Ali Shari'ati: Ideologue of the Iranian Revolution

8/12/2019 Ali Shari'ati: Ideologue of the Iranian Revolution

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'Ali Shari'ati: Ideologue of the Iranian Revolution

Author(s): Ervand AbrahamianSource: MERIP Reports, No. 102, Islam and Politics (Jan., 1982), pp. 24-28Published by: Middle East Research and Information Project (MERIP)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3010795.

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Westernerscommonly perceive the IranianRevolution as an atavistic and xenophobicmovement that rejects all things modern andnon-Muslim, a view reinforced by the present leaders ofIran. They claim that the revolution spearheads the resur?gence of Islam, and that the revolutionary movement is anauthentic phenomena uncorrupted by any alien ideas andinspired solely by the teachings ofthe Prophet and the Shi'iImams. This conventional wisdom, however, ignores thecontributions of Dr. 'Ali Shari'ati, the main ideologue oftheIranian Revolution. Shari'ati drew his inspiration fromoutside as well as from within Islam: from Westernsociology?particularly Marxist sociology?as well asfrom Muslim theology; from theorists of the Third World?especially Franz Fanon?as well as from the teachings ofthe early Shi'i martyrs. In fact, Shari'ati devoted his life tothe task of synthesizing modern socialism with traditionalShi'ism, and adapting the revolutionary theories of Marx,Fanon, and other great non-Iranian thinkers to his con?temporary Iranian environment.1Readers coming to Shari'ati at this point in time face anumber of difficulties. The revolution not only made himinto a household name in Iran, but also transformed him

into a trophy in the contests of competing political groups.He is more eulogized than analyzed, more quoted?obviously in a selective manner?than published, andmore seen in light of immediate conflicts than in the con?text of his own 1960s and 1970s. Furthermore, dubiousworks have been published under his name.Compounding these problems is the fact that there isnot one Shari'ati but three separate Shari'atis. First, thereis Shari'ati the sociologist, interested in the dialectical re?lationship between theory and practice, between ideas and24 ~

social forces, and between consciousness and human exist?ence. This same Shari'ati is committed to understandingthe birth, growth, and bureaucratization, and thus eventu?al decay, of revolutionary movements, especially radicalreligions. Second, there is Shari'ati the devout believer,whose article of faith claimed that revolutionary Shi'ism,unlike all other radical ideologies, would not succumb tothe iron law of bureaucratic decay. Third, there is Shari'atithe public speaker who had to weigh his words very care?fully, not only because the ever-watchful secret police wereeager to accuse him as an Islamic Marxist, but alsobecause the high-ranking 'ulama' [leading clergy] instinc?tively distrusted any layman trespassing on their turf,reinterpreting their age-old doctrines. As Shari'ati oftenpointed out to his listeners, contemporary Iran was at asimilar stage of development as pre-Reformation Europe,and consequently political reformers needed to learn fromLuther and Calvin, take up tasks appropriate for theirenvironment, and always keep in mind that theShi'i 'ulama', unlike the medieval European clergy, en?joyed a great deal of influence over the city bourgeoisie aswell as over the urban and the rural masses.2

His Life'Ali Shari'ati was born in 1933 in a village near Mashad.His father, Muhammad Taqi Shari'ati, was a reform-minded cleric who had doffed his clerical garb and earned aliving by running his own religious lecture hall and byteaching scripture at a local high school. Because he openlyadvocated reform, the conservative 'ulama' labelled him aSunni, a Baha'i, and even a Wahhabi. In later years, 'Ali

Merip Reports ? January1982

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'Ali Shari'ati:

Ideologue of

the iranian

RevolutionErvand Abrahamian

Shari'ati proudly stated that his father, more than anyoneelse, had influenced his intellectual development. As aschoolboy, the younger Shari'ati attended discussiongroups organized by his father, and in the late 1940s fatherand son joined a small group called Nahzat-i RhodaRarastan-i Sosiyalist [the Movement of God-WorshipingSocialists]. This group was intellectually rather than polit?ically significant: it made the first attempt in Iran to syn?thesize Shi'ism with European socialism.Following his father's profession, Shari'ati entered theteacher's college of Mashad and continued to study Arabicand the Koran with his father. After graduating from col?lege in 1953, he taught for four years in elementary schoolsin his home province. While teaching, he translated?in asomewhat liberal manner?an Arabic work entitled AbuZarr: Rhoda Parast-i Sosiyalist [Abu Zarr: The God-Worshiping Socialist]. Written originally by a radicalEgyptian novelist named Abul Hamid Jowdat al-Sahar,the book traced the life of an early follower of the Prophetwho, after Muhammad's death, had denounced the Caliphsas corrupt and had withdrawn to the desert to lead a simplelife and speak out on behalf ofthe hungry and poor againstthe greedy rich. For al-Sahar and Shari'ati, as for many

other radicals in the Middle East, Abu Zarr was the firstMuslim socialist. The elder Shari'ati later wrote that hisson considered Abu Zarr to be one of the greatest figures inworld history.3In 1958, Shari'ati entered Mashad University to studyfor a masters degree in foreign languages, specializing inArabic and French. Completing the MA in 1960, he won astate scholarship to the Sorbonne to study for a PhD insociology and Islamic history. In Paris at the height of theAlgerian and Cuban revolutions, he immersed himself inMerip Reports ? January1982

radical political philosophy as well as in revolutionarystudent organizations. He joined the Iranian Student Con?federation and the Nahzat-i Azad-i Iran [LiberationMovement of Iran] which was formed in 1961-62 by layreligious followers of Dr. Mossadeq. He organized studentdemonstrations on behalf of the Algerian nationalists?after one such demonstration he spent three days in ahospital recovering from head wounds. He also edited twojournals: Iran Azad [Free Iran], the organ of Mossadeq'sNational Front in Europe; and Nameh-i Pars [Pars Letter],the monthly journal of the Iranian Student Confederationin France.Shari'ati took a number of courses with such famousOrientalists as Massignon and attended lectures byMarxist professors. He avidly read the works of contem?porary radicals, especially Jean-Paul Sartre, Franz Fanon,Che Guevara, Giap, and Roger Garaudy (a prominentChristian Marxist intellectual). Shari'ati translatedGuevara's Guerrilla Warfare and Sartre's What Is Poetry?,and began a translation of Fanon's Wretched of the Earthand the Fifth Year of the Algerian War (better known toEnglish readers as A Dying Colonialism)4.While translating the last work, Shari'ati wrote threeletters to Fanon, challenging him on the question of reli?gion and revolution. According to Fanon, the peoples oftheThird World had to give up their own traditional religionsin order to wage a successful struggle against Westernimperialism. But, in Shari'ati's view, the peoples of theThird World could not fight imperialism unless they firstregained their cultural identity. In many countries, thiswas interwoven with their popular religious traditions.Thus, Shari'ati insisted, the countries of the Third Worldhad to rediscover their religious roots before they couldchallenge the West.5

Shari'ati returned to Iran in 1965. After spending sixmonths in prison, and on being denied a position in TehranUniversity, he returned to his home province Khurasan. Hetaught first n a village school and later in Mashad Univer?sity. In 1967, however, he was able to move to Tehran andtake up a lectureship at the Husseinieh-i Ershad, a reli?gious meeting hall built and financed by a group ofwealthymerchants and veteran leaders of the Liberation Move?ment. The next five years were to be the most productive inhis life. He regularly lectured at the Husseinieh, and mostof these lectures were soon transcribed into some fiftypam?phlets and booklets. Tapes of his lectures were widely circu?lated and received instant acclaim?especially among col?lege and high school students. Shari'ati's message ignitedenthusiastic interest among the young generation of thediscontented intelligentsia.

Shari'ati's prolific period did not last long, for in 1972the Husseinieh ceased its activities. The hall was closed forseveral reasons. Shari'ati's popularity aroused concernamong the secret police, and the Mujahidin, the Islamicguerrilla organization, was suspected ofhaving a presencethere. Intellectual hacks hired by the government accusedShari'ati of leading youth astray with anti-clerical propa?ganda. H Even reform-minded clerics such as AyatollahMottaheri felt that Shari'ati was stressing sociology at theexpense oftheology and borrowing too freely from Westernpolitical philosophy.7Soon after the closing of the Husseinieh, Shari'ati was

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arrested, accused of advocating Islamic Marxism, andput in prison. He remained in prison until 1975, when aflood of petitions from Paris intellectuals and the Algeriangovernment secured his release. In an attempt to create thefalse impression that Shari'ati had collaborated with hisjailors, the government doctored one of his unfinished es?says, added simple-minded diatribes against Marxism,and published it under the title of Ensan-Marksism-Islam[Humanity-Marxism-Islam].* After his release, Shari'atiremained under house arrest. It was not until May 1977that he was permitted to leave for London. There, only onemonth after his arrival, he suddenly died. Not surprisingly,his admirers suspected foul play. But the British coronerruled that he had died of a massive heart attack at theyoung age of 43.

His Political TheoryThe central theme in many of Shari'ati's works is thatThird World countries such as Iran need two inter?connected and concurrent revolutions: a national revolu?tion that would end all forms of imperial domination andwould vitalize?in some countries revitalize?the country'sculture, heritage, and national identity; and a social revo?lution that would end all forms of exploitation, eradicatepoverty and capitalism, modernize the economy, and, mostimportant ofall, establish a just, dynamic, and class?less society.According to Shari'ati, the task ofcarrying forththesetwo revolutions is in the hands of the intelligentsia?therushanfekran. For it is the intelligentsia that can graspsociety's inner contradictions, especially class contradic?tions, raise public consciousness by pointing out these con?tradictions, and learn lessons from the experiences ofEurope and other parts ofthe Third World. Finally, havingcharted the way to the future, the intelligentsia must guidethe masses through the dual revolutions.8The Iranian intelligentsia, Shari'ati added, was fortu?nate in that it lived in a society whose religious culture,Shi'ism, was intrinsically radical and therefore compatiblewith the aims of the dual revolution. For Shi'ism, inShari'ati's own words, was not an opiate like many otherreligions, but was a revolutionary ideology that permeatedall spheres of life, including politics, and inspired true be?lievers to fight all forms of exploitation, oppression, andsocial injustice. He often stressed that the ProphetMuhammad had come to establish not just a religiouscommunity but an ummat [community] in constant motiontowards progress and social justice.9 The Prophet's inten?tion was to establish not just a monotheistic religion but anezam-i towhid [unitary society] that would be bound to?gether by public virtue, by the common struggle for jus?tice, equality, human brotherhood and public own?ership ofthe means ofproduction, and, most significant ofall, by the burning desire to create in this world a classlesssociety. 10Furthermore, the Prophet's rightful heirs, Hussein andthe other Shi'i Imams, had raised the banner of revoltbecause their contemporary rulers, the corrupt caliphsand the court elites, had betrayed the goals ofthe ummatand the nezam-i towhid.11 For Shari'ati, the Muharram26

passion plays depicting Hussein's martrydom at Kerbalacontained one loud and clear message: all Shi'is, irrespec?tive of time and place, had the sacred duty to oppose, resistand rebel against contemporary ills.12 Shari'ati listed theills of contemporary Iran as world imperialism, includingmultinational corporations and cultural imperialism, ra?cism, class exploitation, class oppression, class inequality,and gharbzadegi [intoxication with the West.] 13Shari'ati denounced imperialism and class inequali?ties as society's main long-term enemies, but he focusedmany of his polemics against two targets he viewed asimmediate enemies. The first was vulgar Marxism, espe?cially the Stalinist variety that had been readily accept?ed by the previous generation of Iranian intellectuals. Thesecond was conservative Islam, notably the clerical varie?ty, that had been propagated by the ruling class for overtwelve centuries in order to stupefy the exploited masses.Thus many of Shari'ati's more interesting and controver?sial works deal precisely with Marxism, particularly thedifferent brands of Marxism, and with clericalism, espe?cially its conservative misinterpretations of Shi'ism.Shari'ati and MarxismAt first glance, Shari'ati's attitude towards Marxismseems contradictory. At times he vehemently denounces it;on other occasions he freely borrows from it. This apparentcontradiction has led some to conclude that he was mil?itantly anti-Marxist. Others suspect he was a secret Marx?ist who hid his true beliefs under the veil of Islam. Stillothers dismiss him as a confused and a confusing third-rate intellectual.These apparent contradictions disappear once onerealizes that forShari'ati there was not one Marx but threeseparate Marxs, and three separate varieties ofMarxism.14The young Marx was predominantly an atheistic philos?opher, advocating dialectical materialism and denying theexistence of God, the soul, and the afterlife. According toShari'ati, this atheistic aspect of Marx was blown out ofproportion by European socialists and communists who, infighting their reactionary churches, automatically de?nounced all forms of religion. The second Marx was themature Marx, predominantly a social scientist revealinghow rulers exploited the ruled, how the laws of historicaldeterminism ?not economic determinism ?functioned, and how the superstructure of any country,particularly its dominant ideology and political institu?tions, interacted with its socioeconomic infrastructure. Thethird Marx was the elder Marx, chiefly a politician forginga revolutionary party and often making predictions whichmay have been politically expedient but which certainlydid not do justice to his social science methodology. Accord?ing to Shari'ati, this variety of vulgar Marxism eventual?ly overshadowed scientific Marxism. Engels, in his view,distorted the central themes. The working class parties, asthey grew, became institutionalized and bureaucrat?ized. And Stalin misused selective aspects of the youngand old Marx, at the expense of the mature Marx, in orderto reduce Marxism to a rigid dogma that accepted nothingbut narrow-minded economic materialism.Of these three Marxisms, Shari'ati clearly rejected thefirst and the third but willingly accepted much of the sec-




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ond. He stressed that one could not understand history andsociety without some knowledge of Marxism. He agreedwith much of the paradigm that divided society into asocioeconomic base and a political-ideological super?structure. He even agreed that most religions should beplaced within the latter category, since rulers invariablydrugged the masses with promises ofrewards in the nextworld. He accepted the view that human history was ahistory of class struggles. In his own words, since the daysof Cain and Abel mankind had been divided into two an?tagonistic camps: on one side stood the oppressed, the peo?ple; on the other side stood the oppressors, the rulers. Healso dispelled the notion that Marx had been a crude mate?rialist who viewed mankind as a cynical, self-seekinganimal uninterested in ideals. Shari'ati even praised Marxfor being far less materialistic than most self-styledidealists and so-called religious believers.But Shari'ati rejected the institutionalized Marxismof the orthodox Communist parties. He claimed these par?ties had lost their revolutionary fervor and had succumbedto the iron law of bureaucracy. He criticized these partiesfor not accepting the fact that in the modern age the mainstruggles evolved not around capitalists and workers butaround imperialists and the Third World. He also accusedthe Communist and Socialist parties of Europe of not help?ing national liberation movements in such places asAlgeria, Tunisia, and Vietnam.In criticizing the Communist movement, Shari'atiraised a number of issues against the Tudeh Party, themain Marxist organization in Iran. He claimed that Tudehhad applied Marxism in a mechanical manner, withouttaking into account that Iran, unlike Europe, had beenmolded by the Asiatic mode of production and had notexperienced the Renaissance, the Reformation, the Indus?trial Revolution, and the dramatic transition to capitalism.He also claimed that the Tudeh had failed to teach thepublic true Marxism, and had not even translated suchclassics as Das Rapital. Instead, the Tudeh had offendedthe country's religious sensibilities by publishing suchatheistic-sounding titles as The Materialistic Concept ofHumanity, Historical Materialism, and The Elementsof Matter.

Shari'ati's main objection to the Tudeh and Marxism,however, related directly to his earlier correspondence withFanon. For classical Marxists, nationalism was a tool usedby the ruling class to distract the masses from socialismand internationalism. For Shari'ati, the peoples of theThird World could not defeat imperialism, overcome socialalienation, and mature to the point when they could borrowWestern technology without losing self-esteem unless theyfirstrediscovered their national heritage and their popularculture. In a series of lectures entitled Bazgasht [Return],he argued that Iranian intellectuals needed to rediscovertheir national roots and that these were to be found not inAryan mythology?for such mythology left the massesunmoved?but in Shi'ism, which permeated most spheresof popular culture.15It is significant that Shari'ati, in his polemics, did notresort to the stock argument that the clergy invariably usedagainst the left: that Marxists are atheists and kafer [blas?phemers], and blasphemers are by definition amoral, cor?rupt, sinful, and wicked. On the contrary, in discussingMerip Reports ? January1982

Marxism he argued that what defined a true Muslim wasnot possession of a subjective faith in God, the soul, andthe afterlife, but rather the willingness to take concreteaction for the truth:Examine carefullyhow the Quran uses the word kafer.The word s onlyused to describe those whorefusetotakeaction. It is never used todescribe those who rejectmeta?physics or the existence of God, the Soul, and theResurrection.16.

Shari'ati and ClericalismWhile advocating a return to Islam and Shi'ism, Shari'atifrequently criticized the traditional 'ulama' in order to dif?ferentiate himself from conservative clerical Islam.17

It is not enough to say we mustreturn o Islam. Wemustspecifywhich Islam: that ofAbu Zarr or that ofMarwanthe Ruler. Both are called Islamic, but there is a hugedifferencebetween them. One is the Islam of the Cali?phate, of the palace, and of the rulers. The other is theIslam of the people, of the exploited, and of the poor.Moreover, t s notgood enough to say that one should beconcerned about thepoor.The corruptCaliphs said thesame. True Islam is more than concerned. It instructsthebelievertofightfor ustice, equality, and eliminationofpoverty.18Shari'ati accused the 'ulama', of becoming an integralpart of the ruling class, of institutionalizing revolution-

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ary Shi'ism, and thereby betraying its original goals. Healso blamed them for failing to continue the work of such19th century reformers as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani. Hesharply criticized the clergy's oppostion to progressiveideas formulated in the West, particularly the radical con?cepts advocated by the constitutional revolutionaries of the1905-11 period. He spoke out against their demandingblind obedience from their congregations, retaining amonopoly over the religious texts, and preventing thepublic from gaining access to true Islam. He claimed thatthe clergy refused to look ahead and instead looked back atsome mythical glorious age, and treated the scriptures asif they were fossilized, scholastic parchments rather thaninspirations fora dynamic revolutionary world outlook. Inhis view, they failed to grasp the real meaning of vitalterms such as ummat, and forced Muslim intellectuals toseek the truth in the works of European Orientalists.Shari'ati often stressed that the return to true Islamwould be led not by the 'ulama', but by the progressiverushanfekran [intelligentsia]. In Return, he argued thatthe Islamic Renaissance, Reformation and Enlight?enment would be brought about more by the intelligentsiathan by the traditional clergy. In a lecture entitled Mahzab'Aliyeh Mahzab [Religion Against Religion], he claimedthat in the modern age the intelligentsia were the trueinterpreters of religion. In Cheh Bayad Kard? [ What Is ToBe Done?], he insisted that the progressive intellectualswere the genuine exponents of dynamic Islam. Similarly,in a pamphlet entitled Entezar [Expectations], he arguedthat scholastic learning could remain in the hands of thetheologians but that true Islam belonged to Abu Zarr, themujahidin [fighters], and the revolutionary intelligentsia.The logic of Shari'ati's arguments clearly threatenedthe whole legitimacy of the clergy. For if revolutionaryIslam was the only true Islam, then scholastic Islam wasfalse Islam. If deeds rather than piety were the sure mark ofa genuine believer, then revolutionaries?even ifuneducated?were better Muslims than the learned butconservative 'ulama. If faith rather than learning gaveone true understanding, then devout lay fighters had abetter understanding of Islam than the scholastic clergy.And ifsocial science was the key to understanding the dualnational-social revolutions, then concerned Iranians studystudy sociology and political economy rather thantheology.

Shari'ati and Present-Day IranDuring the Islamic Revolution, Shari'ati emerged unchal?lenged as the most popular writer ofmodern Iran. Tapes ofhis lectures were widely circulated even among illiterates.His works were frequently republished. His slogans wereoften seen in street demonstrations. And his ideas werefreely discussed by the revolutionaries, especially radicalhigh school students. In fact, his ideas were far betterknown than those ofAyatollah Khomeini. Shari'ati, there?fore, can truly be characterized as the ideologue of theIslamic Revolution.Because of this unprecedented popularity, Shari'ati'sname has now become a major prize, fought over by rivalpolitical groups. The clerics heading the dominant Islamic

Republican Party eulogize him, write sermons about hislife, and often cite his works concerning Shi'i roots, culturalrevolutions, shortcomings of communist movements, theneed to struggle against foreign imperialism. Not surpris?ingly, they often censor his anticlerical views and denythat he was ever influenced by the West. The Mujahidin, onthe other hand, emphasize his call for a social revolutionand de-emphasize?especially after Mujahidin leaderMasud Rajavi fled to Paris?Shari'ati's stress on nationalunity against the ever-present imperialist danger.We cannot know where Shari'ati himself would standifhe were alive today. Many ofhis admirers have joined theMujahidin, but many others, despite reservations, con?tinue to back the Islamic Republic. This support of the re?gime is motivated by several important factors: the need toconsolidate the anti-imperialist revolution; the fear of amilitary counter-revolution; the aggression of neighboringIraq; and, finally, the mystique that still surroundsKhomeini and influences large segments ofthe population.This ook, uchfwhichsof ubiousuthenticity,asbeen ranslatednd ublishedin he nitedtates nderhe itle arxismndOther esternallaciesTranslatedyR.Campbell),Berkeley:izan ress, 980).hisworkasgivenmanyWesternershewrongotionhat hari'ati as rabid nti-Marxist.

FOOTNOTESContemporaryran Albany,980),p.143-58;.Keddie, oots fRevolutionNewHaven:981),p. 15-30; .Bayat-Philipp,Shi'ismnContemporaryranianolitics,inE. Kedouriend S. Haim,ds. Towards Modernran London, 980);nd M.Bayat-Philipp,TraditionndChangen ranianocio-Religioushought, .KeddieandM.Bonine,ds.ContinuityndChangenModernranAlbany,981),p. 5-56.o'A. hari'ati,Rasalat-iRushanfekrBarayiSakhtan-iam'ehTheIntelligentsia'saskin he onstructionf ociety](So\on,hio 979),.6.Q'A.Shari'ati,bu arrAachen, est ermany;978),.v.One f hari'ati'sollowersnd ormerresidentf he slamic epublicbul-HassanBani-Sadraterompletedndpublishedhe ersian ersionf heWretchedf heEarth.c'A.Shari'ati,slam henasi[Islamology\(n.p.,972),esson 3, p. 5-17.6M.Muqimi,arj-u-MarjChaoticdeas]Tehran,972),p. 3-14.HN.Minachi,Husseinieh-i-Ershadasnot Buildingut Historic ovement,Ittila'at,ecember1, 980.8Shari'ati,hentelligentsia'sask, p. 9-20.?'A. hari'ati,hi'i:Yek izb-i amam[Thehi'is: Completearty](n.p.,976),.27.Shari'ati,slamology,esson ,p.101.13Shari'ati,he hi'is: Completearty,.55.minism](n.p.,972),p. -72;slamology,essons0-15;heh ayad ardlWhats ToBeDone?}(n.p.,973),p. 0-75;azgasht[Return\(n.p.,977) p. 61-70.17For is ttitudeowardshe lergy,eeA. hari'ati,slamology,essons-7;WhatsToBeDone?,p. -157,ntezar[Expectations\(n.p.,972),p. 6-37;ndMahzabAliyehMahzabReligiongainst eligion](n.p.,978),p. -19.18Shari'ati,slamology,esson 3, p. 4-15.



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Ali Shari'ati: Ideologue of the Iranian Revolution