Ali Palestine and the Middle East a Chronicle of Passion and Politics 2003

8/9/2019 Ali Palestine and the Middle East a Chronicle of Passion and Politics 2003

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Preface

One can ask without sounding petty: Does the world needanother book written about the Middle East? My personal libraryis a testimony that might argue against this books printing. Butfew books cover analytical as well as emotional components ofthe Palestinian-Israeli conflict, preferring to stress one over the

other. This collection of essays follows no such restrictions.I started writing about the Middle East when I was twelve

years old. Little did I know then that this would provide thesubtext for most of my intellectual endeavors for the rest of mylife. Growing up as a Palestinian-American, one is apt to viewthings with different filters than those without a hyphen in theirethnic designation. I only hope this group of articles and essays

offers a viewpoint that will expand readers notions of MiddleEastern politics.

This book deals mainly with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.Several articles deal with the Iraq war, but the main thrust ishow the idea of Palestine has captivated millions of people overgenerations. The Palestinian narrative is only now becomingfamiliar to American audiences.

But there is not just one narrative that can define or representPalestinians. This book therefore represents a personal journey.Although it might have begun when I was twelve, the writingstook their inspiration from the outset of the second Uprising(Intifada) against Israeli Occupation. In addition to the personalaccounts, several essays deal with the hard edge of realpolitik.

Just as the flowers bloom and the birds sing because they

must, so too was I compelled to write. This collection is meant tobring understanding on many levels. Each essay stands or falls onits own. Hopefully you will feel the urge to continue your read-ings on the subject to learn about this crucial part of the world.

Jaffer AliMay, 2003


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Contents

Introduction xi

1. The Making of a Palestinian 1

2. Do They Really Hate Us? 4

3. Arafat and the Rhetoric of Blame 74. Run for Cover 9

5. The Cult of Zionism 11

6. Yaba, Why Do They Do That? 14

7. Why the Occupation Will End 16

8. Assumptions 19

9. The Palestinian Struggle 22

10. Sari Nusseibeh and the Right of Return 25

11. An Open Letter to My PalestinianBrothers and Sisters 27

12. Discovering the Chasm 3213. The Torment of Occupation 34

14. Why Is Israel So Scared? 37

15. The Moral Question: An Israeli Reckoning 40

16. The Perfect Storm 43

17. Sharons Pyrrhic Victory 46

18. Let Them Bleed 48

19. Democracy in the Middle East 51

20. Why Does Israel Want a US War with Iraq? 54


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21. Inside the LabyrinthPart One 57

22. Inside the LabyrinthPart Two 61

23. Does Justice Matter? 66

24. US Interests and the Middle East 68

25. US Foreign Policy and the Middle East 72

26. The US Peace of Despair 77

27. An Open Letter to President Bush 81

28. The Credible Threat of Force 84

29. The Anglo-Saxons Are Coming 88

30. Military Triumphs and Political Defeats 92

31. In Praise of Dreams 96

32. Reaching for the Stars 99

33. Principles, Alliances and Interests 101

About the Author 105

Index 106

x Contents


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Introduction

This collection of articles and essays was written over the lastthree years. At times it will seem like two different people werewriting the articles. Dont let the different styles surprise youbecause both represent something pivotal in the Palestinianexperience.

Both styles carry components that accompany the realityof living as a Palestinian in America. One style captures theemotive experience of living in Diaspora. The other capturesthe hard edge of realpolitik that living in a western country canilluminate.

I began writing just after the second Uprising or Intifadabegan. Many of the articles first appeared in the online publica-

tion called Viewpoint (www.gophercentral.com) and they havethe feel of events as they were happening. Other articles have ahistorical overview that is timeless.

Reading about the Palestinian-Israel conflict through thenarrative of a Palestinian-American should demonstrate thatPalestinians are not a monolithic block. There is a greater diver-sity within Palestinian society than the rest of the Arab world,

largely due to the fact that over 5 million of us live all over theworld.

The purpose for writing each and every word was to helpexplain the issues that have shaped the Middle East for decades.How can one understand what the issues are without under-standing the passions of the region? How can one understandthe conflict without understanding the historical roots?

Each essay was written to stand on its own. They have beenarranged in chronological order as much as possible and theyrepresent a journey for me as the writer. Hopefully they willhelp you, the reader, on a journey of discovery.


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1The Making of a Palestinian

(12/28/00)

Amidst the polemics that rage on and off line, sometimes it ishelpful to take a step back to understand the human dimensionof the Palestinian/Israeli conflict. If you please, indulge thefollowing reminiscences, for I believe they reveal why Israelmust necessarily abandon Occupation.

My father was born in the small West Bank village ofBeitunia in 1930. His family owned an orange grove in Lydda

and after 1948 neither he nor his siblings ever saw the groveagain.

He came to the US for good in 1949. He was a mansman with shoulders that appeared Atlas-like to me whilegrowing up.

When he was alive, I only saw my father cry three times inmy life. The first time transformed me forever. I was eleven

years old and the year was 1968. My father received a packagein the mail. Apparently he had donated some money and hereceived a book. I do not remember what kind of book, butinside when he opened it, I will never forget what I saw. It wasa small Palestinian flag.

My father took it out and with his head bowed... he wept.I distinctly remember a sense of bewilderment. I had never seen

this hulk of a man cry before. I quizzically asked, Yaba, whatswrong? But he never told me. His was a generation that foundthese emotional outbursts confusing and embarrassing. Butsomehow I instinctively knew what had happened. And some-thing happened to me. That day I became a Palestinian.


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It was the next year in school that the teacher assignedeach of us to give a speech. Most of the boys gave speeches onfootball and baseball and the girls on dolls and make-up.

My speech was on the disastrous consequences of the Balfourdeclaration.

Fast forwarding to the year 2000, history has somehowcome full circle. This time, I am the father. One evening mywife, three boys and I decided to break the Ramadan fast at arestaurant. The waitress came over to ask what beverage wewanted. I answered for the table, Bring three Cokes for the

boys and two glasses of water.My ten-year-old looked at me with surprise and said,

Yaba, should we be drinking Coca Cola? We should ordersomething else because Coke is helping the Israelis.

With this statement, my ten-year-old became a Palestinian.Now, if you think that our home is a den of indoctrination, youwould be dead wrong. He overheard me speaking about a

Middle Eastern boycott of American goods, which includedCoke. I believe my son instinctively knew that we should notlend ourselves to helping Israel brutalize our brothers and sis-ters, even indirectly.

These two incidents, separated by more than thirty years,reveal something fundamental, almost metaphysical. What con-nects allPalestinians in the world is a shared psychic experience.

And this experience solidifies a Palestinian identity, no matterwhere one lives. Diaspora has not eradicated this identity. Timehas not eradicated it. Neither prosperity nor privation has eradi-cated it. Being a Palestinian transcends geography and time. It isan eternal thought that lies dormant, waiting for a chance toexpress itself.

In the refugee camps of Jordan, Syria and Lebanon every

Palestinian dreams of freedom and living in dignity withoutdespair. In the villages of the West Bank and Gaza everyPalestinian dreams of a life without identity cards, without Israelisnipers shooting the eyes out of children in dubious self-defense.Every Palestinian living in countries from Australia to the US isconnected to every other Palestinian. We will not go away.

2 Palestine and the Middle East


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Israel has falsely assumed that time was on its side. Theirbelief was that successive generations of Palestinians wouldassimilate into neighboring Arab countries. Israel believed that

creating conditions of deprivation would cause a mass exoduswithout a longing to return. They have forgotten their ownhistory. Israeli brutality has solidified Palestinian identity anddemands its expression.

My father died almost twenty years ago and before hebecame ill and died, he looked me in the eye and said, Son,I may not live to see Palestine, but InshaAllah you will.

Although it is true that Palestinians clutch the past to preserveour identity, we are ready to embrace the future. My fathershope still rings in my ears.

The Making of a Palestinian 3


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2Do They Really Hate Us?

(10/18/01)

Hope is a waking dream.Aristotle

Monday night, I heard an analyst say that we had not tappedinto the Arab-American community enough to spread the wordback home about the nobility of the US war against terror-ism. A friend of mine told me the foreign services office is busy

trying to recruit hundreds of Arab-Americans as well.When you have a hyphen in your self-definition, you often

have a unique perspective. My father became a hyphenatedAmerican and I maintain the hyphen to this day. As I mentionedpreviously, he came to the US in 1949 after the Nakba (catas-trophe) when the familys orange grove in Lydda was lost to thenewly formed Israel. He spoke little English when he arrived

and taught himself the language by going to the movies. He was17 years old.

Thirty years later, at the tender age of 47, the Americandream let him retire and he moved to sunny Arizona. This briefintroduction should give you an idea that I am a product of theAmerican dream, where a penniless immigrant, through hardwork and dedication, can retire in thirty years.

But if I am a product of the American dream, I have alsobeen infused with the wonder and promise of the possibilities ofthat dream. America embodies the freedom to express oneself,freedom to live without fear of a military dictatorship throwingyou in jail for holding unpopular ideas. And what you do withyour life is up to you. In short, dreams animate my life.


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Ill let you in on a little secret. The same dreams inAmerican hearts are also yearned for in the Middle East. Theyare universal human impulses, yet remain buried in the sleep of

despair. That is why so many people flock to the US from allover the world. They cannot realize those aspirations in theirhome countries. Why?

Lets take a look at the landscape of Middle East regimes.Saddam Hussein, once a US ally, strangles and gasses his ownpeople, using largely US weaponry. Iran, through CIA andMOSSAD intervention, maintained a monarchy that brutalized

its own people until 1979. In Jordan, the monarchy has movedto quell all forms of expression that run counter to the throne.All media is controlled.

A colonel in the Jordanian army once told me that in theUS, the army is trained to fight outside enemies. But in theMiddle East, armies are trained to fight their own people.Where did he get his training? Of course, here in America.

In Saudi Arabia there are 30 multi-billionaires in the royalfamily and the rank and file citizen is practically destitute. Theroyal family appears pious for domestic consumption, thengoes whoring and drinking all over the world. Saudi citizenshave few jobs in their countries. My aunt brought my childrensouvenirs from Mecca. They were made in Taiwan. The Saudimonarchy cannot rely on its own military to maintain itself, so

the US is there to help it fight its citizens, should the need arise.The monarchy would topple within one month should the USwithdraw its support.

The Palestinian Authority, created by the CIA from PLOremnants, has cut a deal with the US. In exchange for crack-ing down on its own people and supporting US military goals,America will supply riot gear and slap its bette noir, Israel. A

Palestinian state is planned, but without the democratic idealsthat animate the human soul.

In Egypt, the second largest recipient of US aid in the world,cries for freedom land you in jail. In fact, the US asks its clientstate (with little opposition) to suppress the demonstrations forfreedom. US aid is contingent upon it.

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Syrian despotism is well known. Syria can occupy neighbor-ing Lebanon with US approval as long as it goes along with itsmilitary objectives. Oh, by the way, we admitted them to the

Security Council, wiping away its crimes against its own people.The US now welcomes Syria into its political sphere where thedream is only real for those who flee.

Of course, the granddaddy of them all is Israel. Israels pres-ent leader, Ariel Sharon is a master butcher. The massacres atSabra and Chatila are just examples of his desire to kill thedream. The crimes Israel has accumulated over the last 50 years

are almost too numerous to mention... except that they weredone with either US complicity or the US turning a blind eye.The US has given Israel over $100 billion since its inception.

The result? More brutalization and Occupation, paid for bythe US.

People in the Middle East do not hate Americans. Theycertainly do not hate the American Dream. Everywhere, people

yearn for freedom. And in this oil-rich region, everywhere areregimes, either created or propped up by the US. No regime inthe region has legitimacy. Everyone violates human rights.Every regime attempts to kill the American Dream.

So what am I supposed to say to the other side of myhyphen? Forget the dream? Stop trying to lift yourself from theservitude of your masters?

The people in the Middle East do not hate Americans. Theyrightly hate those trying to squeeze the American Dream fromtheir hearts.



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3Arafat and the Rhetoric of Blame

(12/06/01)

A man who lives, not by what he loves but whathe hates, is a sick man.

Archibald MacLeish

The horrendous events of this past week need to be put intocontext. If I had a nickel for every time I heard the wordsArafat is responsible for the violence in the region, I would

instantly retire. One would think that all parties live by theabove quoted reference rather than reason. But the truth of thematter is more serious than adding up debating points betweenPalestinian and Israeli spokesmen.

Israelis and the media know that to simplify a conflict, it isoften desirable to personalize it. Personify evil in the name andface of a leader. Quadaffi served this purpose in the 80s, and of

course Saddam Hussein was the 90s version of evil incarnate. BinLaden is the poster boy for everything evil in the 21st Century.

So Israelis have a well-worn media plan with which theycan make political hay. But we can ask with sobering reflectionwhether Arafat is actually responsible for everything that ailsthe region. If the answer is in the affirmative, then the solutionis rather simple. If this is actually the case, let me be the first

Palestinian to say it... execute him now.Israelis know where he is. To eliminate the responsible party

is simple. One attack helicopter will do. Eliminate the responsibleparty, and the trouble goes away.

Who believes this? Rhetoric aside, everyone knows thateven if Arafat were killed, the problem would still exist.


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And what is the problem? Occupation. Collective punishmentand enslavement of over 3.5 million Palestinians living underoppressive conditions is the breeding grounds for violence.

Kill Arafat and the problem remains. Israel has bombedeverywhere exceptwhere Arafat is actually lurking. Why? Theydo not want to kill him. They want to keep him alive and laythe blame on a person instead of a situation. If Arafat wereeliminated and the next suicide bomb went off, who would theIsraelis blame? What would they say?

Make no mistake about it... Arafats days are numbered. He

made a deal with the devil when he decided to become the defacto police force for an occupying power. He is caught betweenthe hammer and the anvil. He is not a very good policeman andhe certainly is not a very good leader for the Palestinian people.

The simplistic personification of the conflict is really adiversion. Dont fall for it. If Arafat were dead tomorrow, mil-lions of people would still be brutalized by Israeli Occupation...

and as long as this is the case, there is no power on earth thatcan bring an end to the violence.

There can be no security for Israelis while they continue tooccupy Palestinian lands. There can be no peace while there isa continued Occupation.



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4Run for Cover

(10/25/01)

My cousin phoned me yesterday to tell me he saw our 80-year-oldaunt, half blind being interviewed on Al Jazeera, the Arab equiv-alent of CNN. She was actually wailing to the cameraman,Al Yahoud... Keteloona, which translates to The Jews arekilling us.

Putting aside the notion that most of World Jewry actuallydoes not support Israels brutal Occupation, the conflict became

more real after that call. Everyone has a personal story to tell,a tragedy that has touched their life. Israelis have them too. Myaunt was left wailing to the entire Arab world... but who wouldhear?

Israeli soldiers have lionized for years. In 1967 they sweptthrough most of the Middle East in six days. I suspect they feelthose were the good old days. But today, the face of the Israeli

soldier represents something different to the world. When theyinvade neighborhoods with tanks and infantry, their soldiersknow where to go to stay safe.

Where is that? Tony Karon, of Time magazine wrote ofIsraeli soldiers using children as a shield. Karon reported,A PR disaster followed reports of [Palestinian] children hud-dling frightened in a Lutheran orphanage while Israeli soldiers

took up firing positions in their building. The State Departmentspecifically appealed for the safety of the children.

Other tactics have Israeli soldiers placing 10-year-oldPalestinian children on their tanks advancing into Arab neigh-borhoods. The goal is to suppress fire. They found this really


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does work. Children as human shields... a practice Israelis longcondemned as proof positive of decadent morality.

There comes a point in every colonial adventure when the

Occupiers realize they simply cannot win. Israel is close to this.One measures colonial resolve by the desperation of its soldiers.When Israelis use children as human shields, their desperationis clear. Their colonial adventure is about to come to an end.



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5The Cult of Zionism

(05/21/01)

Language is truly an amazing phenomenon. It is as if wordshave a transcendent quality that mean more to us even than wethink we know. Take for example the word thug. In the past Ihave used this word in the phrase, Zionist thugs. This is nota new term to anyone who has ever felt the humiliation of acheckpoint, the terror of an F-16 or Apache helicopter dispens-ing its payload.

But the word thug has an interesting etymology. Theword comes from the old Hindu cult called Thugee. The cultwas devoted to Kali, the goddess of death and destruction.For hundreds of years the Thugee cult practiced an organizedcampaign of assassinations. Strangulation was the preferredmethod. Thugees claimed tens of thousands of victims.

The British Raj hanged nearly 4,000 Thugees in the 19th

century and the cult has only survived as a word to be appliedwith discretion. I began to think of the term, Zionist thugs ina different light. What makes a former human rights activistwith dignity like Nathan Sharansky begin to advocate oppres-sive racial policies? What makes seemingly intelligent, articulateIsraelis turn so completely away from reason and accept mythinstead of historical truth? What makes Israel, as a nation, elect

known war criminalsnot once, not twice, but consistentlyelect leaders with so much blood on their hands?

The answer might lie in the notion that the spiritual heirs ofthe Thugees are Zionists. This is not just a rhetorical phrase. IsZionism a cult? And if it is, what can you do with them?


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Dr. Michael Langone, editor of Cultic Studies Journal hasdeveloped a brief checklist to determine if a movement is a cult:

The group is focused on a living leader or idea to whommembers seem to display excessively zealous, unques-tioning commitment.

The group is preoccupied with bringing in new members. The group is preoccupied with making money. Questioning, doubt, and dissent are discouraged or even

punished.

The leadership dictates sometimes in great detail howmembers should think, act, and feel.

The group is elitist, claiming a special, exalted status foritself, its leader(s), and members.

The group has a polarized us-versus-them mentality,which causes conflict with the wider society.

The groups leader is not accountable to any authorities.

The group teaches or implies that its supposedly exaltedends justify means that members would have consideredunethical before joining the group.

The leadership induces guilt feelings in members in orderto control them.

Members are expected to devote inordinate amounts oftime to the group.

I am not sure if Zionism has ever been considered as a cultbefore. So the question for concerned Jews who are not part ofthis cult, and Palestinians is: How should this cult be dealtwith? Since reason alone is ineffective in transforming cultmembers, and mass de-programming is not viable, we have a realproblem on our hands. We are beyond 19th century mass execu-

tions (the method the British used in India), so how can we breakthrough and cure such a large cult? We need to understandthat after converts commit themselves to Zionism, the cultsway of thinking, feeling, and acting becomes second nature,while important aspects of their pre-cult personalities are sup-pressed or, in a sense, decay through disuse.



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A normal level of psychological development and personalityintegration is very difficult for a cult member to achieve. NathanSharansky is a prime example of exhibiting a decayed sense of

human rights... probably through disuse. He needs to be cured orrehabilitated... not killed. I am not being facetious. Zionism is ananachronistic cult based upon an ultra-nationalistic ethic. Weneed the best minds in the world to work on this if there will everbe a solution to the problem between Israelis and Palestinians.

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6Yaba, Why Do They Do That?

(05/30/02)

After a recent suicide bombing that was reported on television,my twelve-year-old asked me, Yaba, why do they do that?

I must admit, I did not know how to answer him. He hasnever experienced what living under Occupation means. Living insuburban Illinois and alternately fishing and playing with the lat-est X-box video game, what frame of reference or context couldhe possibly relate to in grasping whatever answer I could give?

I put him off saying that it was complicated and he walkedaway less than satisfied. This is an attempt to explain to my sonwhy someone would become a human bomb and kill himselfalong with innocent people in a crowded market. In trying tofind my words, the answer began to assume a rather simpletruth. The American physicist and teacher Richard Feynmanonce said, The truth always turns out to be simpler than you

thought.This is what I wish I could have told him then.

When a people have been stripped of everything they have, aredenied the expression of who they are, humiliated by thoseoccupying their land, their homes destroyed, schools closed,children not being allowed to play, put in jail without trials,

executed without being tried... life becomes intolerable.In fact, the notion of simple earthly pleasures becomes out

of reach. The Israelis control every facet of Palestinian life.Suicide bombings are a reaction to this oppressive control of life.These people are telling Israelis, You can starve us, beat us,humiliate us, but you will never control our spirit. We will


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choose the day of our death, and in the process make you feel abit of the pain you, our Occupiers, inflict on our entire society.

Palestinians exist in an environment so dire that the

prospects of death overshadow their prospects for life. Imagineyour mother spat upon by a nineteen-year-old Israeli soldiersimply because she was your mother... imagine our neighbor-hood being bombed by powerful planes and helicopters and wehad no way to protect ourselves. Suicide bombings are acts ofdesperation and mean that a people have been pushed to thebrink. There is not one incident that leads to one of these

actions. Rather it is a systematic matrix of actions by IsraeliOccupation that terrorizes an entire population. Palestinianshave been pushed so hard, they no longer fear death nor theenemy.

The rightness or wrongness of these suicide bombingscan be debated by everyone, but failure to understand whythese happen will make certain that they will continue. Without

understanding the causes that lead to the bombings, one willnever eliminate them. This simple truth seems to evade mostcommentators, pundits and politicians; and of course seems tobe missed by most Israelis and those who support them.

I wish I could have said this to my son when he asked. I hadnot yet truly understood that the answer was simple. In anothertime, at another place... but for the grace of God, I too might

have become desperate enough to become part of such horrificevents.

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7Why the Occupation Will End

(01/10/02)

So much torture, bloodshed, deceit. You cannotmake your young people practice torture twenty-

four hours a day and not expect to pay a price for it.Jean Paul-Sartre

It is strange to be writing a letter about Occupation while I sitsafe in Illinois, typing away at the keyboard. For the last sixteen

months of this Uprising, I have noticed a change in myself. Myheart has been broken, then hardened, and then finally uplifted.Uplifted because I see now, more clearly than ever, that theZionist Occupation must necessarily end.

Are these bold words from the safety of 7000 miles away?Is this boastful panache characteristic of Arabic rhetoric?I think not. The conclusion is inevitable. Occupation will

never do the Occupiers any good. In fact, Occupation destroysthe soul of the Occupier. It turns decent human beings intooppressors. Occupiers compartmentalize their humanity. In onecompartment, there is the compassion for their own. Anothercompartment is filled with the bile necessary to maintainOccupation over what is not theirs.

One of the ways you know that the Occupation is near its

end is by studying language. Fifteen years ago, the wordOccupation was never used except within Palestinian circles.In fact, Israelis denied there was even an Occupation, and thewestern media generally used the language and frame ofreference of the Occupier. But today, even most of theOccupiers readily admit to the fact of Occupation.


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The Occupiers relationship with the Occupied is like thatof the slave owner over the slave. If one wishes to understandthe Occupiers psychology, look back to other 19th century

racist ideologies. The plantation owner comes to mind.The Zionist conquest of 1967 made Israel drunk with

power, and with this power came arrogance.Here are some of the reasons why we shall see an end to

the Occupation of Jerusalem and the rest of the Palestinianterritories:

Zionism as a political philosophy is losing its appeal toJews around the world. Its 19th century ethno-nationalideology is an anachronism.

Emigration from Israel is outstripping immigration. The Israeli economy is in shambles. This includes high tech,

tourism and military industrial sales to other countries(Turkey and China, the most glaring examples).

The costs versus the economic benefits of Occupation isstaggering.

The world is growing increasingly impatient with thehigh casualty toll inflicted on the Palestinian civilianpopulation, with over 22,000 people injured and over1200 killed in the last 16 months.

The Oil companies are becoming increasingly concerned

that the continued Occupation of Jerusalem will ignitethe Arab and Muslim street, thereby causing destabilizedregimes and unsure access to the oil. It should come as nosurprise that these companies influence policy.

Despite all the resources utilized for building a securityapparatus, the most insecure nation in the world is Israel.This is not a point argued by Israelis, as the number one

issue for Israelis is security. Occupation can never bringsecurity.

The US has begun to squeeze Israel economically. Why?Zionism has become bad for business. The policychanges, while subtle, are clear to the Israelis and welldocumented in the Israeli press.

Why the Occupation Will End 17


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In the New World Order, Israel is the odd man out.Historically, Israel acted as a western military outpost tocounter-balance Soviet designs. Now, Israel must sit on

the sidelines as the coalition of Arab countries jointhat New World Order.

The list could go on. But the main reason there must be anend to the Occupation is that Zionism itself is trying to swimagainst the tide of history. It foolishly believed that its successwas self-made. In reality, Zionist and western economic inter-

ests coincided for many years. This has changed foreveraneconomic fact that is beyond dispute. The global economicforces that helped create the Occupation are now about todismantle it.



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8Assumptions

Begin challenging your own assumptions. Yourassumptions are your windows on the world.

Scrub them off every once in awhile, or the lightwont come in.

Alan Alda

The terrible toll in Israel and the Occupied territories mountsdaily, and the cycle of violence brings more pain and sufferingto all parties. Yet, if you hear the pundits that grace the USmedia you get an odd feeling. The list of American authoritiesspeaking about US interests is almost nonexistent.

This is odd indeed. The average American needs to knowhow this conflict affects them. What are the strategic interestsof the United States? Why should it matter if Palestinians andIsraelis kill each other in an orgy of violence? No Americanpundit tries to answer these questions.

Which policies are likely to advance US interests? NoAmerican Senator who is interviewed speaks about thisyethow could they, since the interests remain hidden under a cloakof abject silence?

It serves one well to ask WHY?The answer is actually rather simple. For years, Americans

took it for granted that Israel served US interests. It was the bul-

wark against Soviet expansion. The Israeli port, Haifa, was asecond home to the US Sixth Fleet. Israels secret service,Mossad, had spies throughout the region and shared intelligencewith the CIA. Israel diverted internal pressures from variousregimes in the area and focused them on anti-Zionist campaigns.


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In its role as scapegoat for the regions troubles, Israel was aconvenient ally for maintaining regional stability.

If there were going to be wars in the region, Israel was the

only reliable ally for the US. US could use her bases for launch-ing whatever strikes were needed to maintain its interests.These and other advantages brought Israeli and US interestsinto almost perfect alignment. The result was a media thatinternalized these interests into a reflexive mindset. No oneneeded to question these premises. It was not even debatableamidst the corridors of power.

Even a President such as Richard Nixon, who had anti-Semitic tendencies, realized that although he didnt like Jews,Israel was an indispensable ally and served US interests. In1973, those interests made Nixon save Israel after it wasattacked in the Yom Kippur war.

But that was then and this is now.It is now essential to shake off those assumptions that had

been so internalized they were never questioned. The SovietUnion is no more. The US has bases in Saudi Arabia and Qatar.Egypt and Jordan have become reliable US allies. The US led acoalition in 1991 against an Arab state and the only ally in theregion that could not join that coalition was Israel. There wasa New World Order, proclaimed by George Bush, Sr. in 1991,and it merits consideration how Israel may or may not be

an essential cog in the US vision first outlined by our currentpresidents father.

So let me be blunt. Is it in the US interest to support Israel?Although it is most certainly the case that a moral argument

outlining Palestinians legitimate grievances can be made, this isnot the subject of this essay. In the world of Realpolitik,alliances are made or broken in direct relation to how strategic

interests are aligned between countries.It is now the case that Israel is finding itself increasingly at

odds with the strategic interests of the US. The continuedOccupation of Palestinian lands, especially East Jerusalem, con-flicts with the prime directive of US interests in the region...namely stability. Instability threatens the economic interests of



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the entire Western world. Israel, once a quasi-guarantor ofstability has now become the major catalyst for the opposite.

Saudi Arabia sits atop twenty-five per cent of the worlds

known oil supplies. There is no single regime in which stabilityis more important for the US than this country. Increasingly theSaudis are facing internal pressures questioning its relationshipwith the US. Critics point to the way the US-Israeli relationshiphas resulted in the Occupation of Jerusalem, Islams third holi-est city, as just one grievance.

The entire region is suffering under the economic effects of

the Gulf War. Most of the financing of that war was born byKuwait and Saudi Arabia. Their economies have suffereddramatically because of this, creating more fodder for theirinternal critics. Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon andKuwait need peace in the region. Military spending is too highfor their economies to sustain. Israel is not totally immune fromthe economic pressures either, although the US has subsidized

Israel to the tune of over $100 billion since its inception. Thisamount of money lends additional credence to the notion thatIsrael historically served US interests. It was not spent forwhimsical reasons.

To decrease military spending in the region, a comprehensivepeace agreement with Israel needs to occur. And here once again,we come back to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. There simply can

be no peace in the region without a solution to the Palestinianproblem that all of the Arab leaders can sell to their constituency.

So what course will yield the best route to stability in theregion? The answer to thisand only thiswill answer thequestion as to what is in the best interest of the US. Only afterwe begin to ask this question will we understand policy. It isabout time to take those old assumptions and scrub them, to let

the light shine through.

Assumptions 21


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9The Palestinian Struggle

(07/04/02)

To hear how Palestinians are characterized in the US media, oneis apt to believe they are a monolithic group with one mindset.But as is often the case, conventional wisdom is wrong. Thereis a diversity of opinion on just about every subject imaginable.The only point of universal agreement is the understanding thatPalestinian dispossession by the Zionists has been a price paidby few groups in the history of the world.

Presently a debate rages about how the struggle for freedomshould be conducted. Some believe an armed struggle is neces-sary. Within this camp is division as to the nature of the targets.

Another camp wants to wage a campaign of CivilDisobedience along the lines of Thoreau, Gandhi and MartinLuther King.

These debates take place far outside the reach of newspaper

headlines or the glare of television cameras. They occur in livingrooms across the world as well as those under intense andsuffocating Israeli occupation. Everyone has an opinion, anddeveloping a consensus is not likely to emerge in the nearfuture.

Some groups, although thankfully in the minority, evenbelieve it is no longer a viable option to struggle for freedom.

These groups believe the Palestinians must rely solely onAmerican largesse to achieve political aims.

This last group represented by an elite weaned on CIAperks, including PA security chiefs, Dahlan and Rajoub, may bethe best choices for US interests. But through corruption, theyhave marginalized themselves with the Palestinian people.


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Arafat may be blamed for using corruption to control thoseunder him, although he personally lives a Spartan life. Hehas used the character flaws of underlings to create corrupt

replacements.Without a doubt, one of the most laughable phrases to

come out of the Bush administration rhetoric is the Americancall for transparency and democracy inside the Palestiniangovernment. The US has used corruption in the Middle Eastfrom the time of their initial involvement. The US also supportsevery authoritarian regime in the region. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,

Oman, and Jordan are true authoritarian monarchies. The USpress seems not to mention this very often.

Egypt is known to be the most corrupt country in the regionand Saudi Arabias prince Bandar has said that if $50 billionhas been stolen in his country, it was not that big of a deal.

Unfortunately, Palestinian liberals remained too quiet in thepast concerning issues of corruption and transparency. They

feared that criticism of the PA would have weakened Arafat andincreased HAMAS role in intra-Palestinian politics. HAMAS,whatever one thinks of them, is known to be free of corruption.Palestinians are learning there is never a bad time to speakagainst authoritarian and corrupt institutions. Palestinians donot need the US to instruct them on their deserving freedom.

But the Palestinian struggle is not that easy to commandeer

not for the US, not for Arafat and certainly not for Sharon. Thereare over 3.5 million Palestinians in Diaspora. We have somethingto say about the nature of the struggle. Increasingly morePalestinians are suggesting there can be one state, two states,three states, or no states... but until the Middle East is rid of thevile and racist ideology known as Zionism, there can never reallybe a peace that can last.

I see no reason to stand mute on this subject. As long asthere is any state in the area that defines citizenship by racial,ethnic or religious categorization, there will never be a lastingpeace. Zionism is the last vestige of sanctioned racial ideologyon the planet. It was born in the 19th Century and shared thesame racial premises of Fascism, Apartheid and Nazism. Israel

The Palestinian Struggle 23


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inserts the notion of insuring a Jewish majority into itsnational charter. Jewishness becomes the driving politicalforce. One can be an atheist and still be Jewish, as long as one

has certain genetic heritage or lineage.The Palestinian struggle is actually a human struggle that

transcends Palestine. As long as there is Zionism, the strugglewill continue. As long as people will have rights based on theirrace instead of the content of their character, the struggle willcontinue. There is no longer a place for Zionism in the 21stCentury. It must go the way of Apartheid. It must go the way

of Nazism. It must go the way of Fascist nationalism.Is there a difference between American nationalism and

Zionist nationalism? You bet, and the distinction requireselucidation. The Unites States is a nation of citizens, regardlessof race or religion. Once upon a time the US was not so distin-guished. Once upon a time a black man was considered only 3/5of a man and had no vote. One had to be a white-male-property

owner to be a full citizen. But not anymore. American nation-alism by definition only requires citizenship, without regard torace, creed or ethnicity.

A Zionist Israel states that the country must have a Jewishmajority. Ones nationality is defined by ones race.* It is builtinto the fabric of its society. Regardless of what Arafat, Bush orSharon say... the Palestinian struggle will continue until the last

vestige of racial politics is eradicated from the planet. One daythere will be a country in that part of the world where Jew andgentile will live in harmony without the privileges and chains ofracial identification. These are the values I grew up with, oweto the memory of my father... and bequeath to the buddingminds of my sons.


* Race by definition of the Merriam-Webster Dictionary: 1. a family,tribe, people, or nation of the same stock; 2. a group of individualswithin a biological species able to breed together.


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10Sari Nusseibeh andthe Right of Return

(10/10/02)

A Palestinian growing up outside ones ancestral home oftenencounters a contradiction between the Real Politik contem-plated in the mind, and the dreams one feels in the heart. TodayI write from the heart to address what some Palestinians seek tosurrender: the inalienable Right of Return.

The Right of Return is an internationally recognized principleguaranteeing an indigenous population the right not to be relo-cated against their will. No nation, however powerful, has theright to ethnically cleanse a population. In short, might doesnot dictate right. Israels birth was not the virginal affairdepicted in movies and books like Exodus. Hundreds ofthousands of Palestinians were uprooted... and dispossessed.

Today, from that number, over four million Palestinians, manyof them living in refugee camps, are asserting their right toreturn to their historic homeland.

The Israelis have been unable to crush the Palestinian spirit,that dream of returning that lives in their hearts. But incompre-hensibly, a small band of Palestinian intellectuals led by thequasi-official PLO spokesperson Sari Nusseibeh is trying to

convince Palestinians all over the world that the Right ofReturn is nothing but vain folly.Without a doubt, we stand at a special moment. Men like

Dr. Nusseibeh offer a solution without justice. All peopleshould jealously guard justice and be suspicious of all who seek


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to diminish its precepts. Every solution that carries within itsbosom great and unrelieved injustice cannot prevail.

Dr. Nusseibeh has chosen a course to undermine the Right

of Return, all in the name of Real Politik. All he sees in over50 years of struggle is failure. I see the beautiful spirit of a peo-ple that has never given up their dream to live in a land withoutregard to ethnicity or religion. I do not see failure, but anindomitable will and faith that even if success may not cometoday, it shall come tomorrowand if not then, after thousandsof tomorrows.

Dr. Nusseibeh presents a greater darkness than the onePalestinians have fought for over 50 years. It is the darkness ofa soul that has lost its way. Couched in gentle rhetoric, he offersa world devoid of right and wrong. He offers a world where thecold edge of Real Politik replaces the foolish notion thatdecency will somehow triumph in the end.

It is this simple notion that has fueled the hearts and minds

of millions of Palestinians over the decades. This simple notionwas served to me with mothers milk. Thousands of people havedied rather than give up the innocent notion that justicematters.

Dr. Nusseibeh suggests that the time for pain must be overand the price must be to relinquish our hopes and dreams. Is itnot the case that greater than the death of flesh is the death of

dreams... the death of hope? Dreams and hopes are not the stuffof Real Politik, but they are what animate the human soul.These dreams are part of the Palestinian soul and cannot bewaived with a casual hand.

The choices for Palestinians seem stark. They are offeredthe despair of occupation or the despair of unredressed injusticein Dr. Nusseibehs world. Palestinians must reject this cold

world that prizes expediency over human rights.



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11An Open Letter to My Palestinian

Brothers and Sisters(02/19/02)

One of the most difficult things to do when engaged in a lifeand death struggle is to entertain internal critiques that gobeyond hand wringing. Critique is a fundamental necessity inorder to develop concrete steps of action. It is also difficult toremain dispassionate when passion is one of the few things with

which we are left.But it appears to me that many of our leaders and activists

have embarked upon a course that is more than fruitless; it isalso counter-productive. We have become a people so completelyabsorbed by the US agenda that we feel impotent in the face ofthe US juggernaut. We make the same appeals over and overagain, while expecting a different outcome. This is one psychi-

atrists definition of insanity. A few quotations may illustratemy point:

The American administration should take a firm andstrong position to put an end to the Israeli aggressionagainst the Palestinian people and force Israel to returnto the negotiations table and deal positively with the

international initiatives.Nabil Abu Rudeineh, Yasser Arafats Media Advisor

Go and beg the Americans for aid, because they are theonly ones that can do anything for you with Israel.

Qatari Foreign Minister


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Any attack on Iraq or Iran should not be contemplatedat all. It would not serve the interests of America...

Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah

Instead of hiring suspect spin-doctors and Hollywoodimage-makers, it behooves the US administration tore-examine both its words and deeds (as well as itssilence and inaction) when it comes to the Palestinians,the Israelis, and the Arab world.

Hanan Ashrawi, Minister of Information for the Arab

League, Palestinian Legislative Council Member

What each of these quotations has in common is the appealto the Americans. Either an appeal to US interests or outrightpleading is the theme of most of our best and brightest. Afteryears of listening to Israelis telling us what is in the Palestinianbest interests or listening to the endless stream of advice from

our chief tormenters about what we need to do to achieve ouraims, it is ironic that we should attempt this same strategy whenaddressing the most powerful nation on earth.

Is it really the case that the US needs Palestinians to instructthem as to what is in US best interests? Is not that ColinPowells, George Tenets and Condoleezza Rices job? Howmany times must we be rebuked or ignored when offering

advice to seemingly deaf ears? Yet we continue the steadystream of rhetoric.

It is sheer arrogance on our part to suggest to Americansthat we understand what their interests are better than theydo... just as it is American arrogance to suggest what is inPalestinian best interests. The US will act in accordance withtheir perception of US interests. If we seek to change those per-

ceptions, then we must fundamentally understand that the onlything the US fears in the region is instability. Unstable regimeswould lead to a catastrophic period of American occupation ofthe oil fields. The United States is run by corporate, economicinterests, and a precise kind of regional stability is the overallanimating principle for US policy.



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But the selection of the quotations above clearly demonstratesthat the Palestinian agenda remains one not of our own making.We think about US interests. We think about Israeli security.

We think about what others need to do instead of thinking aboutwhat we need to do. By adopting the frame of reference of theother, we lose our sense of self.

To add insult to injury, it makes our own people feel impo-tent. It reinforces the notion that our destinies are not in ourown hands. When an adversary is successful in controlling theagenda, they control the situation. We, as a people, have too

often been willing to adopt the frame of reference of others.So what should we do?We must understand the frame of reference of the US. We

must understand the frame of reference of the Israelis. But wemust not internalize them. We should stop trying to lecturethe US on what is in their best interests and try to influencethose interests... not by preaching to them, but by understand-

ing dynamic forces that animate US policy. Then we canconstruct strategies that push at the buttons.

Directly before Clinton left office, there was a flurry ofvisits to the Middle East by top Clinton officials. Why? US offi-cials did not (and still do not) believe Arab leaders that theregion is as stable as Arab leaders proclaim. One can almosthear Mubarak extolling that everything is under control,

similar to the assurances to the CIA by the Shah of Iran in1979. Cheney, who has been the Invisible Man since 9-11,will soon tour the region. He wants to see for himself if theArab street is as docile as it appears. This potential unrest iswhat worries the US administration. It is the Achilles Heel forUS policy.

Jerusalem is an issue that ignites the passions of the

Arab and Muslim street. Yet it is not a Palestinian priority tomake this an issue to 1.2 billion Muslims. A demonstration of250,000 Arabs in Egypt protesting the Occupation of Islamsthird holiest site would do more than all the pleas to Powell andcompany. Organizing a peaceful Palestinian march to Jerusalemto pray would be broadcast to the entire Arab and Muslim

An Open Letter to My Palestinian Brothers and Sisters 29


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world. Let Israel turn away our people. Would this harmPalestinian aspirations or forward them?

Instead, we opt for the defeatist attitude that Arab public

opinion does not count. We adopt the notion that influencingsomeone in Idaho or New York is worth more of our time thanapplying our skills to connecting with our own people. We feelabandoned by our seemingly indifferent cousins and thusabandon the Arab and Muslim street in favor of the tiredappeals to US officials.

Once Arafat stated words to the effect that the Palestinian

people are the glue that holds the Middle East together, or thedynamite that blows it apart. Those words are truer todaythan ever before. The only thing that stands betweenPalestinians and genocide is a fear of what this would do toregional stability. It is not a sense of Israeli morality that retardstheir version of a final solution, and we fool ourselves if webelieve US morality is any more of a restraining factor. US inter-

ests restrain Sharons passions.It is a cosmic irony that Palestinian interests are now

aligned with US interests as never beforeyet we have notrecognized this. The latent potential of regional identificationwith Palestinian pain and suffering is our asset. You notice thisimmediately if you go to Hajj. Upon hearing one is aPalestinian, hugs and kisses follow.

It is not our brethren who have abandoned us. They havetheir own conditions with which to deal. Their hearts arewith us, and if we ignore these in favor of trying to appeal tothe American heart, we abandon our chief asset. If westress how we have endured against the might of 50 years ofUS-Zionist collusion, the sleeping giant, our Arab andMuslim street will awaken. The events of 9-11 may have

delayed awakening from the slumber, but it has not alteredthe existential equation of regional economics. The US willnecessarily dump Zionism when it behooves them, and thetime is coming.



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We have lived the Dalai Lamas words when he said,

It is in the inherent nature of human beings to yearn for

freedom, equality and dignity. Brute force, no matterhow strongly applied, can never subdue the basic desirefor freedom and dignity.

Let the truth of our cause be the beacon of light. Let us turntoward our own people, educate them, speak with them andthus, indirectly further the process of De-Zionization. We

should assume that the US follows its interests. We are now ata precious moment that allows for cleaving those interests fromthe historic Zionist colonial enterprise by directing our effortstoward the Arab and Muslim street.

An Open Letter to My Palestinian Brothers and Sisters 31


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12Discovering the Chasm

(11/16/02)

Every once in a great while one or more events occur thattransform the nature of a struggle. As if by magic or DivineIntervention, a people decides collectively that the chasmbetween freedom and death is the only alternative of their exis-tence. They reach a point when they decide that the years ofhumiliation, the years of waiting for deliverance from outsideparties, and the years of placing faith in their leadership must

be rejected once and for all. It is a point of no return.The Palestinians have discovered this chasm.I am a forty-four year old Palestinian-American business-

man and I discovered the chasm after watching a thirteen-year-old boy in the Occupied Territories face an Israeli tank withnothing more than a stone in hand. This boy had discovered thechasm long before me. In that one brave act of defiance, this

boy became my leader. After first seeing that image, I cried.Every night as I go to sleep safely tucked away in my suburbanhome in Mokena, Illinois, that image haunts me... and I cry.Even as I type this with tears running down my cheek, thechasm beckons.

Israel has lost this struggle, only they have not yet fully dis-covered this. For years they have been so militarily successful

that the arrogance of power has distorted their sensibilities.Menachem Begin clearly outlined Israeli strategy when hesaid: We have made the Arabs lose faith and confidence in them-selves. Now we must make them lose the hope of pressuring usthrough the United States.


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The chasm is proving Israels well-worn strategy obsolete.Last month, a twelve-year-old Palestinian boy in Amman,

Jordan woke up at six in the morning and left a note for his

parents. The note said that he was leaving to join the Uprisingwith his brothers and sisters in the Occupied Territories. Hecould not wait for Arafat to deliver them from apartheid; hecould not wait for America to free his people. He embarkedupon a solitary journey, fifty miles to a place he had never been.After walking for eighteen hours, exhausted and lost, he fellasleep in a field only to be found by Bedouins. They took him

back to his family. This boy became my leader.Muhammad Dura was a twelve-year-old boy shot while in

his fathers arms by Israeli Occupation Forces. We are told hewas at the wrong place at the wrong time. His place andtime in the struggle are timeless, captured on film for a worldwishing to turn a blind eye; his place in the struggle cementedforever. This boy became my leader.

The human heart knows no bounds... once it is opened.Through the brutality of Occupation, through the humiliationof Occupation, through the injustice of Occupation, our peoplehave rekindled a dignity that has lain dormant for hundreds ofyears. Through our pain has come a rebirth. This rebirth tran-scends religion and ideology. It transcends economics andpublic relations.

The brutality of Israeli Occupation has an air of despera-tion. Israelis are clinging to a dead corpse, not quite realizingthat a rebirth is under way and cannot be aborted. Try as theymay, Israeli gunmen cannot extinguish the Phoenix rising fromthe rubble and ashes they have so artfully created. For everychild they shoot, another picks up a stone to lead our people.And I will follow from this point until the day I die.

Discovering the Chasm 33


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13The Torment of Occupation

(03/01/03)

One would think that a Palestinian safely living in the US wouldnot feel the torment of a siege taking place 7000 miles away.But the simple truth is that every Palestinian shares in themisery of Occupation. One barely needs to close ones eyesbefore the senses are filled with the sights, sounds and feelingsof Israeli Occupation.

How can this be? To be a Palestinian means that one shares

in a collective experience that is overwhelmingly shaped byOccupation.

The last time I visited my fathers village, I had graduatedcollege. The year was 1978 and I traveled to Jordan to visit myaunt before crossing the Allenby Bridge into the Occupiedterritories. I remember crossing the bridge by bus and meetinga University of Virginia graduate, Ahmed. He was going to the

West Bank to see his father who had taken ill.Once we crossed the bridge, the humiliation began. I was

asked where in Israel I planned to go. I innocently said I had noplans to go to Israel at all. I had only planned to go toRamallah, Deitunia, and of course the old city of Jerusalem.These areas were not Israel in any part of my mind. But themind of the Occupier pays little attention to such sensibilities.

They let me in, after a strip search and X-raying my shoes.Ahmed was not so lucky. He was denied entry and I neverfound out what happened to him.

That was almost twenty-three years ago and I yearn tovisit today more than ever. But the agony of Occupation isever present, casting its ever ominous shadow. Keeping family


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members from each other is just one of the torments ofOccupation.

One does not need to look far for the torment. It exists with

every Israeli shelling of our villages with Apache helicopters. Itexists when Israel imposes collective punishment over an entiretown. It exists when Israeli Occupation forces block all medicalsupplies from entering a town, crippling efforts to mend thebroken bones of children and adults alike. This is the tormentof Occupation.

There are so many episodes of humiliation, it is hard to

choose which to recount. There is the Israeli soldier who forceda young Palestinian to lie on the ground and placing his boot onthe neck of the boy proclaimed ...your parents and yourgrandparents were servants to us in this land of Israel and youwill continue to be our servants! The degradation is built intothe very nature of Occupation.

Certainly there are atrocities on both sides, but the injustice

is built into the fabric of Occupation. Palestinian violence aimedto rid itself from Occupation is episodic and a reaction to thedaily violence experienced by the population as a whole. Thereis no moral or physical equivalency between the violenceinflicted on the other. The humiliation and violence of IsraeliOccupation forces is an existential component required to main-tain the status quo. This is the torment of Occupation.

Apologists for Israeli Occupation have but one goal: toprove that all of the violence is squarely the responsibility ofthose wishing to be free. It is a spectacular Orwellian achieve-ment that a recent opinion poll of US residents showed that18.1% of Americans believe that Palestinians are to blame forthe violence. To be the victim of Occupation and then beblamed for the human impulse of yearning for freedomthis is

the torment of Occupation.Thanks to the Internet and satellite television, Israels hege-

mony over the portrayal of Occupation is crumbling. They can-not count on influencing a few network television news outletsto control public perceptions. Below are some of the facts of thetorment that can no longer be suppressed. This information is

The Torment of Occupation 35


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from the Health, Development, Information, and Policy Institute(HDIP). These reports can be found at http://www.hdip.org andthey cite all relevant sources.

As of 2/13/01, number of Palestinians killed since thebeginning of the new Intifada: 368

Number of Palestinians killed under the age of fifteen: 56[15.2%]

Number of Palestinians killed over the age of fifty: 20[5.4%]

Number of Palestinians murdered by Israeli securityforces after being captured, or simply shot at close rangewithout any provocation whatsoever: 32 [8.7%]

Number of Palestinians murdered by Israeli settlers: 22[5.9%]

Number of Palestinians who died because they were notallowed to get medical treatment: 8 [2.1%]

Percent of Palestinians killed who were not involved indemonstrations or clashes: 44%

Number of Israelis killed in this Uprising: 35 Number of journalists either shot at or beaten up by

Israeli soldiers or settlers: 44 Percent of Palestinian Red Crescent (like the Red Cross)

ambulances hit by live ammunition: 68%

Number of cases in which Palestinian ambulances werenot allowed to go through a road block: 109

This is the torment of Israeli Occupation.



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14Why Is Israel So Scared?

(04/12/01)

The days for unqualified US support for Israel are rapidlycoming to an end. I say this with full knowledge that the recentUS veto in the United Nations might seemingly contradict thispremise. For years, most informed sources within Israel havebeen dreading this inevitable fall from grace. Without unqualifiedUS support, Israel could not and will not survive in its presentstate.

To the casual observer, one could be forgiven for missingthe signs. Viewpoint commissioned the largest study on thePalestinian/Israeli attitudes ever conducted and the results wererevealing. Despite massive PR campaigns from hired agenciesand millions of dollars spent by the Israeli lobby, the USpopulation has actually seen through the fog and believes thatmainstream media is biased in favor of Israel. Most people feel

that Israelis and Palestinians are equally to blame for the ongoingviolence in the region. This parity is a dramatic shift in percep-tion, and is not by accident. It actually serves a latent US desireto switch horses.

Israel has illegally Occupied the West Bank and Gaza since1967. Only now is the word Occupation routinely used.In fact, in 1990 I worked for a company distributing a video

called Israels Shattered Dreams and the New York PR agencyhired to promote the video refused to use the word Occupationin the press release. Language is an important component inaltering the way people think.

Israeli brutality is required to maintain Occupation and thishas led Israel to spasmodically flail away in the political waters.


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Instead of treading these waters, it is obvious that Israel issinking. That is not to say that Israel will no longer exist. Butthe days of defining itself in ultra-nationalistic, racist ways are

drawing to a close. The days of maintaining the fiction ofdefining itself as a Jewish anda democratic state are ending.In fact, one Israeli general has called for a dictatorship tomaintain demographic balance. He was clearly stating thatIsrael could be a Jewish state or a democracy... but not both. Bythe year 2020, the Palestinian population inside pre-1967borders could easily exceed that of the Jewish population. This

is one reason for Israels recent escalation of brutality, since ithopes to change the demographic character with its own brandof ethnic cleansing.

These dynamics, however, are not new to informed Israelis.The new reality is that Israel has become a liability to US interestsin the region; namely the steady and stable flow of oil. Oilregimes in the region do not require the enthusiastic support of

its people. They only need their acquiescence. With satellitetelevision and the Internet bringing daily information abouthow many Palestinians are injured, the entire Arab (andMuslim) world is increasingly sympathetic and making theirleadership anxious. The increasing call for action is shaking thestability of these oil regimes. This hasnt only scared rich oilsheiks. Israel shares that fear.

Israel is not afraid militarily. It knows the US wants stableoil regimes as a strategic imperative. If Israel ceases to servethese strategic interests, or as in the present case, actuallyinterferes, the US will throw her over.

The monarchies in the region are in mortal fear that theymay lose their seats at the table. They survived losing wars butcannot survive continued humiliation in the face of protracted

unqualified US support for Israels illegal occupation. The US isabout to shift from its historic, unilateral support for Israel. Itis impossible for the oil regime leaders to ignore the newdynamic in the region. Even though they are dictators andmonarchies, they still need a minimum of support from thestreets or else their fate will be similar to that of the once



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powerful Shah of Iran. Revolution is not conducive to a steadyand stable flow of oil to the US.

As one Israeli commentator told me, We know that today

the US supports Israel but tomorrow may easily shift tosupporting the Arabs.

The shift is happening before our eyes. This is why Israel isso scared.

Why Is Israel So Scared? 39


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15The Moral Question: An

Israeli Reckoning(05/31/01)

The uprising against Israeli Occupation has fundamentallychanged the nature of Middle East discourse in the UnitedStates. For years, Israel had enjoyed a public relations advan-tage in the media. This advantage translated into controllingthe actual topics to be discussed. Historically, this usually

meant that Palestinian violence was the preferred discussionpoint, rather than the fundamental legitimacy of IsraeliOccupation.

In fact, Israeli propaganda was so successful, few people inthe US were even aware that Israel was illegally occupying theWest Bank and Gaza. The word Occupation was not a termused by the mainstream press. But today we find Israels public

relations machinery running into the cruel reality of Israelibrutality. Trying to crush a popular uprising using F-16s has nothelped Israels image. Israel can no longer control the funda-mental framework of discourse.

In short, the basic question of Occupations morality can nolonger be put off. In the first eight months of this uprising,Israeli Occupation Forces have injured over 17,000 Palestinians,

31% under the age of fifteen. Supporters of Israel are uncharac-teristically befuddled. As long as they controlled the parametersof debate, they were comfortable. But now they find themselvestrying to defend policies of collective punishment, where entirePalestinian villages are under siege. They must defend apartheidpolicies that give economic and social preferences to one ethnic


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group over another. They must defend using F-16 planes againsta civilian population. They must defend expropriating moreland to build more colonial settlements that are internationally

recognized as illegal. These are the realities of Occupation.How do Israelis and their supporters defend these actions?The morality of Occupation is not defended. In fact it is not

discussed by apologists. How often have you seen an editorial byan Israeli or Israeli supporter defend the right to defy interna-tional law and Occupy the West Bank and Gaza? Rather thandiscuss the merits of Occupation, Israeli supporters want to move

the discussion from Occupation to the tactics of resistance.Israeli apologists want to speak about Palestinian violence.

But as long as ten Palestinians are killed for every Israeli, aslong as there are fifty Palestinians injured for every Israeli, thispublic relations ploy will no longer be effective. The underlyingmorality of Occupation is the question of the day and this istantamount to the reckoning for Israel. Try as they may, they

are boxed in by the existential problem they have managed topreviously avoid. Israeli Occupation of the West Bank and Gazais immoral.

One can see the desperation in the Letters to the Editorpages in newspapers across the country. Israeli apologists arenow pleading for editorial pages to report both sides. To theapologists, they attempt the age-old practice of blaming the

victim... blame those who suffer under the oppression. This isbecause the oppression itself is rarely to be acknowledged. Butwhat these apologists want is not a discussion of the fundamentalissue; they want to change the issue itself. Liberal Zioniststry the reasonable approach by acknowledging Israelimistakes but immediately segue to Palestinian mistakes, asif they are somehow equivalent.

This particular tactic once again attempts to skirt aroundthe fundamental issue of Occupation by diverting discussion tothe tactics of Occupation and the tactics of resistance. Cananyone defend Israeli Occupation (and here I exempt the fringe,who make some sort of Biblical claim)?

The Moral Question: An Israeli Reckoning 41


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Israel and its supporters will be no more successful in justi-fying Occupation than were Afrikaners in justifying apartheid...Southern slaveholders in justifying slavery... Japan, in occupy-

ing China. It cannot be done with credibility. There are not twomoral sides to every issue.



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16The Perfect Storm

(08/16/01)

In 1991 off the coast of Bermuda, a once-in-a-lifetimemeteorological event took place as three separate hurricanescollided. Each was an independent storm until the collision,causing a single, giant storm seldom witnessed by even the mostseasoned weathermen. The storms fed into each other, givingeach their energies. The ensuing cataclysm became known asThe Perfect Storm.

Today, in the Middle East, we are witnessing the collision ofthree forces that promise to change the landscape of the entireregion forever. But the forces are not meteorological in nature.They are man-made, political forces.

The first force is an Israeli Prime Minister known for hisanti-Arab constitution: Ariel Sharon. Sharons rsum includesbeing sued in Belgium for his role in the 1982 massacre of

Palestinians in the refugee camps of Sabra and Chatila. Sharonas a force goes in a straight line. His energy and raison detrecome from his deep hatred of Palestinians.

The second force is one that Israel, in 53 years, has beenunable to eradicate. This is the indomitable Palestinian will.Israeli Occupation brutalizes the Palestinian population, yetthey have endured. Whatever Israel has thrown at them, they

have borne with stubborn resolve. This will comes from some-thing deep inside the human psyche or soul. It is the universaldesire to be freea force with which Israel has never come toterms.

The third force in the region is the most powerful of all:economic interests. In the Middle East, economic interests


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translate into oil interests. For the first 53 years of Israelsexistence, the West supported Israel to be a bulwark againstSoviet influence and its chief export: revolution. Israel would

also be a military, colonial outpost for the US military, orsurrogate if the need arose. Revolution is decidedly bad forbusiness.

But as the 20th Century drew to a close, we witnessed the col-lapse of the Soviet Union. We also witnessed a New WorldOrder, and the US created a coalition of Arab regimes that

would eventually adopt globalization policies rather than revo-lutionary programs. During the Gulf War, Israel was seen as apolitical and military liability. Ever since the end of the GulfWar, it has become more evident that Zionism was becomingbad for business, since its very existence threatened the stabilityof the region. Israels historic role of serving the regionseconomic interests has come to an end.

The collapse of the Oslo process was Zionisms last hope ofregional dominance. The three forces are now on a collisioncourse. Each of the three forces: Sharon, Palestinian will andeconomic interests have their own dynamic. But the collisiontoday is certainly due to change the political realities forever.Simply put, these forces are colliding to create another PerfectStorm. The landscape will never be the same.

What will the region look like when the storm runs its course?To answer the question, one needs to imagine a region

where Zionism is defunct as an ideology. This means that thosewho believed they were entitled to benefits because they were

Jewish, will simply leave when they no longer have preferentialstatus. These supremacists will pack their bags and head for

New York, Paris or wherever else they wish to go. Agencies willbe established to aid the de-Zionization process.

De-Zionization will not occur overnight. There willprobably be an interim two-state solution. Without the racialentitlements of Zionism, fewer Jews will immigrate to Israel.Instead, they will opt for the US, which will open its borders



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to Jews all over the world. This will exacerbate thedemographic time bomb, as Jews will soon become aminority. In Israel, the Palestinian population will continue to

skyrocket. Jewish emigration will continue to outstrip immigra-tion and eventually there will be a federation between theformer combatants. The two states will become one.

Once the region is de-Zionized, Jew and Arab will livetogether in harmony as they did before Zionism ravaged the

Jewish soul.The storms are feeding each other right now, drawing

strength from each other. We are witnessing a once-in-a-lifetimepolitical change. The skies may be dark and black at this time,but this truly makes the stars easier to see. The Perfect Stormis about to sweep away the Zionist landscape. In its wake willbe the calm after the storm.

The Perfect Storm 45


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17Sharons Pyrrhic Victory

(02/10/02)

Pyrrhus was the Greek king of Epirus. In 281 BC he invadedItaly with 25,000 men and 20 elephants. His was the mostpowerful army in the world at the time. But his victories againstRome were so costly, he had to totally withdraw from Italy. Hisnow famous remark, Another such victory and I shall beruined eventually gave name to the term Pyrrhic victory fora victory obtained at too great a cost.

It is worthwhile to consider whether Ariel Sharon is amodern-day Pyrrhus. In 2002, Ariel Sharon invaded the WestBank and Gaza with 21,000 men and 20 Apache helicopters.He now has the most powerful army in the region. His invasionof the refugee camps and villages across the West Bank andGaza will certainly result in his own Pyrrhic victory. Why?

Without a doubt, Israels Occupation of Palestinian territo-

ries has become costly on every front. The Intifada and armedresistance is devastating Israel in every way. Beside the loss oflife, the one existential problem for Israel, demography, is theunspoken cost to the state. Due to differing birth rates amongthe ethnic populations, all demographic studies estimate thatthe Palestinian population will exceed the Jewish populationby the year 2020. Adding to the disparate birthrates, Israel,

self-defined as a Jewish state, is a shrinking country. In orderto maintain a demographic majority, Israel must rely on immi-gration of Jews throughout the world.

Is it surprising that there are few takers on the road to theZionist Paradise? To exacerbate its existential dilemma, thecountry is beginning to de-Zionize. Zionists are leavingin droves,


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returning to the safe haven of Brooklyn, Miami or from wher-ever they immigrated. In the last year alone, over 3% of its

Jewish population has fled.

On the Israeli economic front, the miracle in the desert isnear bankruptcy. Its military sales have declined. Its tourismindustry has been eradicated. Its currency has lost over 11% ofits value in one year. Its technology industry has been devastatedby the worldwide technology slump. Its stock market continuesto slide into negative territory. The recent military invasion iscosting Israel more than 1% of its entire GDP. Unemployment

is almost 11%, the highest in its 54-year history. And itsnumber one export market, the Occupied territories, has beenshut down. Israels economy has been turned into a third worldagrarian economy, with Europe recently threatening to ban alleconomic trade with her.

So what kind of victory can Sharon and company claimwhen its very economic viability is threatened? And even mili-

tarily, can Israel achieve security while devastating civilianpopulation centers? The mounting war crimes are the source ofsuicide bombings. They are created out of desperation, injusticeand a feeling that there is no other way to confront suchinhumanity.

Oh yes, and what happened to Pyrrhus? He returned toEpirus, invaded Macedonia and made an unsuccessful attack

on Sparta where he was killed.

Sharons Pyrrhic Victory 47


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18Let them Bleed

(03/14/02)

I want an agreement, but first they have to bebeaten so they get the thought out of their mindsthat they can impose an agreement on Israel that

Israel does not want... We have to cause themheavy casualties.

Ariel Sharon, Prime Minister of Israel

The most current and succinct way to describe US foreign policyin the Middle East can be summed up by Colin Powells missive:Let them bleed. He of course was referring to the Israelis andthe Palestinians. The policy is meant to soften both sides, to letthem both feel enough pain so they will be more pliable.Flexibility has not always been the hallmark of Israelis. Israel hasnever been flexible until its own body count started to mount.

Lebanon proved this point.The recent escalation in the body count is beginning to

worry US officials. The cycle of violence and counter-violenceshows no signs of abating. But the worry to US officials is notquite great enough for a dramatic change in policy... yet. So theoperative policy remains: Let them bleed.

For Americans, the disquieting feeling emerging over this policystems from how the violence is seen outside US borders. Formost of the world, the perception of on-the-ground events isfurther isolating Israel. Israel is seen (especially by the Arabworld) as the party using sophisticated weapons to maintain an


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illegal Occupation. Israelis are seen as using American arms tobrutalize a civilian population.

Israel is the aggressor and no longer the Israeli David to the

Arab Goliath.The Palestinians on the other hand, are seen as a population

pushed to the brink of desperation. In a desperate environmentwhen one is pushed against the wall and robbed of any semblanceof humanity, desperate acts become common.

To most of the world, the violence used in pursuing an endto Occupation is perceived as legitimate in the face of over-

whelming oppression. Palestinian resistance is likened to that ofthe French Resistance of Nazi Occupation in WW II. Palestiniansare considered heroes in the Middle East and most of the world.This fact is not readily acknowledged within Israel or by casualobservers in the US.

No matter how hard Israel attempts to brand Palestinianresistance as terrorism, as long as Israel invades refugee camps

with tanks and Apache helicopters, it is they who are seen asillegitimate aggressors. The past gulf in perceptions between theUS and the rest of the world is striking. When Palestinians seekarms to protect themselves, in the US and Israel this was per-ceived somehow as illegitimate. Outside the US and Israel, secur-ing the means to launch an armed resistance is not only seen aslegitimate, but heroic.

So we have these two antithetical perceptions that aresweeping in nature. But trouble is afoot with the present Israeliperception. The US and Israeli versions of reality are beginningto diverge. Reasons for this split have more to do with thechanging face of US interests rather than a sympathetic view ofPalestinian suffering. The Let them bleed policy has actuallybegun to stir the Arab and Muslim street. If stirred too much,

regimes could become unstable.This is what is causing anxiety from certain US officials... and

certainly one reason for Cheneys and Zinnis visits to the region.To widen the gulf in perceptions regarding Israelis and

Palestinians, the Arab and Muslim world perceives the US in

Let them Bleed 49


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increasingly harsh terms. America was once seen to embodygreatness when it projected its ideals and values. Today, theprojection of power at the expense of its ideals has eroded the

regions historic good will toward the US.Also, Israel is becoming more isolated as its policies based

upon race are appearing like those concocted in the GermanReichstag. They have even begun to put serial numbers onrefugees forearms. They are not tattooed but marked in ink, adistinction better left for esoteric arguments. Collective punish-ment for entire villages in retaliation for suicide bombings

remains par for the course.These realities have played out in the glare of the television

cameras. The pain and determination of the Palestinians areraising their stature amongst the Arab world and Europe(100,000 people demonstrated in Italy in support of Palestinians).And now a growing number of Americans are beginning to seeIsrael for what it always was: a colonial outpost imposed on a

native population.



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19Democracy in the Middle East

(07/25/02)

Separating rhetoric from reality when speaking about theMiddle East is not an easy task. President Bush recently favoredthe world with his vision of a Palestinian state. The Presidentadditiona

Documents

Ali Palestine and the Middle East a Chronicle of Passion and Politics 2003