Theory of Hegemony’. Journal of the History of Ideas,
vol. 36, no. 2, Apr. 1975, p. 351. CrossRef, doi:10.2307/2708933.
Bhabha, Homi K. The Location of Culture. Routledge, 2004.
Dr. ATIENO-ODHIAMBO. ‘A NOTE ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF AFRICAN TRADITIONAL
RELIGION IN WESTERN KENYA’. Journal of Eastern African Research &
Development, vol. 5, no. 2, 1975, pp. 119–22.
Easthope, Antony. ‘HOMI BHABHA, HYBRIDITY AND IDENTITY, OR DERRIDA VERSUS
LACAN’. Hungarian Journal of English and American Studies (HJEAS), vol. 4, no.
1/2, 1998, pp. 145–51.
El Habib Louai. ‘Retracing the Concept of the Subaltern from Gramsci to Spivak:
Historical Developments and New Applications’. African Journal of History and
Culture, vol. 4, no. 1, Jan. 2012. CrossRef, doi:10.5897/AJHC11.020.
Elias, Camelia. The Way of the Sign: Cultural Text Theory in Two Steps. EyeCorner Press,
2011.
Fazan, S. H., and John Lonsdale. Colonial Kenya Observed: British Rule, Mau Mau and the
Wind of Change. I.B. Tauris, 2015.
46
Green, Marcus. ‘Gramsci Cannot Speak: Presentations and Interpretations of Gramsci’s
Concept of the Subaltern’. Rethinking Marxism, vol. 14, no. 3, Sept. 2002, pp. 1–24.
CrossRef, doi:10.1080/089356902101242242.
Hoogvelt, Ankie M. M. Globalisation and the Postcolonial World: The New Political
Economy of Development. Macmillan, 1997.
Ikas, Karin, and Gerhard Wagner. Communicating in the Third Space. Routledge, 2009.
Open WorldCat, http://site.ebrary.com/id/10258104.
Klages, Mary. Literary Theory: A Guide for the Perplexed. Continuum, 2006.
Lal, Anil, and Vinay Lal. ‘The Cultural Politics of Hybridity’. Social Scientist, edited by
Robert J. Young, vol. 25, no. 9/10, 1997, pp. 67–80, doi:10.2307/3517681.
Ngũgĩ wa Thiongʾo. Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature.
J. Currey ; Heinemann, 1986.
Ngũgĩ wa Thiongʾo, and Ben Okri. Weep Not, Child. Penguin Books, 2012.
Ochieng’, William Robert. A History of Kenya. Macmillan Kenya, 1985.
Ritzer, George, editor. The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology. Blackwell Publishing Ltd,
2007. CrossRef, doi:10.1111/b.9781405124331.2007.x.
Sandgren, David P. ‘Twentieth Century Religious and Political Divisions among the
Kikuyu of Kenya’. African Studies Review, vol. 25, no. 2/3, June 1982, p. 195.
CrossRef, doi:10.2307/524217.
Websites
Ingham, Kenneth, and Simeon Hongo Ominde. ‘Kenya’. Encyclopædia Britannica, 28 Nov. 2017, https://www.britannica.com/place/Kenya/Kenya-colony. ‘Kenya Timeline’. theCRAWFURD.dk, http://crawfurd.dk/africa/kenya_timeline.htm. ‘Mau Mau Uprising: Bloody History of Kenya Conflict’. BBC News, 7 Apr. 2011, http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-12997138.
47
Nguli, Peter. ‘Politics of Death: How Dedan Kimathi Was Captured’. STANDARD Digital, June 2013, https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000085217/politics-of-death-how-dedan-kimathi-was-captured. Rowe, John A. ‘Jomo Kenyatta’. Encyclopædia Britannica, 6 Mar. 2017, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jomo-Kenyatta.