Aidala (1985)

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Sodologiad Analyiis 1985. 46:3 287 314

Social Change, Gender Roles, and

New Religious iVIovements

Angela A. Aidala

Rutgers

University

The relationship between gender role ambiguities and new religious move ments is explored by

an analysis of religious and nonreligious communes utilizing both survey and ethnographic data.

The existence of a single morally a bsolute set of definitions and specific rules concerning sexuality

and gender roles distinguishes religious from secular comm unal movem ents. Participants in religious

groups are characterized by uncertainty about rather than outright rejection of traditional gender

roles a nd low tolerance for ambiguity. Findings are discussed within a broader explanatory frame-

work which empha sizes the significance oflifestage and gender rol s for understanding the interrela-

tionships among structural change cultural fragmentation and social movem ent participation.

A recurrent phenomenon on the historical landscape is the periodic upsurge of niove-

ments sweeping in their condemnation of the society that surrounds them and offering

alternative communities of moral regeneration and social fellowship. Such times of

countercultural protest are characterized by relatively sudden economic, social, and

demographic changes that have eroded the taken-for-granted legitimacy of prevailing in-

stitutions (Yinger, 1982). Where and when traditional understandings and values no

longer fit emerging realities, large cracks appear in the consensus underlying existing so-

cial arrangements and prophets and visionaries can command the attention of more

than a few passersby. Religious movements flourish as competing v isions of

New Moral

Order receive enthusiastic support. In periods of major social and cultural disjuncture,

religious as well as many secular m ovements have a communitaria n focus —oriented to

the establishment of actual communities of co-enthusiasts. Within small, well-bounded

communities of likeminded oth ers , new values, goals, and role behaviors can be so-

cially defined and consensually affirmed (cf. Be nn ett, 1975; Bestor, 1950; C ohn , 1970;

Darin-Drabkin, 1962; Zablocki, 1980).

Many sociologists of religion interpret the spiritual ferment of recent decades as a re-

sponse to such a structura lly induced culture crisis. The appeara nce of exotic new re-

ligions led by Asian prophets, the upsurge of pentecostal sects, and the development

of quasi-religious psychotherapies in the late 1960s are all seen as responses to the frag-

mentation of cultural symbol systems that before that time had served to integrate insti-

tutions and give meaning to personal experience. Despite glaring differences in belief

and practice, each movement provided some hope for cultural coherence, at least within

pockets of sectarian withdrawal (see e.g., Bellah, 1975, 1976; Bird, 1979; Eister, 1972,

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2 8 8 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

This paper will argue that we must consider the significance of age and sex/gende

in attempting to understand the interrelations among structural change, cultural frag

m en tatio n, and participa tion in social mo vem ents. Because of the forced confrontatio

with the accumulated cultural material that inevitably accompanies the transition t

adulthood, a disjuncture between old norms and new realities will be experienced mos

directly by youth. Gender roles are important links between culture and personality

as well as forces shaping the social division of labo r; thus cultu re crisis and the institu

tional change that surrounds it is experienced as gender confusions and uncertainties

In a context of rapid social change and shifting cultural frames, regardless of other goal

and programs, many different social movements share a concern with issues of sexuality

and gender roles. Religious movements typically differ from their secular counterpart

in offering a morally absolute set of definitions and rules to follow concerning women

men, and their relations. This I suggest is an important part of their appeal to potentia

converts.*

We will attempt to explore this thesis by an examination of sexuality and gender role

in communal groups inspired by the range of social movements of the 1960s era. The

analysis of secular as well as spiritually focused groups and their members will help u

understand the extent to which the new religions may serve needs not met by participa

tion in other types of youth subcultures.

Life Stage, Gender Roles, and Rapid Social Ghange

As Robert M erto n long ago pointed o ut, gender is a master

status

—visi le and con

sequential in all institutional realms. Gender identities and roles are among the mos

basic orienting constructs by which we guide self and communicate with others; the at

tributes, traits of temperament, expectations, rights, and obligations which we conside

appropriate to ourselves in any situation, we consider appropriate to ourselves a

women or men (Laws, 1979; Weitzman, 1979). Gender roles have a basis in (as well as

contribute to) the structure of economic and political relations in a society. Thus rela

tively sudden changes in social and economic conditions inevitably give rise to gende

role crisis —finding oneself without adequate guides to ascribe mean ing, articulate and

order values, designate goals, and carve paths of action as a (male or female) human

being.

'My general thesis is similar to analyses developed by Anthony and Robbins (Anthony and Robbins, 1982

and Frederick Bird (1979) in that both consider the reduction of moral ambiguity within new religious move

ments an important part of the appeal of such groups to young persons. My argument however emphasize

cognitive as well as nor m ativ e conse quen ces of cultur al fragm entatio n. Cu lture crisis produces not onl

moral confusion concerning which behaviors are good and which are to be condemned, but also a lack o

certainty about what is real, what is possible, and what are standards for evidence (Aidala, 1982). In addition

both emphasize that the ideologies of some groups espouse moral relativism and disavow fixed rules or stan

dards which appears to contradict my argument that all religious movements in the era under study provid

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SOCIAL CHANGE, GENDER ROLES, AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS 2 8 9

Analysts have pointed to changes such as technological advance, shifting occupa-

tional strata, upgrading of educational requirements before employment, growth in the

reach of mass communications, etc. as contributing to normative breakdown and cul-

ture crisis in the late 1960s (see eg. discussions in Bellah, 1976; d o c k , 1976; W uthn ow ,

1976;

Yinger, 1982). However the actual human beings caught up in them do not di-

rectly experience shifts in the occupational structure or any other macro-level disloca-

tions.

They experience a whirlwind of personal opportunity, threat, and anomic uncer-

tainty. This is especially the case for youth, those making the transition to adulthood.

As M annh eim (1952) has shown , each successive generation experiences a fresh con-

tact with the social and cultura l world. In times of major struc tura l change, the young

are directly confronted with the lack of fit between institutionalized guides for thought,

feeling, and behavior, and changed conditions and events. As horizons expand beyond

the family unit, traditional gender roles into which they have been socialized, which

under stable conditions provide a base for identity formation and making one's way in

the adult world, fail to resonate with emerging social-cultural realities. If not by eco-

nomic independence (since father helps pay for graduate school), when does manhood

begin? How shall I be a man and how will others know me? Given the range of career

possibilities, shall I be a mo ther? If wife-and-mother is in the future, if at all, what are

the rules for sexual feelings and behavior in the here and now?

It is not the case that age-related sex and gender ambiguities are

n themselves suffi ient

to account for the emergence of social movements and their appeal to adherents. How-

ever, age and gender roles are important interlinkages between social actors and larger

social and cultural structures (Riley, et al., 1972). As mechanisms for the social shaping

of personal identity as well as mechanisms for the allocation of economic and other so-

cial functions, gender roles become the locus of many structural and cultural influences

as they impact upon individuals (cf. Lueptow, 1984).

Historical study supports the claim that times of social and cultural disjuncture are

indeed periods of crisis and major change in age and gender roles. They are also times

of spiritual ferment, political activism, and communal experimentation (see e.g. Bestor,

1950;

Cohn, 1970; Darin-Drabkin, 1962). The definition and implementation of a par-

ticular vision of male/female, masculine/feminine, has been central to communitarian

efforts. The early decades of the 19th century, an era that shows many parallels to the

1960s and 1970s, are a case in point. The early stage of industrialism was a period of

major technological advance and change in economic organization, placing special

strains on relations between the sexes (Ehrenreich and English, 1978; Rothman, 1978;

Smith-Rosenberg, 1972; Welter, 1966). It was also a time of religious enthusiasm and

com mu nitarian crusade. W estern New York and O hio (the California of the era) were

dotted with small communities attempting to implement their version of a new social

and cultural synthesis (Bestor, 1950; Cross, 1950; Nordhoff 1965; Tyler, 1944). Each

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Young persons were overrepresented in both secular and religious antiinstitution

movements in the early nineteenth century; religious movements, however, recruite

particularly heavily from among yo uth (Cross, 1950; Dola n, 1978; Cillis, 1981; Ket

1977).

Biographies show conversions often took place during times of crisis about li

plans as young men an d wom en atte mpted to find the ir way to adu lthoo d w ithin a rap

idly changing social and economic structure that had undermined traditional unde

standings of marriage and work (Kett, 1977: 70fO.

This paper will explore the relationship between gender role ambiguities and contem

porary communitarian movements. If my general line of argument is correct we shoul

expect the following relationships: All communal groups will be ideologically concerne

with sexuality and gender roles. Like their nineteenth century predecessors, religiou

groups are expected to give more attention to sex and gender questions than their secu

lar counterparts and are more likely to offer firm answers to questions posed. On th

individual level, young persons are expected to be overrepresented among the member

ship of communal movements. Commune members in general will show estrangemen

from traditional gender understandings, ideals, and behaviors. However, the ideologica

rigidity of religious groups is hypothesized to appeal to individuals characterized by low

tolerance of ambiguity, and confusion regarding gender roles rather than outright rejec

tion of traditional patterns.'

Ideological Solutions to Problematic Sex and ender Roles

Data for the present analysis were generated by a nationwide, longitudinal study o

communal living groups which has utilized both survey and ethnographic techniques

Ten groups in each of six major U.S. metropolitan areas (Boston, New York, Atlanta

Minneapolis/St. Paul, Houston and Los Angeles) were studied intensively in a pane

format from 1974 to 1976. A follow-up ph ase of research began in 1982.

The sample was chosen from a comprehensive census of communal living group

within each metropolitan area. Groups were selected to reflect ideological type an

other key characteristics as indicated by the census. While not a probability sample, th

present data base is more representative of the universe of contemporary communi

tarian groups and the ideologies which inspired them than any other which is known

to exist.^

Forty-five percent of the groups in the sample had religious ideologies. The larges

number of spiritually focused communes derived their beliefs from Eastern religions

Co m m une s inspired by Hind u, Buddhist, and Sikh traditions accounted for 25% of th

entire sample. New Ch ristia n com mu nes (15%) included charismatic pentecosta

evangelical youth or Jesus people, and groups whose Christianity has a liberal, socia

gospel focus. Thr ee com munes (5%) were classified as Psycho-Spiritual indicating thei

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SOCIAL CHANGE, GENDER ROLES, AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

29

TABLE

RELIGIOUS TYPE OE COMMUNAL HOUSEHOLD

15 ( 25 )

astern Religious

Hir^du

Sikh

Buddhist

hristian

Charismatic Renewal

Social Gospel

Evangelical Youth

Mystical

Gestalt

Hippie/Counter Cultural

Household Cooperative

New Left Political

Alternative Eamily

Rehabilitational

Personal Growth

12

(20 )

2

( 3 )

1 ( 2 )

4 ( 7 )

3

( 5 )

2

( 3 )

2 ( 3 )

1

( 2 )

9

(15 )

8

(13 )

7

(12 )

4

( 7 )

3 ( 5 )

2

( 3 )

(

15 )

( 5 )

33 (

55 )

60

(100%)

religious groups were more likely

to

have been together

for a

longer time than spiritual

communities in the sample.

Sexual l^orms

n

Comm unal Groups

Norms and expectations regarding sexual behav ior and erotic relationships are an im-

portant aspect of gender roles. Not all young people during the 1960s were adrift in

a sea of permissiveness as popular magazines warned. Yet in a relatively short period

of

time ,

what

had

been fairly stable mores could

no

longer

be

taken

for

granted

as gen-

erally understood rules. The wide availability of reliable birth control and an atmo-

sphere of sexual openness provided more opportunity and greater pressures to engage

in sex at an earlier age and in circumstances unconnected with expectations for lasting

relationships. The number of persons cohabitating increased over 700% in the decade

between 1960 and 1970 (Macklin, 1978). Opinion polls have shown that general accep-

tance of premarital sex increased considerably between the years 1969 and 1973 after

rates of disapproval had remained constantly high for the prior 30 years

{ urrent Opin-

ion

1973). Understanding sexual feelings

and

learning

to

deal with them

is

anxiety

pro-

ducing for all young persons; all the more so for a generation confronted with competing

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conventional sexual scripts. In contrast, communes founded by religious movemen

typically offered precise and detailed definitions, justifications, and rules. Adopting th

religious ideology promised easy resolution of uncertainties regarding sexuality and pa

terns of sexual relating.

Despite great diversity in specific norms, there were three general approaches to se

uality within religiously inspired communes: compulsory celibacy, group controlle

marriage , and free-love. In many ways the simplest solution to confused and unan

chored sexual feelings is total abstinence. Seventy percent of contemporary religiou

communes had celibacy norms. Five groups required total celibacy

o

all members.

more common pa tte rn was voluntary celibacy —celibacy was preferred, but marriag

as defined and controlled by the group was permitted.

Where sex was not prohibited entirely, strict and very specific norms regulated sexu

expression. The guru, pastor, elders, or other spiritual leaders provided both gener

rules and personalized direction regarding the wh o, wh at, w hen, where, an d how of se

ual behavior. In some cases potential spouses are suggested to each other and marriag

with little intimate knowledge of one's mate was not uncommon (see also: Bromley an

Shu pe, 1979; ju da h, 1974; Rich ardso n, et a l , 1979).

It is important to note that not all religious ideologies prescribed sharp restriction

on sexual expression. The liberal Christian groups rejected the rigidity of fundamenta

ist understandings and rules. Psycho-spiritual groups tended to encourage free sexualit

In Spectra commune,^ for example, norms of sexuality reflected the general philosoph

of hedonism-in-the-service-of-egolessness. Spectran teachings held tha t the shorte

path to transcendence is often release through immoderate indulgence:

Sex is considered a door, a door of compensation. . . . When your psyche gets really pushe

you go out of a doo r. T ha t can be like over eating , could be like excessive work —over-workin

or getting into drugs. . . . And sex is considered the safest door to go out. [This] allows yo

to approach sex for just sex

— ts

not love it's just sex.

The justifications for sexuality (pleasure, procreation, higher consciousness, etc.), a

well as the restrictiveness of sexual expression varied within spiritually focused com

munal living groups. However, with few exceptions, all religious and quasi-religiou

groups had a coherent sexual ideology anchored by cosmic justifications which provide

a specific set of rules to follow. W hethe r asceticism or h edonism was encouraged , sexua

ity was typically scripted down to details such as the positions and prerogatives of male

and females, the appropriateness of kissing with the mouth open, the sequence of pr

coital praye rs/massage s designed to ensure a successful (however defined) experienc

Ideological redefinitions of sexuality in both religious and psychospiritual movemen

were such as to eliminate or minimize individual decision-making and interpersonal ne

gotiation regarding both sexual relationships and sexual behavior.

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s should submit to the au thority of gur u/pa stor/elde rs in these matters. C harismatic

Sometimes Yogi will assign people [to marry each other]. He'll just tell two certain people to

get married. Because he's so tuned in he can read people's auras, he can see people's destinies,

he can figure ou t w hat two people need to go throu gh to get their scene together . . . and

sure —People will do it.

In contrast, the typical sexual pattern within nonreligious communal groups could

f reading, de bate, a nd essay w riting abo ut the evils of sexual exclusivity. Yet, regardless

Value commitments which emphasized personal freedom and individual choice

groups also highly valued emotiona l intimacy among members (Aidala, 1983; Za-

One night a few weeks after I was living there he came into my room at night and crawled

into bed with me, you know, wanted to make love. It completely freaked me out because I

really didn't kno w. . . . Now if any one ever did th at to m e. . . . I would say get the hell out

of here. But then, still being new in the house and not knowing my position —trying to be nice

to everybody I didn't know what to say.

Even when members could agree on standards for sexual behavior, ideals were often

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TABLE

Religious ^

Communes

19%

11%

41 %

7%

0

11%

0

11%

[27]

1^

on-Religi

Commune

0%

3%

0

33%

6%

3%

6%

48%

[33]

DOMINANT NORMS REGARDING SEXUAL BEHAVIOR IN RELIGIOUS

A N D N O N - R E L I G I O U S C O M M U N A L G R O U P S

Sexual

Norms

Total and Compulsory Celibacy

Celibacy or Licensed Monogamy^

Group approval required for marriage

Group approval recommended but not required

Licensed or Unlicensed

Monogamous Relationships with Commitment

Licensed or Unlicensed

Non-sexually Exclusive Commitments

Non-committed Non-con\entional Sexual Relations

(multiple partners, homosexuality, etc. encouraged)

Partial Group Marriage

Shifting Sexual Norms

N =

^Includes Psycho-Spiritual Communes.

Celibacy for non-married members.

a source of tension and conflict within secular groups which did not afflict members o

religious communities (cf. Berger, 1981).

Gender Role Ideologies

As Jessie Be rnard (1975) has sum marized, th e late 1960s an d early 1970s saw the til

of many institutional structures, a tipping point for many processes of change th

created a situation of true normlessness regarding gender role ideals and behavior

Neither traditional patterns nor alternative images, understandings, expectations we

able to impress themselves with self-evident authority. The absence of any broad

normative consensus facilitated the proliferation of competing ideologies, each defen

ing its particular understanding of men, women, and relations between them.

Three general approaches to gender roles were found among communes inspired b

the new religions: biblically-based understandings of patriarchy, bio-mystical specific

tion of complementarity, and subjectivist denial of gender differences. Commun

households with fundamentalist Christian ideologies embraced biblically-based imag

of woman as temptress and/or helpmate to man. An important task within such group

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Gender role ideology in Eastern religious communes reflected the Asian cultures from

which they drew their inspiration. In some Eastern religious movements roles were

sharply differentiated, based upon understandings of biological/spiritual complementar-

ity. A member of Third Eye Fellowship hints at a much more elaborate conceptual sys-

tem and set of explicit rules which structured gender roles in her commune:

M en an d w om en are two polarities in this universe —men and wom en are very different and

they're totally complementary. A man is controlled by the sun and the woman is controlled

by the mo on. . . . T he wom en's role is a pretty heavy duty role on this plan et, I m ean , bring ing

up a soul.

Some groups with Eastern religious ideologies, as well as all the psycho-spiritual com-

munes in the sample, dismissed gender role issues as manifestations of the illusionary

nature of ego concerns. No differences were seen in the abilities of men and women to

attain self-perfection or higher consciousness which was held to be the only relevance

in life. A self-described ex-feminist expla ins: Now I

see —my

equality is how I feel

about

myself

I can do whatever I wan t. Concern for such mu nd ane m atters as the

tendency of male members of the commune to avoid household chores was scorned as

evidence of wrong or limited consciousness. The quest for personal transcendence in

such groups most often resulted in the reproduction of traditional patterns of gender

relations, however refurbished with spiritual explanations.

Not all religious communes had gender role expectations worked out in such detail

that different hourly schedules could be provided for women and men (although some

had such schedules). All religious ideologies, however, did provide systematic explana-

tions which defined the true natu re of women and men and provided spiritual and

practical guidance for male/female relations. Although a few women members privately

expressed dissatisfaction with their role within their communes, open conflicts over gen-

der-based roles were rare within religious communal groups. Malcontents tended to

leave the community.

In contrast to the ideological deliberateness found in religious movements, the modal

approach to gender roles in secular commu nal groups was laissez faire : while trad i-

tional roles were ideologically scorned, scant energy was devoted to challenging prevail-

ing gender expectations and behaviors. Hippie communes were notorious for male dom-

inance in the nam e of anarchistic freedom (see: Berger, 1981; Wagner, 1982). Femin-

ism was clearly not a concern among many new left activists (Evans, 1979; Thorne,

1975).

Over half

(55 )

of the nonreligious communal groups in the present sample con-

sidered gender role issues a matter of individual o r perhaps dyadic experimenta tion —

but not a focus for concerted group effort.

A few new left communes were self-consciously committed to achieving equality be-

tween the sexes as part of the general goal of restructuring American society to eliminate

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neglect of gender role issues, individual wom en among th e membership often challenge

ideological drift into conventional patterns.* Groups which had an ideological visio

of improved gender relations argued about how to get there. If men must cook, shoul

women be required to learn auto mechanics? Should communal energy be taken u

with getting males to express their em otions more openly —or does this distract from

building a workers' party? As might be expected, the presence of children within th

com muna l hou seh old exacerba ted confusions and disagreements (cf. Berger, 1981; Be

ger et al., 1971; Vesey , 1973; Zablocki and Aidala, 1980).

Table 3 classifies communal groups according to their normative specifications regard

ing gender roles. Ideologies which emphasize distinct spheres of existence for men and

women and the principle that women's lives should be home and family-centered ar

consid ered trad ition al, regardless of differences in the bro ader philosophical underpin

nings of such beliefs. Only ten groups in the sample were deliberate about redefinin

gender role understandings and attempting to put new ideals into practice. Severa

oth er groups are classified as anti -trad itional casual. These groups publicly supporte

changed roles and greater equality between women and men, but devoted little atten

tion to the matter beyond requiring males to take an occasional turn at preparing meal

or cleaning the communal toilet bowl.

In sum, the new religious movements show great diversity in sexual and gender rol

ideology. There were ashrams dedicated to celibacy across the street from household

experimenting with meditative hedonism. Some emphatically prescribed separat

spheres for women and men; others denied such distinctions existed. Nevertheless, th

different religious and psycho-spiritual communal groups studied were similar in the fol

TABLE

NORMATIVE ORIENTATION TO TRADITIONAL GENDER ROLES

IN RELIGIOUS AND NON-RELIGIOUS COMMUNAL GROUPS

Religious Non Religiou

Gender Role Norms Comm unes Communes

Traditional Gender Roles

Delibe rate 26% 0

Traditional Gender Roles

Casua l 37% 0

Laissez faire Orientation to

Ge nde r Ro les 30% 55%

Anti traditional Gender Roles

Ca sual 7% 15%

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e considered a bsolute, non-n ego tiable, no t a m atter of individual introsp ection and

In contrast , communes inspired by secular movements of the sixties youth culture of-

red shared rejection of tra dit ion al sexual an d gende r roles, a ha ve n for e xp erim enta -

s version of new ideals and b eha vior s. How ever, value co m m itme nts emphasizing

f household m anage me nt and paren t ing were not resolved by com mitm ents to vague

and Cender Orientations mong Com mune Mem bers

Religious and nonreligious communitarian movements offered different solutions to

sk is to analyze the audienc es to wh ich these m ove m ents appealed. M y general thesis

Fol lowing Mannheim, one expects communal movements to appeal to the young, to

is with in-co hort va riance in m ove m ent pa rticipa tion. Indiv iduals differ bo th in

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Religious communalists are expected to score relatively low on measures of tolerance

ambiguity. Aversion to conflicting meanings and values is related to the desire to han

onto tradition, even if it no longer comfortably guides one in the face of changed ci

cumstance, and/or the tendency to resolve ambiguity by the adamant assertion of som

other authority perceived as permanent and absolute (Rokeach, 1960; see also Berge

1979:61fO. Joining a religious group offered resolution of anomic drift by immersion

a com munity of caring othe rs w ho em braced a single system of belief and practice whic

promised answers to troublesome questions about self and society.*

On the other hand, nonreligious communal movements are expected to appeal t

those who have more completely rejected traditional cultural values and norms of co

duct. For these individuals, the commune represented a shared opposition to esta

lished society and a supportive environment for experimentation with alternative

Communalists in secular groups are hypothesized to have higher tolerance for the am

biguity necessarily involved in the attempt to forge new values and identities chose

from among the cacophony of competing options socially available. This includes a

tempting to personally define satisfying forms of spirituality. The relationships posite

between gender role ambiguities and the new religions is not an attempt to account fo

personal religiosity or spiritual seeking but rather the appeal of doctrinaire religiou

groups.^

It is not possible to directly test the complex set of relationships posited. The availabl

data are limited and mainly cross-sectional.* Factors predisposing an individual to joi

a communal group cannot always be untangled from post-communal resocialization in

fluences.' We can, however, draw upon our respondents' retrospective reports as we

'This is not to say that young persons in the late 1960s were uncertain only about gender roles and relation

Because of the baseline na tur e of gender iden tities and roles, confusion at this level will have man y complic

tions for understanding and responding to many social issues. For example, unquestioningly embracing th

traditional male role emphasis on toughness and daring-do provides some direction to a young man encou

aged to experimen t with potentially dangerous drugs. Not being sure that men have to be tough makes r

sponding to the offer more complicated.

^It is important to note that members of secular communes were not irreligious. Two-thirds (68%) of th

individuals in nonreligious groups said they had religious or spiritual beliefs that were important to them. I

many nonreligious groups, including those with a specifically political focus, a greater proportion of the mem

bers hip described religion or spirituality as highly im po rtan t th an answered correspon dingly with regard

politics. Howev er, individ uals in hou seho lds affiliated with h ippie , new left, an d ot her secular movem ents

the late 60s era were not prone to affiliation with churches or organized religious movements (Aidala, 197

1983).

*A total of 950 individuals participated in the research during 1974-76 as members or ex-members of 6

com mu nal groups. However not all individuals took p art in all aspects of data collection. Personal backgroun

dat a was ob tain ed from 78% (N = 737) of possible respo nd ents and appro xim ately half of these have parti

pated in detailed autobiographical interviews. Attitude data were obtained from 65% and self-perception da

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SOCIAL CHANGE, GENDER ROLES, AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS 2 99

as the findings of other researchers to corroborate tentative conclusions drawn from

cross-commune com parisons. If the hypothesized relationship holds between gender role

crisis and joining a doctrinaire religious movement, we would expect members of re-

ligious com munes to evince greater am bivalence and uncertain ty regarding changing sex

and gender roles than their secular counterparts. Life stage indicators, diversity of sex-

ual experience, personal gender ideals, and attitudes toward work and family roles will

be examined for evidence of conflicts and confusions experienced by those who joined

religious and nonreligious groups. Standardized scales will measure tolerance of ambig-

uity and other intrapersonal attributes.

Social emographics

The social demographics of commune members supports the thesis that stage in the

life course and uncertainty concerning gender roles influences participation in commu-

nitarian movements. While not exclusively a phenomenon of youth, communal groups

had greatest appeal to those making the transition to adulthood (Zablocki, 1980).

Eighty-three percent of commune members were between the ages of 20 and 29; over

90%

had joined their group before their thirtieth birthday. Family and employment

characteristics give some indication that traditional role choices were not automatic for

movement participants. The great majority of com mu ne m embers (80%) had never been

married compared to 49% of others in their cohort. Male commune members were

much less likely to be working full-time (61%) than other young men their age (34%).

Participants in religious groups were more likely to be under 30 years of age and less

likely to be employed fulltime or to ever have been married than their secular counter-

parts.

iversity of Sexual Experience

Patterns of pre-comm unal expe rime ntation with diverse sexual behav iors can be take n

as an indicator of estrangement from institutionalized patterns. Individuals who joined

religious communal groups are hypothesized to have experienced greater uncertainty re-

garding traditional sexual mores than their secular counterparts; members of nonreli-

gious groups are expected to have more completely rejected convention al p atterns. Th us

low rates of precommunal involvement in nonconventional sexual behaviors which rep-

resent a self-conscious alternative to con ven tional monogam ous sexual com mitm ent (eg.

open marriage) are expected among those who joined sexually restrictive religious

groups. O n th e othe r h an d, m embers of psycho-spiritual g roups are expected to manifest

bers of the sample who were personally religious. Further, personal interest in religion in many instances de-

veloped after joining a commune with a religious ideology. One may dismiss primary socialization into similiar

religious group. For the great majority of cases, joining a spiritually focused communal group represented a

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TABLE

AGE, FAMILY AND EMPLOYMENT CHARACTERISTICS OF

COMMUNE MEMBERS AND THE GENERAL POPULATION AGE 2O-2Q

Commune Members

U S

20-2 )

ye rs

20-29yca

Marital Status

Single, Never Married: 80%[(,i2]^

Parental Status

Has Not Had Children 84%[6i2)

Employment Statt

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SOCIAL CHANGE, GENDER ROLES, AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

301

TABLE

PRE-CO MM UNA L SEXUAL EXPERIENCE BY SEX

BY TYPE OF CO MM UN E JOINED

Proportion of commune

members u/ho engaged in

behavior before jo in ing

communal group:

Public or Group Nudity

Sexual Relations With

More Than One Person

At The Same Time

Homosexual Relations

Open Marriage^

Group Marriage

Celibacy^

Monogamous Marriage

N =

Neif

males

25%

6%

9%

0

0

22%

31 %

[32]

Christian

females

11%

6%

4%

0

0

17%

19%

[47]

Type of Commune

Eastern

males

44%

24%

13%

15%

3%

26%

< 1 %

[SO]

Religious

females

25%

17%

4%

21%

2%

25%

13%

[48]

Psycho Spiritual

males

74%

32%

39%

13%

8°o

50%

37%

[38]

females

73%

42%

15%

27%

4%

54%

40 %

[20]

hlon

males

51%

23%

18%

20%

1%

21%

30%

[102)

Religious

females

46%

27%

14%

17%

0

24%

2M%

[93]

p marriage refers to a marriage agreeme nt with no vows of sexual exclusivity.

•^Celibacy refers to a deliberate commitment to abstain from sexual relations.

1 had a girlfriend. I pre tty m uch always had a girlfriend wh o was like my best friend since I

first went steady in my sophomore year in high school. But the relationships weren't sexual.

. . . No I didn't have a great deal of anxieties about sexual

stuff

It got to be a problem though

tha t I was still a virgin at 21. It was Colum bia and the sixties and every thing.

I just wen t out an d did it. I met a boy a t a party and he seemed really nice an d I tho ug ht

it would b e nice to hav e a boyfriend. . . . We h ad sex toge the r. I felt really terrible an d did n't

want to see him again. H e kep t calling me up bu t I knew t ha t —that just w asn't how 1 was.

Individuals in nonreligious groups were much less likely to report precommunal sexual

confusions and more likely to have firmly rejected traditional norms regarding sexual

behaviors and relationships. Many looked to communal life as a means of facilitating

expanded sexual horizons.'°

The reason [my husband] wanted to start the commune was he and I had talked a long time

abo ut finding a no the r pe rson to live with us —somebody we could h ave an in tense relatio nship

with. I can see where a straight heterosexual relationship could really get to the down side,

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302 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

psycho-spiritual communal groups (see e.g.: Daner, 1976; Downton, 1979; Mintz, 197

Simmonds, et al., 1976).

For aspects of gender roles other than sexual behavior, members of the various type

of religious commune show more similarities than differences among them. Thus partic

pants in psycho-spiritual, Christian and Eastern religious groups will be considered to

gether in the analyses that follow.

Personal Values and Self Perception

Society defines masculine and feminine characterological ideals. Males are suppose

to be ambitious, capable, independent, logical, etc. while women are expected to be lov

ing and nurturing. The extent to which commune members personally attach impo

tance to these value preferences, and the extent to which they choose male or female

attributes to describe themselves, can be used as measures of estrangement from trad

tional gender identities and roles.

This topic was approached with the Rokeach (1973) value ranking instrument i

which respondents were instructed to rank a list of eighteen value phrases in order o

the importance they attached to each as ideal principles of conduct. Ambitious ca

able

and independent were selected to represent traditionally masculine ideals; loving

f

giving

and

helpful

represented standard feminine virtues. Table 6 presents the ranking

of these values by men and women in religious and nonreligious communes. The rank

ings of a general sample of American youth (NORC, 1971) are presented for com

parison.

TABLE 6

PERSONAL VALUES OF U.S. YOUTH AND COMMUNE MEMBERS

BY SEX AND TYPE OF COMMUNE^

Traditional Masadine

Ideals

ambitious

independent

capable

Traditional Feminine

Ideals

loving

forgiving

helpful

N =

M en

U.S. Men

Age 20 29^

6.6 ( 3)

8.0 ( 6)

9.1 ( 8)

Q.5

(10)

9.0 ( 7)

10.1 (11)

[135]

in Communal

Religious

Communes

16.8 (18)

11.8

(12)

9.4 ( 9)

3.2 ( 1)

7.5 ( 0)

6.4 ( 4)

[53]

Groups ̂

Non Religious

Communes

15.3 (15)

8.3 (

7)***

5.1 ( 3)**

4.3 ( 1)

9.1 ( 9)

8.7 ( 8)

[49]

Women

U.S.

Women

Age 20 29

8.4 ( 7)

10.1 (11)

11.3(13)

5.3 ( 2)

6.3 ( 3)

7.9 ( 6)

[177]

in Communal

Religious

Communes

16.7 (18)

13.2 (13)

9.8 (10)

1.9 ( 1)

5.7 ( 3)

7.0 ( 5)

[33]

Groups

Non Religio

Commune

13.4 (13)*

6.5 (

7)**

6.0 (

4)**

2.7 ( 2)

10.9 (12)**

8.0 ( 9)

[35]

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I had expected greatest support for traditional gender role ideals among participants

in religious groups. This was the case for women only. Women in religious communes

gave high rankings to being loving, forgiving and helpful, and low ranks to achieve-

ment-related values. Men in religious movements had the same pattern

o{

value prefer-

ences which makes them very nontr dition l considering the heavy cultural emphasis on

independence and achieveme nt as desired a ttributes for m ales. Th e value choices of men

and women in secular communal groups show rejection of at least some aspects of tradi-

tional polarized gender roles. Both men and women in nonreligious communes placed

being loving at the top of their value lists; women as well as men endorsed being inde-

pendent and capable as important personal ideals.

One of course cannot be certain of the extent to which personal values of commune

members indicate predispositional factors. Adoption of a collective ideology and group

participation influences individual value preferences (Aidala, 1979). However analysis

of synthetic cohorts, comparing just-joined members with those who had participated

in the group for two years or more, found no significant differences in the ranking of

the six values chosen for analysis. Thus it seems unlikely tha t differences show n in Table

6 are solely the result of resocialization influences.

Further, the same general pattern appeared in self-perception data. Commune mem-

bers were asked to select which if any of a list of attributes best described them and

which least described them. Men as well as women in religious groups chose tradition-

ally feminine virtures (loving, supportive, intuitive, etc.) to characterized themselves.

Men and especially women in secular communal households showed a blurring of gen-

der-based distinctions in self-descriptions which included traits and interests tradition-

ally associated with the opposite sex. (Table 7)

Gender role crisis refers to anomic floundering without adequate guides for ordering

experience as a male or female mem ber of

society.

Estrangement from d om inant cultural

patterns does not necessarily indicate a lack of direction for self-identity and social ac-

tion, for it is clearly possible to be governed by norms other than those upheld by the

broader society in which one lives. Likewise, an individual may embrace conventional

values yet still experience normlessness as a result of conflicting role dem and s or other

structurally induced contradictions (Merton, 1976). It is important to determine not

only whether respondents accepted or rejected traditional role concepts but also the ex-

tent to which personal insecurities and ambiguities accompanied the traditional or non-

traditional orientation. A central issue is whether values and self-perceptions were

translated into clear choices regarding family and work roles —the institutional arenas

defined by the dominant culture as the special provinces of adult women and men.

ttitudes Toward Work and the Family

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4

SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

TABLE

SELF PERCEPTION OF WOMEN AND MEN IN

RELIGIOUS AND NON-RELIGIOUS COMMUNAL GROUPS

Traits chosen by 30% or more of each

Wen m Religious Croups

1. Supportive

2.

Loving

3. Intuitive

4. Influential

5. Interested in Fixing up the House

Women m Religious Croups

1.

Loving

2. Supportive

3. Interested in Children

4. Good at Helping to Resolve

Emotional Problems


6. Intuiti\c

7. Not Dominant

sub-population

42%

41%

39%

38%

35%

57%

55%

48%

40%

44%

30%

36%

05 Most

Applies to Me or Least Applies

Men in Non-Religious Groups

1.

Sexy

2. Decisive

3. Influential

4.

Not Dependent

5. Supportive

6. Strong


8. Not Passive


10. Loving

V^omen in Non-Religious Croups

1.

Supportive

2. Loving

3. Strong


5. Not Passive

6. Good at Helping Resolve

Emotional Problems

7. Intuitive

8. Sexy

'^ .

Not Dependent


11. Not Dominant

12. Not Narcissistic

13. Decisive

to Me

53

45

44

43

41

39

39

37

37

33

62

61

59

54

53

53

4^

47

45

45

34

34

33

No te: Resp ond ents are considered perceiving themselves no t to possess an attr ibu te if they circled least

applies to me.

social spheres of adult role involvement.** Religious communalists manifest this ten

dency in the extreme. For example, 44% of males and 40% of females in groups wit

religious ideologies would not or could not choose between marriage and singlehood a

a preferred lifestyle. Almost 40% of male participants in religious movements and on

quarter of their female commune mates indicated a lack of conviction about paren

hood. Uncertainty about work and career achievement was equally striking. One-thir

of the males in religious groups expressed no opinion concerning their ability to contro

1 here are of course difficulties in inter pre ting non -choic e responses in que stion naire s. However, in co

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their economic fate, the advisability of commitment to a life-long occupation, and their

ability to feel proud of their work. Forty percent indicated they did not know or were

uncertain whether people who work hard reap society's benefits.

Males in secular communal groups were more likely to firmly reject the traditional

work ethic and the notion that one should commit oneself to a single occupation.

Women in nonreligious communal groups were more likely to take a definite stand for

or against marriage, parenthood, and working hard than their religious sisters. Table

8 presents items selected from a longer number of questions about family and work

roles. For each question in this series, religious communalists were two to three times

more likely th an other responde nts to answer no opinion, or don't know or give

some other response that did not indicate a clear preference or conviction.

Again, we cannot be certain of the extent to which attitudes of commune members

indicate precommunal predispositional factors. However I have limited analysis to re-

cent recruits, individuals who were members of their groups for six months or less. Fur-

TABLE 8

ATTITUDES TOWARD FAMILY AND WORK ROLES^

BY SEX AND TYPE OF COMMUNE

Percent Who:

A. Would rather be single

than married

Has no opinion

B.

Would rather not

have children

Has no opinion

C. Feels marriage results

in giving up direction

over one's life

Has no opinion

D. Rejects commitment to

a single life-long

occupation

Has no opinion

E. Disagrees that people

who work hard reap

Religious

Communes

21

44

21

38

25

23

44

34

Males

Non Religious

Communes

54

21***b

21

14*

51

65

81

Religious

Communes

28

40

24

24

16

18

42

24

42

Females

Non Religious

Communes

54

27

16

S*

41

16*

57

16

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ther, for almost every question asked, the formal ideology of religious communes offere

a specific answer. Thus responses shown are more likely something individuals broug

with them to the commune rather than the result of resocialization processes.

We can also again turn to our qualitative data sources and the findings of other re

searchers to corroborate inferences drawn from questionnaire responses. Biographic

interviews of participants in religious communal movements describe periods of anom

confusion to the point of psychological crisis as they attempted to thread their wa

through conflicting definitions and options regarding marriage, parenthood, work an

career achievement. Respondents who were members of religious groups typically sup

ported marriage in principle yet often expressed uncertainty regarding their person

commitment to married life as traditionally defined:

I m not a woman s libber, by any means . . . even though I m very independent I m still

woman and

desire a relationship with a man. But I have to lay that down because God s w

is best and ultimate happiness is going to come from doing His will. I m happier now than

ever was in my marriage.

If I marry it will be understanding that marriage is for keeps regardless of what happens. Deat

is the only way to break marriage. But I don t feel obligated to marry.

I m married to the Guru. I don t need any other kind of marriage.

Women in secular communes who speak of their pre-communal involvement with th

wom en s mo vem ent do so in definite and positive terms (cf. Berger, 1981; Conno ve

1975;

Kanter, Jaffe and Weinberger, 1975. See also Orcott, 1975).

It s ha rd to remem ber back to really pre-raised consciousness and pre-women s group. But

really was a mind boggling experience. I mean, opening your eyes to these things that you ha

never noticed about roles and who did what. . . . And seeing the world through different eye

you know. You start to see the exploitation of women in the media and all those things yo

had never noticed before. remember that as a m jor break in my life.

Yo ung wo men wh o joined religious com m una l groups were exposed to wom en s r igh

activism, but for many, their involvement appears to have been hesi tat ing and qualif ie

(cf. Judah, 1974; Nordquist, 1978; Richardson, et. al., 1979):

The re were some things about the women s movement tha t were not part of my ideas but

was a little bit—I was kind of headed towards being involved but there were things still th

I saw that were happening—it was like an extreme. There were some things that I thought we

very positive but the n things were real extreme also that I couldn t agree with so I was kin

of on the edge.

To me when I first heard what Yogi had to say about women . . . To me it struck a bell some

where. Just because I realized like in all the flirting little relationships tha t

had with men th

I really was looking for th at security. You know I was coming from the liberationist s consciou

ness

too —not

as heavy as some people maybe.

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SOCIAL CHA NGE , GENDER ROLES, AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS 3 0 7

al. 1971; Co nov er, 1975; Wieder and Zimm erman, 1974). O n the other ha nd , the

I don t have a usual occupation in the sense of emp loymen t. . . . It has never occurred to me.

Of course from it seems like age one almost, people were asking me: Well what are you going

to be when you grow up?. . . Like these questions. You almost have to have an answer to them

or you don t get past that questio n o n to othe r thing s. So you have to fill in the blank s . . .

But at some poin t I stopped filling in th e blan k —even to the po int of pretend ing tha t I oug ht

to be thinking. What do you want to do?

The same assessment has been reached by other researchers. Religious groups were

havens for young men personally unattached to the traditional male role emphasis on

occupational achievement, yet experiencing strong social pressures to achieve. Confu-

sion and anxiety regarding work and career plans is a recurrent theme in descriptions

of life prior to group m embersh ip (D aner , 1976; D ow nto n, 1979; Judah, 1974; Nord-

quist, 1978; Richardson et. al., 1979; Simmonds, 1976; Tipton, 1982).

Tolerance for mbiguity

I have hypothesized that the absolutism of religious communal groups would be at-

tractive to those with low tolerance for the shifting interpretations of masculine-

feminine which confronted youth in the late 1960s. This was indeed the case. Using the

Budner (1962) scale of tolerance for ambiguity, the mean score for males in religious

communes was 9.68; their secular counterparts had a significantly higher score of 12.06

(F = 35.310, p < .000). Women in communal groups show the same pattern. Those in

religiously inspired households had a score of

10.63;

the mean score for participants in

secular movements was 12.35 (F = 14.410, p < .000). Women in com munal groups show

the same pattern. Those in religiously inspired households had a score of

10.63;

th e

mean score for partic ipan ts in secular movements was 12.35 (F = 14.410, p < .000).

Thus it would seem that a common experience for women and especially men in reli-

gious groups was confusion and uncertainty about changing gender roles, uncertainty

made more difficult to bear due to relatively low cognitive capacity for ambiguity and

contradiction (see also Richardson, et al., 179:191).

Discriminant nalysis

In the final exploration of the thesis that sexual and gender role ambiguities and low

tolerance for such ambiguities were predisposing factors influencing participation in re-

ligious movements, these variables were entered into a discriminant analysis. Estrange-

ment from traditional gender ideals was measured by an index which compared per-

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308

SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

cated by a simple sum mary of the num ber of questions abo ut the family and about wo

and achievement which were answered

no

opinion, don't know,

or

given some oth

response that did not indicate a clear conviction. Several other variables which ha

been shown to influence religious participation were also added to the analysis: fami

religious tradition, occupational prestige and geographical mobility; respondent's se

esteem,

age,

educational level,

and

alienation from political institutions (Argyle

an

Beit-Hallahmi, 1975; Roof, 1978). Table 9 presents attempts to discriminate betwee

males who joined com munes with religious ideologies and those who became involve

in nonreligious groups; Table

10

compares female mem bers

of

religious

and

secul

groups. Because of the relatively few cases for which we have complete dat a, these ana

yses can be considered only suggestive. Nonetheless, the high proportion of cases co

rectly classified

by the

discriminant functions would suggest

the

variables chosen

are n

without merit in predicting involvement with the new religions.

In confirmation of my general thesis, uncertainty about gender-based adult roles suc

cessfully discriminated between participants in religious and nonreligious communa

groups. Estrangement from cultural ideals

of

m asculinity

and

femininity was

a

predicto

However, as the bivariate analysis showed, rejection of trad itiona l gender role ideals w

TABLE 9

DISCRIMINANT ANALYSIS: MALES IN RELIGIOUS GROUPS

vs. MALES IN NON-RELIGIOUS COMMUNAL GROUPS

X ariable

1. Self-esteem

2. Jewish Family Religion

3.

Protestant Family

Religion

4. Uncertainty About

Work and Career

5. Difference in Values

Compared to American

Males

6. Father's Occupational

Prestige

7. Tolerance

of

Ambiguity

Canonical Correlation:

.779

Standardized

Discriminant

Coefficient

.73

.73

.63

.56

.45

.44

.39

Mean

Religious

Communes

N=21)

X

X

X

Score Higher in:

on-Religio

Commune

S=20)

X

X

X

X

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SOCIAL CHA NGE , GENDER ROLES. AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS 3 0 9

TABLE 1

DISCRIMINANT ANALYSIS: FEMALES IN RELIGIOUS COMMUNAL GROUPS

vs. FEMALES IN NON-RELIGIOUS COMMUNAL GROUPS

Variable

I. Difference in Values

Compared to American

Females

2. Tolerance of Ambiguity

3. Self-esteem

4.

Uncertainty About

Marriage 6t the Family

Canonical Correlation: .722

Cases Correctly Classified: 86

Standardized

Discriminant

Coefficient

1.03

.68

.46

.35

Mean

Religious

Communes

(N=J8)

X

X

Score Higher in

hJ on-Religious

Communes

N 20 )

X

X

1^on-Discriminating Variables:

Father's Occupational Prestige

Protestant Family Religion

Catholic Family Religion

Jewish Family Religion

Times Moved During Childhood

Respondent's Age

Respondent's Education

Political Alienation Score

Uncertainty About Work &. Career

greatest for women who joined secular communes; among male participants in commu-

nal movements, the least traditional were found in religious households. Uncertainty

about marriage and family roles distinguished women in religiously inspired households

from female adherents to nonreligious ideologies; lack of clear opinions and choices

about the nature of work and career achievement distinguished religious males from

their secular counterparts. Young men in religious communes were more likely to have

come from Jewish families*^ and their fathers' occupational prestige was lower than their

peers in nonreligious groups. One might speculate that part of the explanation for asso-

ciation between Jewish family background and participation in the new religions may

be that within such families, special pressures are exerted for male career performance

(McClelland, et al., 1955; McClelland, 1970). None of the family background variables

distinguished women who joined religious groups from their sisters in hippie, new left,

personal growth, and other secular communes. As predicted, controlling for other fac-

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religious movements score relatively low on measures of self-esteem (Nordquist, 1978

Richardson, et al., 1979). In the data at hand, low self-esteem appears to be associate

with religious participation for males only.'' '

Summ ary and onclusions

The most common theoretical explanation of the upsurge of cults and sects in recen

decades considers mo vem ent activity a response to culture crisis. W hen traditiona

frameworks of meaning, value, and role behavior are no longer effective for anchorin

social arrangements and providing meaning to personal experience, subcultures and so

cial mo vem ents emerge oriented to ward articu lating new values and putting belief

into practice (Anthony and Robbins, 1982; Bellah, 1975, 1976; Bird, 1979; Eister, 1972

1974;

d o c k , 1976; McL oughlin, 1978; Robbins and A nth on y, 1981; Tipto n, 1982

This paper has argued that we must consider age and sex/gender in our attempts to un

derstand the impact of culture crisis in the lives of individuals, and how this might lead

to participation in religious groups. The disjuncture between old norms and new reali

ties will be experienced most directly by youth. Because gender roles are important link

between culture and personality, as well as mechanisms for the allocation of social func

tions, rapid social change and cultural fragmentation will be manifest as gender rol

confusion and uncertainty. Developing new scripts for masculine/feminine will be im

portant to both religious and secular social movement efforts. Differences in ideology

and practice regarding sex and gender issues are important factors in the differential ap

peal

o{

movem ents to various audiences.

Data we have examined, as well as findings from other research, are consonant with

this line of argument. Study of a sample of communal groups inspired by the range o

social movements of the late 1960s era has shown that, regardless of other (political, so

cial, interpersonal, etc.) goals and programs, issues of sexuality and gender roles wer

a matter of ideological concern. Comparing religious and nonreligious communal move

ments, there were less differences in substantive ideological content than might hav

been expected regarding sex/gender. Libertarian sexual norms were found in spiritua

as well as secular groups. Many nonreligious communes were as unconcerned as thei

religious neighbors with implementing equality for women. The most striking and con

sistent differences were in the systematization and comprehensiveness of gender rol

ideology, and the specificity of group enforced norms for behavior, found in religiou

communities. Like their nineteenth century counterparts, contemporary religious move

ments have offered absolute definitions, ideals, and rules regarding men, women, an

'^The self-esteem findings may be explained by the disjuncture between self-concept and social confirmatio

within communal groups in the sample. As the personal values and self-perception data showed, women i

nonreligious groups tended to reject the traditional helping-serving role and saw themselves as strong, inde

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SOCIAL CHANGE, GENDER ROLES, AND NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS 311

their relations. This it would seem is an important part of the appeal of such movements

to potential converts.

It was hypothesized that the ideological rigidity of religious groups would appeal to

those most adrift in a shifting social world —neither embracing nor rejecting dominant

patterns yet having low tolerance for the ambiguity incumbent upon being caught be-

tween. There were less consistent differences than expected in the percentages of indi-

viduals in religious and nonreligious groups who had ever had nonconventional sexual

experiences. Women but not men in religious communes were more traditional than

their secular counterparts on measures of personal gender role orientation. However,

biographical interviews as well as measures of uncertainty regarding work and family

life indicate those who joined religious groups were more confused and indecisive about

traditional gender identities and norms rather than rejecting them outright. As ex-

pected, women and men in religious communal groups were characterized by low toler-

ance for ambiguity.

Adopting a comprehensive, externally defined worldview, being told in very specific

terms how to behave as a woman or a man, experiencing a moratorium from adult

responsibilities as conventionally understood, offers release from the anxiety and effort

necessarily involved in attempting to cope with the wantonness of rapid social change

(cf. Gillis, 1981; Zablocki, 1980:95fO. It seems reasonable to conclude an elective affin-

ity exists between doctrine and practice regarding sex and gender found in religious

groups and the desire or need of many young persons for clear guidance in resolving

gender related ambiguities and strain.

No attempt has been made to provide a complete explanation for the existence of the

new religions; the origins of many precede the late 1960s which saw the influx of youth-

ful converts (Ellwood, 1979). Nor is my intention to explain away spiritual needs and

longing. Religious interest in and of itself is not sufficient motive for participation in a

sectarian religious group. Religious conversion is one of a range of possible responses

to culture crisis and the need to discover or create new frameworks and identities. Those

who embrace the new religions are those who most resolutely answer no to the ques-

tion of whether a world which limps along on partial and shifting truths is to be pre-

ferred to one of perfect harmony (Horowitz, 1981:167). Among the most useful truths

offered by contemporary religious movements are sex and gender certainties.

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Aidala, Angela

A.

1979. Ideological System s:

A

Longitudinal Study

of

Norm s, Values,

and

Ideology

in

Sixty

Com munal Living Groups. Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation. New York: Columbia University.

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3 1 2 SOCIOLO GICAL ANALYSIS

Argyle, Michael and B. Beit-Hallahmi. 1975. The Social Psychology of Religion. London: Routledge, Kegan

Bellah, Robert N. 1970. Beyond

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