1  

 

 

 

Altered  Perspectives:  UK  Rave  Culture,  Thatcherite  Hegemony  and  the  

BBC  

 

   

 

 

 

 

Image  1:  Boys  Own  Magazine  (London),  Spring  1988  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Contents  

 

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………...………  7  

 

Chapter  1.  The  Rave  as  a  Counter-­‐Hegemonic  Force:  The  Spatial  Element…….…………….13  

 

Chapter  2.  The  Rave  as  a  Counter  Hegemonic  Force:  Confirmation  and  Critique..…..……  20  

 

Chapter  3.  The  BBC  and  the  Rave:  An  Agent  of  Moral  Panic……………………………………..…  29  

 

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………………………....  37  

 

Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………………………………......  39  

 

Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………………………......  50  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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‘You  cannot  break  it!  The  bonding  between  the  ravers  is  too  strong!  The  

police  and  councils  will  never  tear  us  apart.’  

 

In-­‐ter-­‐dance  Magazine1  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

                                                                                                                         1  ‘Letters’,  In-­‐Ter-­‐Dance  (Worthing),  Jul.  1993.  

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Introduction    Rave  culture  arrived  in  Britain  in  the  late  1980s,  almost  a  decade  into  the  premiership  of  

Margaret  Thatcher,  and  reached  its  zenith  in  the  mid  1990s.  Although  academics  contest  

the   definition   of   the   term   'rave’,   Sheila  Henderson’s   characterization   encapsulates   the  

basic   formula.  She  describes  raves  as  having     ‘larger  than  average  venues’,   ‘music  with  

120   beats   per   minute   or   more’,   ‘ubiquitous   drug   use’,   ‘distinctive   dress   codes’   and  

‘extensive   special   effects’.2  Another   significant   ‘defining’   feature  of   the   rave   subculture  

was   widespread   consumption   of   the   drug   methylenedioxyphenethylamine   (MDMA),  

otherwise  known  as  Ecstasy.3  In  1996,  the  government  suggested  that  over  one  million  

Ecstasy  tablets  were  consumed  every  week.4  Nicholas  Saunders  claims  that  at  the  peak  

of  the  drug’s  popularity,  10%  of  16-­‐25  year  olds  regularly  consumed  Ecstasy.5  The  mass  

media   has   been   instrumental   in   shaping   popular   understanding   of   this   recent  

phenomenon.  The  ideological  dominance  of  Thatcherism,  in  the  1980s  and  early  1990s,  

was  reflected  in  the  one-­‐sided  discourse  presented  by  the  British  mass  media.  This  work  

seeks  to  liberate  the  voices  of  the  ravers  themselves,  from  ‘the  enormous  condescension  

of   posterity’   in   order   to   provide   a   more   complete   historical   conceptualisation   of   the  

phenomenon.6  As   there   is   a   limited   amount   of   historiography   surrounding   UK   rave  

culture,   this   paper   draws   extensively   on   sociological   literature.   According   to   Peter  

Catterall,  History  of  the  recent  past  must  be  attempted  or  ‘analysis  of  the  contemporary  

will  be  left  to  journalists’.7  

 

Summary  of  Events:  

The   roots   of   the   rave   can   be   found   in   the   club   culture   of   Chicago.   Phuture,   a  musical  

group,  is  credited  with  having  composed  the  first  ‘acid  house’  track  in  1985;  acid  house  

                                                                                                               2  S.  Henderson,  ‘Luv’dup  and  De-­‐lited:  Responses  to  Drug  Use  in  the  Second  Decade’  in,  P.  Aggleton,  P.  

Davis  and  G.  Hart  (eds.),  AIDS:  Facing  the  Second  Decade  (London:  Falmer,  1993),  121.      3  J.  Merchant  and  R.  McDonald,  ‘Youth  and  the  Rave  Culture,  Ecstasy  and  Health’,  Youth  and  Policy,  45  

(1994),  18.    4  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture  and  the  Thatcherite  Hegemony,  1988-­‐94’,  Cultural  History,  4  (2015),  170.  5  N.  Saunders  and  L.  Heron,  E  is  for  Ecstasy  (London:  Self-­‐published,  1993),  14.  6  E.P.  Thompson,  The  Making  of  the  English  Working  Class  (London:  Victor  Gollancz,  1964),  12  7  P.  Catterall,  ‘What  (if  anything)  is  Distinctive  about  Contemporary  History?’,  Journal  of  Contemporary  

History,  32  (1997),  450.  

  5  

became  the  predominant  genre  of  early  rave  music.8    Chas  Critcher  claims  that  elements  

of   rave   culture,   including   experimentation  with  MDMA,   began   to   infiltrate   the   ‘trendy  

Soho  elite’,  by  1986.9    

 

By   1988,   the   rave   had   emerged   as   an   identifiable   subculture,   taking   place   legally   at  

nightclubs  as  well  as  illegally  at  warehouse  parties  and  events  in  hidden  rural  locations.  

The   size   of   the   rave   subculture   can   be   measured   economically:   Sarah   Thornton  

estimates  that  by  1993,  the  UK  club  market  was  worth  £2  billion  whilst  the  illegal  rave  

market  was  valued  at  £1.8  billion.10  The  early  to  mid  1990s  saw  diversification  of  rave  

music   as   the   emergence   of   ‘garage,   hardcore,   psytrance   and   jungle   music’   broke   the  

dominance  of  acid  house.11  

 

Authoritarian  reactions  of   the  government  and   the  mass  media  grew   in  parallel   to   the  

growth   of   the   rave   itself.   Matthew   Collin’s   popular   history   of   the   rave,   describes   the  

‘ritualized  sequence  of  moral  panic’  that  surrounded  it.12  Brian  Osgerby  elucidates  that  

the   tabloids  presented   the   rave  as   ‘a  barometer  of   social  decline’.13  Various   legislation  

was   introduced   by   the   Thatcher   and   Major   governments   in   order   to   suppress   rave  

culture.   The   Entertainments   Act   1990,   increased   penalties   for   illegal   rave   organizers,  

raising   the   level   of   fines   to   up   to   £20,000   and   introducing   prison   sentences   of   6  

months.14     Jason  Merchant  suggests  that  the  act   ‘heralded  in  quite  draconian  measures  

to  quash  the  rave  culture.’15  Although  the  government  had  already  criminalized  ‘a  whole  

section   of   the   youth   population,’   it   continued   to   target   the   ravers   through   the   1994  

                                                                                                               8  H.  C.  Rietveld,  This  Is  Our  House:  House  Music,  Cultural  Spaces  and  Technologies  (Aldershot:  Ashgate,  

1998),  8.  9  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media  (Buckingham:  Open  University  Press,  2003),  49.  10  S.  Thornton,  Club  Cultures:  Music,  Media  and  Subcultural  Capital  (Hanover:  University  Press  of  New  

England,  1996),  14-­‐5.  11  A.  Fraser  and  N.  Ettlinger,  ‘Fragile  Empowerment:  The  Dynamic  Cultural  Economy  of  British  Drum  and  

Bass  Music’,  Geoforum,  39  (2008),  1648.  12  M.  Collin,  Altered  State:.  The  Story  of  Ecstasy  Culture  and  Acid  House  (London:  Serpent’s  Tail,  1998),  90.  13  B.  Osgerby,  Youth  in  Britain  Since  1945  (Oxford:  Blackwell),  182.  14  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media,  51.  15  J.  Merchant  and  R.  MacDonald,  ‘Youth  and  the  Rave  Culture’,  17.  

  6  

Criminal  Justice  and  Public  Order  Act.16  The  act  increased  police  powers  to  prevent  the  

occurrence  of  raves,  which  they  defined  as   ‘a  gathering  of  a  hundred  or  more  persons,  

whether  or  not  trespassers,  at  which  music   is  played  during  the  night’.  The  music  was  

defined   as   ‘wholly   or   predominantly   characterized   by   the   emission   of   a   succession   of  

repetitive   beats’. 17  Osgerby   described   the   act   as   ‘the   most   comprehensive   and  

authoritarian’   set  of   ‘social  and  cultural   controls’   since  1945.18  Over  a   thousand  young  

people  were  arrested  under  the  act  within  its  first  year.19  The  authoritarian  stance  of  the  

government  drove  the  institutionalization  of  the  rave,  resulting  in  the  growth  of  the  club  

industry  and  the  demise  of  illegal  raves  and  free  parties  from  1994  onwards.    

 

Literature  Review  

The  relationship  between  rave  culture  and  Thatcherism,   the  key   focus  of   this  analysis,  

has   been   explored   in   the   sociological  work   of   Andrew  Hill   and   the   cultural   history   of  

Henry   John. 20  Scholarship   surrounding   rave   culture   is   part   of   a   wider   academic  

discourse   on   youth   and   subcultures,   which   established   itself   in   Britain   upon   the  

founding  of  Birmingham  University’s  Centre  for  Contemporary  Cultural  Studies  (CCCS),  

in  1964.  The  CCCS  analysed  style-­‐based  youth  cultures  such  as  Teddy  Boys,  mods  and  

rockers,   skinheads   and   punks.   Major   works   of   the   CCCS   such   as   Resistance   Through  

Rituals,   advanced   the   theory   that   subcultures   were   inherently   deviant   and   that   such  

deviance   represented   a   collective   reaction   to   structural   changes   in   post-­‐war   British  

society.21  Phil  Cohen  claimed  that  the  ‘latent  function  of  the  subculture’,  was  to  ‘retrieve  

socially   cohesive   elements’,   in   reference   to   a   sense   of   working-­‐class   community,  

‘destroyed  in  the  parent  culture’.22  

 

                                                                                                               16  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media,  51.  17  ‘Criminal  Justice  and  Public  Order  Act  1994’  quoted  in  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media,  51.  18  B.  Osgerby,  Youth  in  Britain  Since  1945,  216.  19  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media,  51.  20  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’;  

A.  Hill,  ‘Acid  House  and  Thatcherism:  Contesting  Spaces  in  Late  1980s  Britain’,  Space  and  Polity,  7  (2003).  21  S.  Hall  and  T.  Jefferson  (eds.),  Resistance  Through  Rituals:  Youth  Subcultures  in  Post-­‐War  Britain  

(London:  Hutchinson,  1976).    22  P.  Cohen,  ‘Subcultural  Conflict  and  the  Working  Class  Community’,  Working  Papers  in  Cultural  Studies,  2  

(University  of  Birmingham:  1972),  23.    

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Andy  Bennet  has  criticized  the  contention  of  the  CCCS  that  ‘styles  were  uniformly  used  

by  working-­‐class   youth   in   a   strategy   designed   to   resist   the   structural   changes   taking  

place   around   them’,   instead   stating   that   ‘post-­‐war   consumerism  offered   young  people  

the   opportunity   to   break   away   from   their   traditional   class   based   identities’.   Bennet  

critiques  subcultures  as  a  theoretical  model  through  which  to  study  youth,  as  the  term  

implies  rigid   ‘lines  of  division  and  social  categories  which  are  very  difficult  to  verify  in  

empirical   terms’.   Instead,   Bennet   argues   that   youth   culture   identities   are   closer   to  

Robert  Shields’   ‘postmodern  persona’,  which  has   ‘multiple   identifications’,   and   ‘can  no  

longer  be   simplistically   theorized  or  unified’.23  Jeffrey  Paris  and  Michael  Ault  maintain  

that   whilst   the   structuralist   approach   of   the   CCCS   could   be   considered   flawed,  

subcultures  provide  ‘a  vital  political  critique  and  vision  against  a  backdrop  of  expanding  

neoliberal  institutions  and  free  market  processes’.24  

 

John   identified   the   rave   as   an   entity   similar   to   Hakim   Bey’s   ‘Temporary   Autonomous  

Zone’   acting   to   liberate   areas   before   dissolving   ‘to   reform   elsewhere.’25  Parallels   have  

also   been   drawn   between   rave   culture   and   Michel   Foucault’s   ‘heterotopias’   in   which  

‘real   sites   found   within   the   parent   culture’   are   ‘inverted’;   and   Henri   Lefebvre’s  

‘representational  spaces’,  which  exist,  in  ‘clear  opposition  to  the  homogenizing  effects  of  

the  state,  of  the  political  power,  of  the  world  market  and  of  the  commodity  world.’26    

 

Methodology:    

This   dissertation   examines   UK   rave   culture   from   1988   to   its   apotheosis   in   1994-­‐5.   It  

draws  extensively  from  historical,  sociological,  spatial  and  political  theory.  Drawing,  in  a  

novel  manner,   from   sources   from  within   the  movement   itself,   such   as   rave   flyers   and  

rave   fanzines,   this   paper   revises   contemporary   understanding   of   the   rave   through   an  

                                                                                                               23  A.  Bennet,  ‘Subcultures  or  Neo-­‐Tribes?  Rethinking  the  Relationship  Between  Youth,  Style  and  Musical  

Taste’,  Sociology,  33  (1999),  601-­‐5;  

R.  Shields,  Lifestyle  Shopping:  The  Subject  of  Consumption  (London:  Routledge,  1992),  16.    24  J.  Paris  and  M.  Ault,  ‘Subcultures  and  Political  Resistance’,  Peace  Review,  16  (2004),  404.  25  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’,  165;    

H.  Bey,  T.A.Z:  The  Temporary  Autonomous  Zone,  Ontological  Anarchy,  Poetic  Terrorism  (Brooklyn:  

Autonomedia,  2003),  99.  26  M.  Foucault,  ‘Of  Other  Spaces,  Heterotopias,’  Architecture,  Mouvement,  Continuité,  5  (1984),  46-­‐9;  

H.  Lefebvre,  The  Production  of  Space  (Cambridge:  Blackwell,  1991),  64.    

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unexplored   perspective.   In   order   to   build   a   more   complete   history   of   the   rave,   this  

dissertation  employs  ethnographic  methods  to  better  understand  the  role  of  women  and  

ethnic  minorities  within  the  subculture.  Analysis  of  a  wide  variety  of  BBC  footage  is  also  

employed  here.    

 

Outline:  

This   dissertation   uses   previously   unexamined   evidence   to   support   the   contentions   of  

John   and   Hill,   that   UK   rave   culture   was   a   counter-­‐hegemonic   force,   embodying  

characteristics   inherently   oppositional   to   Thatcherism.27  Although   Shami   Chakrabarti  

argues  that  elements  of  Thatcherism  even  shaped  the  politics  of  the  Labour  Party  under  

the  later  leadership  of  Tony  Blair,  this  analysis  concerns  the  ideology  that  characterized  

the  governments  of  Margaret  Thatcher  and   John  Major   in  particular.28  The  second  key  

contention  of   this   research   is   that   the  BBC  held  agency   in   the   creation  of  moral  panic  

surrounding  the  rave  and  thus  enforced  Thatcherite  hegemony.  Detailed  analysis  of  BBC  

coverage  of  rave  culture  has  been,  until  this  point,  non-­‐existent  in  studies  of  the  rave.  

 

Chapter   one  will   demonstrate   that   the   rave  was   a   counter-­‐hegemonic   force  due   to   its  

capacity  to  decentralize  culture  and  capital  from  the  city  of  London  and  the  South  East  of  

the  UK.  Through  various  mapping  techniques,  it  is  evident  that  the  consumption  and  to  a  

lesser   extent,   production   of   rave   music   defied   the   spatial-­‐economic   trends   of  

Thatcherism.   Chapter   two   will   validate   contentions   about   the   counter-­‐hegemonic  

characteristics   of   rave   culture,   using   a   new   set   of   sources.   Analysis   of   fanzines,   and  

ethnographic   analysis   of   rave   musicians,   will   suggest   that   rave   culture   was   counter-­‐

hegemonic  because  of  its  empowerment  of  ethnic  minorities,  widespread  drug  use  and  

political   alignment  with   the   left   of   British   politics.   This   chapter  will   also   contend   that  

counter-­‐hegemonic  role  of  the  rave  in  liberating  women,  has  been  overstated  in  existing  

scholarship.    

 

Chapter   three   will   show   that   the   BBC   participated   in   the   creation   of   moral   panic  

surrounding   rave   culture,   by   constructing   an   exaggerated   impression   of   the   social  

                                                                                                               27  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’;  

A.  Hill,  ‘Acid  House  and  Thatcherism’.  28S.  Chakrabarti,  On  Liberty  (London:  Allen  Lane,  2014).  

  9  

dangers  of  the  rave  and  health  risks  associated  with  MDMA  consumption.  Through  the  

use  of   various   techniques,   the  BBC  created  discourse   shaped   through   the  paradigm  of  

Thatcherism   itself.   Jean   Seaton’s   claim   that   by   the   late   1980s,   the   British   media   was  

reduced  to  a  ‘quivering  sycophancy’,  appears  valid  when  considered  in  the  context  of  the  

BBC’s  reaction  to  rave  culture.29    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

                                                                                                               29  J.  Seaton,  “Pinkoes  and  Traitors”:  the  BBC  and  the  Nation,  1974-­‐87  (London:  Profile  Books,  2015),  2.  

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Chapter  1.  The  Rave  as  a  Counter-­‐Hegemonic  Force:  The  Spatial  

Element  

 Hegemony  and  Thatcherism  

In  order  to  revise  the  works  of  Hill  and  John  about  rave  culture  as  a  counter-­‐hegemonic  

force,  it  is  necessary  to  define  the  term  hegemony  itself.  Cultural  hegemony  is  a  concept  

prognosticated   by   the   Marxist   intellectual,   Antonio   Gramsci,   to   explain   continued  

international   dominance   of   capitalism.   Gramsci   claimed   that   the   capitalist   economic  

system  maintained   control   not   solely   through   violence   and   coercion   but   also   through  

ideological  control  of  culture.  In  a  hegemonic  culture,  the  ruling  class  advances  its  own  

values   and  norms,   suppressing   alternatives,   so   that   the   dominant   values   of   the   ruling  

class  become  accepted  as  commonsense.  Through  cultural  hegemony,  the  inequalities  of  

capitalism  are  justified  and  opposition  to  capitalism  is  quashed.30    

 

Stuart   Hall   describes   Thatcherism   as   a   ‘hegemonic   project’,   that   attempted   to   define  

‘what  the  nation  is’,  and  ‘who  the  people  are’.31  Hill  argues  it  was  marked  by  ‘intolerance  

for   those   who   did   not   conform’,   such   as   the   ravers.32  Furthermore,   Andrew   Gamble  

claims   that  an   image  of  a   ‘good  society  based  on   the   free  economy,  a   strong  state  and  

stable   families   was   central   to   Thatcherism’,   and   that   Thatcher’s   attack   on   social  

democracy  ‘took  shape  through  emphasis  on  the  politics  of  gender,  race,  national  unity  

and  social  and  public  order’.33    

 

The  following  analysis  builds  on  the  work  of  Hill  and  John,  proposing  that  the  rave  was  

also  counter-­‐hegemonic  because  of   its   impact   in  decentralizing   influence   from  London  

and   the   South  East.  Historiography  of  Thatcherism  notes   a   centralization  of   economic  

and  political   influence   in   the  South  East,  during   the  Thatcher  and  Major  governments.  

Whilst   the   South   East   generally   prospered   under   Thatcher   and   Major,  

deindustrialization  critically  impacted  other  areas  of  the  UK  causing  regional  inequality                                                                                                                  30  A.  Gramsci,  Selections  from  the  Prison  Notebooks  (London:  Lawrence  and  Wishart,  1971).  31  S.  Hall,  The  Hard  Road  to  Renewal:  Thatcherism  and  the  Crisis  of  the  Left  (London:  Verso,  1988),  71.  32  A.  Hill,  ‘Acid  House  and  Thatcherism’,  220.  33  A.  Gamble,  The  Free  Economy  and  the  Strong  State:  The  Politics  of  Thatcherism  (Durham:  Duke  University  

Press,  1988),  27.  

  11  

unprecedented   in   the   post-­‐war   era.34  The   pattern   of   spatial   distribution   of   raves   and  

rave  music  production  suggests  that  UK  rave  culture  defied  the  spatial-­‐economic  trend  

of  Thatcherism.  

 

Methodology  

This   analysis   uses   a   variety   of   sources   to   ascertain   the   geographical   location   of   rave  

culture.  The  spatial  distribution  of   licensed  raves   in  1988-­‐95,  was  determined  through  

an   examination   of   176   rave   flyers   available   in   the   UK’s   largest   online   rave   archive  

(appendix  2).35  Determining   the   location   of   illegal   free-­‐parties   (appendix  3)   during   the  

period  is  problematic.  Because  of  the  clandestine  nature  of  the  events  themselves,  there  

were  relatively   little  printed  advertisements.  As  no  definitive   list  of   free  parties  exists,  

this  analysis  relies  on  the  work  of  Collin,  a  widely  sited  authority  in  existing  scholarship,  

to   identify   free   parties   of   the   period. 36  An   alternative   may   have   been   to   search  

newspapers  for  coverage  of  free-­‐parties,  although  this  would  not  have  accounted  for  the  

hidden,  unreported  events  that  took  place  from  1988-­‐95.    

 

To  examine  the  geography  of  rave  music  production,  it  was  necessary  to  compile  a  list  of  

prominent  rave  artists  (appendix  4).  This  paper  uses  the  term  artist  in  a  musical  sense.  

This  analysis  relies  on  once  again  on  the  work  of  Collin,  as  well  as  that  of  Alistair  Fraser  

and   Nancy   Ettlinger,   to   identify   these   artists.37  An   alternative   would   have   been   to  

examine   the   national   dance   press   to   compile   such   a   list.   The   fanzine,   Atmosphere,  

however,   claimed   that   ‘the  dance  press   is  normally   the   last   to  hear  about  big   tunes.’38  

Fanzines  also  could  have  provided  a  list  of  artists  and  groups  (musicians),  although  such  

publications  are  normally  rooted  in  regional  specificity,  thus  would  provide  a  misleading  

                                                                                                               34E.  Evans,  Thatcher  and  Thatcherism  (London:  Routledge,  1997);  

A.  Gamble,  The  Free  Economy  and  the  Strong  State;  

G.  Fry,  The  Politics  of  the  Thatcher  Revolution:  An  Interpretation  of  British  Politics,  1979-­‐1990  (Hampshire,  

Palgrave  MacMillan,  2008).  35  Fantazia,  Flyer  Library,  http://www.fantazia.org.uk/flyerlibrary/raveflyers.htm  [accessed  4  March  

2016].  36  M.  Collin,  Altered  State.  37  M.  Collin,  Altered  State;    

A.  Fraser  and  N.  Ettlinger,  ‘Fragile  Empowerment’,  1647-­‐56.  38  ‘News  &  Views’,  Atmosphere  (Essex),  Jul.  1993.    

  12  

impression  of  national  trends.  Ultimately,  the  methodology  employed  in  this  analysis  is  

imperfect   but   serves   as   the   optimal   choice   given   the   limitations   of   the   possible  

alternatives.    

   Analysis  

Figure  1  and  Image  2  demonstrate  the  extent  to  which  participation  in  licensed  raves  

was  by  no  means  limited  to  a  concentration  in  London  and  the  South  East.  84%  of  the  

licensed  raves  surveyed  in  this  analysis  occurred  in  regions  other  than  the  South  East  of  

England.  The  East  and  West  Midlands  accounted  for  over  half  of  all  raves  during  the  

surveyed  period,  thus  demonstrating  that  rave  culture  antithetical  to  the  Southeasterly  

centralizing  forces  of  Thatcherism.    

 

The  geographical  distribution  of   illegal   raves  and   free  parties   further   suggests   the  de-­‐

centralized  nature  of  the  rave  culture.  Although  41%  of  illegal  raves  occurred  in  London  

and  the  South  East,  the  majority  of  these  illegal  events  took  place  in  the  other  regions  of  

the  UK.  The  South  West  was  a  particularly  significant  region.  Image  4  demonstrates  that  

the  overwhelming  majority  of  these  free  parties  occurred  in  rural  locations.  This  can  be  

explained  by  the  need  to  avoid  police  detection.  The  illegal  nature  of  these  raves  further  

illustrates  their  counter-­‐hegemonic  significance.  

 

Geographical  Location  of  176  Licensed  Acid  House  Raves  1988-­‐95  

 

Region   Frequency   Percentage  Greater  London   17   10%  South  East   11   6%  East  of  England   11   6%  East  Midlands   70   40%  West  Midlands   31   18%  Yorkshire  and  Humber   15   9%  South  West   5   3%  North  West   10   6%  Scotland   6   3%    

Figure  1  

 

 

  13  

Licensed  Raves  1988-­‐95  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Image  2  

     Geographical  Location  of  Illegal  Free  Parties  1988-­‐95:      Region   Frequency     Percentage  South  West   6   27.27%  North  West   3   13.64%  South  East   7   31.82%  West  Midlands   1   4.55%  Greater  London   2   9.09%  East   2   9.09%  Yorkshire  and  Humber   1   4.55%    

Figure  2  

  14  

Illegal  Raves  and  Free  Parties  1985-­‐95  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Image  3  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Image  4  

Rural  82%  

Urban  18%  

Free  Party  Locations  1988-­‐95  -­‐  Rural/Urban  

  15  

The   geographical   distribution   of   rave   music   producers   provides   less   convincing  

evidence  to  support  the  claim  that  rave  culture  was  a  counter  hegemonic  phenomenon.  

David  Hesmondhalgh  argues  that  rave  culture  scholarship  has  neglected  to  consider  the  

politics   of   cultural   production.   He   claims   this   is   due   to   a   view   that   study   of   ‘cultural  

production  is  a  sign  of  an  unreconstructed,  old-­‐fashioned  Marxism’,  at  odds  with  current  

academic  trends.39    

 

Image  5  demonstrates  that  the  majority  of  rave  music  producers  were  based  in  London  

or  the  South  East.  Such  findings  suggest  that  rave  culture  was  not  entirely  immune  to  the  

centralizing  effects  of  Thatcherism.  It  should  be  noted  however  that  the  sample  size  was  

just   fifty-­‐four,   and   that   a  more   extensive   survey  may   have   revealed   a   less   centralized  

pattern   of   production.   Furthermore,   Image   5   fails   to   adequately   represent   the  

importance  of  the  North  West  as  a  center  of  rave  music  production,  accounting  for  19%  

percent  of  all  surveyed  producers.    Manchester  alone  had  more  music  producers  in  the  

sample  than  all  of  the  Home  Counties  combined.  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Image  5  

 

Although  the  spatial  distribution  of  rave  music  production  complicates  the  contention  of  

this  essay,  the  highly  decentralized  pattern  of  rave  music  consumption  indicates  that  UK  

                                                                                                               39  D.  Hesmondhalgh,  ‘The  Cultural  Politics  of  Dance  Music’,  Soundings,  5  (1997),    172.  

London  &  South  East  61%  

Rest  of  UK  39%  

Location  of  rave  music  production  1988-­‐95  

  16  

rave   culture   spatially   challenged   Thatcherite   hegemony.   Hill   writes   that   a   hegemonic  

project   ‘has   to   be   established   in   spatial   terms.’40  These   findings   suggest   that   counter-­‐

hegemony  can  also  be  established  in  such  terms.    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

                                                                                                               40  A.  Hill,  Acid  House  and  Thatcherism,  222  

  17  

Chapter  2.  Raves  as  a  Counter-­‐Hegemonic  Force:  Confirmation  and  Critique    

Existing   scholarship   on   the   rave   assigns   various   counter-­‐hegemonic   characteristics   to  

the   rave   including   both   ethnic   minority   and   female   empowerment,   and   widespread  

consumption   of   illegal   drugs.   These   characteristics   are   confirmed   through   literary  

analysis   of   fanzines   and   ethnographic   investigation.   Furthermore,   fanzine   analysis  

suggests  that  the  ravers  politically  aligned  themselves  with  the  left,  suggesting  that  they  

consciously  sought  to  challenge  Thatcherite  hegemony.  This  analysis  also  challenges  the  

notion  that  the  rave  was  counter-­‐hegemonic  because  it  empowered  of  women.      

 

Empowerment  of  Ethnic  Minorities  

This  paper  supports  the  view  of  John,  that  rave  culture  was  counter-­‐hegemonic  because  

of   its   tendency   to   act   as   a   forum   in   which     ‘racial   conflict   could   be   harmoniously  

dispersed.’41  The   1980s   saw   a   period   of   escalating   racial   tension,   culminating   in   a  

number  of  race  riots.  Racist  sentiment  was  not,  however  the  sole  preserve  of  the  rioters.  

Stuart  Hall  and  Martin   Jacques  note  that  Thatcher’s   immigration  policy  was  shaped  by  

‘patriarchalism,  racism  and  imperialist  nostalgia.’42  Thatcher’s  pronouncement,  that  the  

UK   could   be   ‘swamped’   by   immigrants,   in   conjunction  with   her   passing   of   the  British  

Nationality  Act  1981,  demonstrated  Thatcher’s  intention  to  ‘clearly  define,  segregate  and  

restrict   minority   communities.’43  The   ethnographic   study   of   the   fifty-­‐four   rave   music  

artists,   identified   earlier   in   this   paper,   as   well   as   literary   analysis   of   a   range   of   rave  

fanzines   reveal   that   the   rave   was   an   important   counter-­‐hegemonic   space   of   ethnic  

minority  empowerment  between  1988-­‐95.    

 

The  high  proportion  of  black  and  ethnic  minority  artists   involved   in   the  production  of  

rave   music   is   evidence   that   the   culture   served   as   a   vehicle   of   socio-­‐cultural  

empowerment.   Between   1988-­‐1995,   the   ONS   estimated   that   non-­‐white   individuals  

accounted   for  5.7%  of   the  UK  population.44  Given  the   limited  size  of   this  demographic,  

                                                                                                               41  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’,  168.  42  S.  Hall  and  M.  Jacques  (eds.),  The  Politics  of  Thatcherism,  11.  43  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’,  168.  44  J.  Schuman,  ‘Demography  and  Health’,  Population  Trends,  96  (1999),  34.  

  18  

the   finding   of   this   paper,   that   non-­‐white   artists   constituted   31%   of   rave   music  

producers,   suggests   that   rave   music   was   an   effective   method   of   socio-­‐cultural  

empowerment  for  ethnic  minorities.  The  rise  of  jungle  music,  sometimes  referred  to  as  

drum   and   bass,   demonstrates   the   cultural   influence   of   black   and   ethnic   minority  

musicians  in  the  early  1990s.  Jungle  music  blends  the  bass  lines  of  Jamaican  reggae-­‐dub,  

with  reggae-­‐influenced  vocals  and  break-­‐beat  percussion  of  a  fast  tempo.    Referred  to  as  

the   first   ‘British   black   music,’   and   ‘the   defining   sound   of   the   1990s’,   image   6  

demonstrates  the  disproportionate  dominance  of  ethnic  minority  artists,  in  jungle  music  

production.45  The   proportion   is   calculated   from   the   aforementioned   list   of   fifty-­‐four  

artists.  

 

Image  6  

 

The  Scene  almost  exclusively  publicized  jungle  music  events,  demonstrating  the  growth  

of   the   genre   by   the   mid   1990s.   In   one   edition   ‘Jungle   Massive   2’,   ‘Hardcore   Junglist  

Fever’,  ‘Furore’,  and  ‘Jungle  Mania  IV’  are  all  promoted.46    The  content  of  these  fanzines  

                                                                                                               45  C  Critcher,  ‘”Still  Raving”:  Social  Reaction  to  Ecstasy’,  Leisure  Studies,  19  (2000),  148.  46  The  Scene  (Surrey),  Nov.  1994.    

White  47%  

Black  and  Ethnic  Minority    53%  

Jungle  Drum  and  Bass  Producer  Ethnicity  1988-­‐95  

  19  

suggested   that   the  popularity  of   jungle  was   ‘exploding’.47  Although  the  era  of  Thatcher  

and   Major   may   be   characterized   as   one   of   oppression   of   ethnic   minorities,   the   rave  

movement  offered  a  chance  for  ethnic  minorities  to  play  a  key  role  in  defining  the  youth  

culture  of  the  UK.  

 

The  content  of  various  fanzines  also  suggests  that  attitudes  among  the  rave  community  

were  generally  anti-­‐racist.  Authored  by  ravers,  for  ravers,  fanzines  arguably  provide  the  

clearest  insight  into  the  attitudes  held  by  this  subculture.  Boy’s  Own  took  an  anti-­‐racist  

position  with  statements  such  as  ‘racism:  bollocks’.48  This  fanzine  claimed,  in  reference  

to   acid   house   music:   ‘The   house   scene,   in   all   its   forms   has   done   more   for   racial  

understanding  among  today’s  younger  kids  than  ten  years  of  racist  door  policies…  ever  

did,’  before  explaining  that  the  rave  was  a  space  of  racial  ‘tolerance’.  49  The  fanzine  also  

criticized  public  figures  such  as  Esther  Rantzen  for  engaging  in  the  ‘piss  take  of  various  

minorities’,   as   well   as   London’s   ‘racist/radical   radio   station’   in   reference   to   Tony  

Blackburn’s   show   on   BBC   Radio   One.50  Rave   Scene  Magazeen   positioned   itself   against  

racism,  employing  adverts  such  as    ‘Junglism  against  racism’  and  promoting  the  music  of  

black   musicians   such   as   Carl   Cox,   through   artist   interviews.51  The   Scene   shows   a  

willingness  to  engage  with  the  ‘Junglist  movement’,  conducting  interviews  with  minority  

performers  such  as  Kenny  Ken  and  Marvelous  Cain,  thus  promoting  black  voices.52  The  

visual  prominence  of  ethnic  minorities   in   the   images  of   In-­‐Ter-­‐Dance  magazine  (Image  

7)  suggests  that  the  rave  was  a  multicultural  space  in  terms  of  music  consumption  and  

production.    

 

 

                                                                                                               47  ‘JUNGLE  DJ  PROFILE:  Kenny  Ken’,  The  Scene  (Surrey),  Aug.  1994.  48  ‘Inside  Cover’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Spring  1988.  49  ‘Love  Thugs  or  Purist  Mugs’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Autumn  1990.  50  ‘My  Penis  is  Shaped  Like  a  Carrot’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Summer  1986;  

‘Uppers  and  Downers’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Summer  1991.  51  ‘Jungle  Fever’,  Ravescene  Magazeen  (London),  Oct.  1993.  52  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’,  162-­‐81;  

A.  McRobbie,  Postmodernism  and  Popular  Culture  (London:  Psychology  Press,  1994);  

M.  Pini,  ‘Women  and  the  Early  British  Rave  Scene’  in  A.  McRobbie  (ed.),  Back  to  Reality?  Social  Experience  

and  Cultural  Studies  (Manchester:  Manchester  University  Press,  1997),  152-­‐68.  

  20  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Image  7:  In-­‐Ter-­‐Dance  (Worthing),  Jul.  1993  

 

Drug  Use  

John   claims   that   widespread   usage   of   Ecstasy   (MDMA)   ‘was   clearly   a   catalyst   for   the  

euphoria  and  unity  that  characterized  the  entire  history  of  rave  culture.’  He  argues  that  

such   ‘rejection  of  moral  restraint  stood   in  contrast   to  Thatcher’s  obsession  with  moral  

regulation’.53  Gamble  claims  that  Thatcherism  was  largely  defined  through  an  assault  on  

‘permissiveness’  and   ‘crime.’54  Thatcherism  took  a  stance  diametrically  opposed   to   the  

perceived  permissiveness  of  the  1960s,  an  era  once  described  by  Thatcher  as  setting  ‘the  

scene   for   a   society   in   which   the   old   virtues   of   discipline   and   self   restraint   were  

denigrated.’55  The   hedonistic   elements   of   MDMA   consumption   led   to   the   branding   of  

1988   as   the   ‘second   summer   of   love’:   a   clear   reference   to   the   counter-­‐cultural  

                                                                                                               53  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’,  166-­‐81.  54  A.  Gamble,  The  Free  Economy  and  the  Strong  State,  26.  55  M.  Thatcher,  ‘Speech  to  the  Conservative  Central  Council,  1982’,  

http://www.margaretthatcher.org/document/104905  [accessed  1  March  2016].  

  21  

phenomenon  of  1967.56  Such  widespread  and  flagrant  consumption  of  an  illegal  narcotic  

by  the  ravers  was  counter-­‐hegemonic.  This  paper  proves  the  centrality  of  drugs  to  the  

rave  culture  through  fanzine  analysis.  

 

Evidence   of   widespread   drug   use   associated   with   rave   culture   can   be   found   in   the  

anecdotes  of  the  movement’s  fanzines.  In  Boy’s  Own  for  example,  it  is  written,  ‘I  once  met  

a   bloke   who   put   himself   through   medical   school   making   sulphates   and   LSD.’ 57  

Euphemistic  references  to  the  drug  use  are  common:  one  article  claims  that  the  quality  

of   ‘gear’   is   being   reduced;   another   used   the   terms,   ‘uppers   and   downers’,   colloquial  

terms  used   to  describe  different  kinds  of  drugs.58  At  other   times,  mention  of  drug  use  

was   more   explicit:   ‘The   main   drug   was   Ecstasy’;   ‘one   of   the   features   of   these   large  

gatherings  is  a  large  incidence  of  stimulant  abuse’;  and  ‘We’ve  swallowed  them,  sucked  

them  and  snorted  them.’59  Such  a  blatant  admission  of  illegal  drug  use  confirms  that  the  

rave  movement  was  essentially  criminal  and  thus  counter-­‐hegemonic,  in  the  eyes  of  the  

state.    

 Political  Stance  

Existing  scholarship  largely  neglects  to  explore  the  motivation  behind  the  rave  culture’s  

counter-­‐hegemony.   For   the   most   part,   the   fanzines   avoid   explicit   political   alignment  

suggesting   a   lack   of   aforethought.   Analysis   of   Boy’s   Own   magazine   creates   a   more  

complicated   picture   however,   suggesting   that   the   ravers  were   politically   aligned  with  

the  left  of  British  politics.    

 

The   political   views   expressed   through   Boy’s   Own   fanzine   suggest   that   the   rave  

movement   was   not   only   counter-­‐hegemonic,   but   also   consciously   politicized.  

Conservative  politician,  Woodrow  Wyatt,  makes  an  appearance  on  their  ‘Wankers  of  the                                                                                                                  56  K.  Russell,  ‘Lysergia  Suburbia’  in  S.  Redhead  (ed.),  Rave  Off:  Politics  and  Deviance  in  Contemporary  Youth  

Culture  (Aldershot:  Avebury,  1993),  101.  57  ‘Take  Some  Time  Out’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Autumn  1989.  58  ‘Stand  up  for  your  Love  Rights’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Autumn  1990;  

‘Uppers  and  Downers’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Spring  1992.  59  ‘Bermondsey  Goes  Balaeric’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Spring  1988;  

‘News  and  Views’,  Atmosphere  (Essex),  Jul.  1993;  

‘Stand  up  for  your  Love  Rights’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Autumn  1990.  

  22  

year’   list.60  Additionally,   Thatcher   and   Norman   Tebbit   are   referred   to   as   ‘Margaret  

Mussolini’   and   ‘Norman   Goering’.   The   same   article   also   articulates   concerns   over   the  

control  of  the  press  and  the  BBC  by  conservative  forces  claiming:  ‘We  are  told  what  they  

(the   Tories)   want   us   to   be   told.’61  Such   critiques   of   the   control   of   the   media   under  

capitalism   are   articulated   by   academics   including   Milliband   and   Chomsky;   the  

subculture’s   expression   of   such   concerns   demonstrates   an   alignment   with   the  

philosophy  of   the   left.62  Each  edition  of  Boy’s  Own   is   signed,   ‘The  Outsider’,   suggesting  

that   the   writers   were   aware   of   their   counter-­‐hegemonic   position   outside   accepted  

ideological  parameters  established  by  Thatcherism.63    

 

It   is   important   to   interpret   the   political  messages   of  Boy’s  Own   with   caution   because  

such   politicization   is   less   conspicuous   in   many   later   fanzines   published   in   the   early  

1990s.  It  is  possible  that  the  views  of  the  editorial  team  did  not  reflect  those  of  the  rave  

movement  as  a  whole.  Given  the  sources  available  however,  Boy’s  Own  can  be  viewed  as  

a   reliable   source   for   providing   insights   into   the   views   of   the   ravers   themselves.   The  

fanzine   is  singled  out   in  much  of   the  historiography  on  the  rave  movement,  as  being  a  

popular   publication.   While   it   is   still   difficult   to   confirm   whether   there   was   political  

motiavation  behind  the  rave  movement,   it   is  clear  that  from  a  number  of  perspectives,  

the  rave  held  counter  hegemonic  properties.  

 

 Empowerment  of  Women  

John  has  suggested  that  the  rave  movement  was  a  ‘direct  challenge  to  Thatcherite  tenets  

concerning   gender   hierarchies   and   the   role   of   women   within   society’.64  This   paper  

contends  however,  that  John,  alongside  others  such  as  Angela  McRobbie  and  Maria  Pini,  

overstated   the   counter-­‐hegemonic   properties   of   the   rave   as   a   space   of   female  

                                                                                                               60  ‘Wankers  of  the  Year’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Summer  1986.  61  Last  Exit  to  Brooklyn’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Spring  1988.  62  R.  Milliband,  The  State  in  Capitalist  Society  (New  York:  Basic  Books,  1969);  

E.  Herman  and  N.  Chomsky,  Manufacturing  Consent:  The  Political  Economy  of  the  Mass  Media  (New  York:  

Pantheon  Books,  1988).  63  F.  Broughton  and  B.  Brewster,  Boy’s  Own:  The  Complete  Fanzines,  1986-­‐92.    64  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’,  168.  

  23  

empowerment.65  Gamble  conceives  of  Thatcherism  ‘as  a  political  project  that  sought  to  

reassert   the   importance   of   the   strong   nation   and   the   patriarchal   family.’66  Beatrix  

Campbell  claimed:  ‘Nothing  Margaret  Thatcher  did,  absolutely  nothing,  created  positive  

change   for   women.   In   fact   she   made   everything   worse.’   She   points   to   the  

disproportionately  damaging  effects  of  privatisation  and  the  freezing  of  child  benefit  on  

the  economic  position  of  women.67  Thatcher’s  declaration  in  1982  that  ‘women  bear  the  

children   and   create   and   run   the   home’   demonstrates   the   conservative   conception   of  

gender   inherent   to  Thatcherism.68  Analysis  of   the  numbers  of  women   involved   in  rave  

music   production,   combined  with   a   literary   analysis   of   rave   fanzines   reveals   that   the  

role  of  the  rave  as  a  liberating  space  for  women  has  been  overstated.    

 

The  sample  of   fifty-­‐four  prominent  rave  music  artists  employed   in   this  paper  suggests  

that   rave  music  production  didn’t   empower  women   in   the   same  way   that   it   advanced  

ethnic  minorities.  Women  constituted   just  4%  of  the  sample.  The  DJ  duo,  Kemistry  and  

Storm  was  the  only  female  act  mentioned  in  previous  studies  of  rave  culture,  from  which  

the   sample  was   drawn.   Furthermore,   the   twenty-­‐four   fanzines   analyzed   in   this   paper  

contain   fourteen   interviews   with   male   artists   but   not   one   with   a   female   artist.   The  

minimal  number  of  female  rave  music  artists  suggests  that  the  rave  was  not  a  counter-­‐

hegemonic  space  of  female  empowerment  as  claimed  by  John.69    

 

Rave  fanzines  broadly  fail   to  support  the  claim  that  the  rave  was  a  counter-­‐hegemonic  

space  of   female  empowerment.  The  Boy’s  Own  fanzine  knowingly  appropriates   its   title  

from  an  earlier  magazine  written  exclusively  for  teenage  boys  from  1879-­‐1967.  Whilst  

the   left-­‐leaning   fanzine   ironically   references   an   earlier   sexist  work,   the   content   of   the  

publication  suggests  that  there  was  a  gender-­‐bias  in  the  rave  subculture.  One  letter  sent  

to  the  fanzine  reads  ‘You  have  a  large  female  readership…  please  give  us  members  of  the                                                                                                                  65  A.  McRobbie,  Back  to  Reality?:  Social  Experience  and  Cultural  Studies  (Manchester:  Manchester  

University  Press:  1997);  

M.  Pini,  Club  Cultures  and  Female  Subjectivity:  The  Move  from  Home  to  House  (New  York:  Palgrave,  2001).  66  A.  Gamble,  The  Free  Economy  and  the  Strong  State,  198.  67  B.  Campbell,  The  Iron  Lady:  Why  do  Women  Vote  Tory?  (London:  Virago,  1987),  43.  68  M.  Thatcher,  ‘Speech  on  Women  in  a  Changing  World,  1982’,  

www.margaretthatcher.org/document/105007  [accessed  2  March  2016].  69  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’.  

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fairer  sex  more  of  a  voice.’70  The  lack  of  female  contributors  to  the  fanzine  suggests  that  

men  largely  shaped  discourse  within  the  subculture.  Sexual  objectification  of  women  is  

evident  in  many  of  the  fanzines:  one  advertisement  in  In-­‐Ter-­‐Dance  reads  ‘FREE  entry  to  

girls  in  hot  pants’.71  An  edition  of  Boy’s  Own  features  a  ‘pin-­‐up,  Sammy  Rogers’  followed  

by  the  editor’s  note,   ‘cor–ed,’  expressing  onomatopoeic  sexual  excitement.72  Most  artist  

interviews   printed   in   the   fanzines   do   not   touch   on   gender   issues,   although   Pascal,   a  

drum  and  bass  artist,   jokingly  claims  that   ‘I’m  a  pimp  and  I’ve  got   loads  of  girls  on  my  

books.   Can   I   interest   you   in   any?’   Such   jokes   further   sexualize   women.73  Boy’s   Own  

objectifies  women  by  referring  to  them  generically  as  ‘acid  Sharons’,  ‘top-­‐knot  Sharons’  

and   simply,   ‘Trace’;   in   doing   so,   the   fanzine   denies   women   of   personal,   individual  

identities.74  The  same  fanzine  acknowledges  that  women  ‘have  been  dealt  a  pretty  shitty  

hand  over   the  past   couple  of   years’,   adding   that   they  had  been   forced   to   ‘dwell   in   the  

hinter   land   of   media   hype’,   and   ‘eternal   laddishness.’75  This   confirms   that   the   ravers  

themselves  were  aware  of  gender  inequalities  within  their  subculture.  

 

Whilst  the  fanzines  did  not  convey  the  rave  to  be  an  empowering  space  from  a  feminist  

point   of   view,  Boy’s  Own   readily   condemned  BBC  Radio  1’s  Tony  Blackburn   for   ‘inane  

sexist   chat.’76  The   fanzine   also   suggested   that   women   at   raves   were   far   safer   than  

women   at   pubs   or   discos,  where   ‘lager-­‐crazed   youngsters   (or   oldsters)’  would   ‘abuse  

anything   faintly   female   unfortunate   enough   to   be   in   their   vicinity.’77  An   article   titled,  

‘Good  Vibrations’,  was  written  by  an  anonymous  female  author  and  discussed  the  merits  

of  using  a  vibrator  sex  toy;  this  can  be  interpreted  as  implying  sexual  liberation  within  

the  rave  movement  or  as  a  cynical  attempt  to  draw  a  lustful  male  gaze  to  the  magazine.78  

Ravescene’s  Claire  Henderson  and  Sarah  of  In-­‐Ter-­‐Dance  provided  rare  exceptions  to  the  

                                                                                                               70  ‘Letter  to  the  Chaps’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Spring  1992.  

71  Inside  Cover’,  In-­‐Ter-­‐Dance  (Worthing),  Jul.  1993.    72  ‘A  Safe  Journey  Home’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Spring  1990.  73  ‘Artist  Interview’,  The  Scene  (Surrey),  Nov.  1993.  74  F.  Broughton  and  B.  Brewster,  Boy’s  Own:  The  Complete  Fanzines.  75  ‘Pull  the  Other  One’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Spring  1992.  76  ‘A  Class  by  Himself’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Summer  1986.  77  ‘Shock  Horror  Probe  Dept.’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Autumn  1988.    78  ‘Good  Vibrations’,  Boy’s  Own  (London),  Spring  1992.  

  25  

general   rule   that   it   was   men   who   shaped   discourses   within   the   rave   movement.79  

Despite  these  redeeming  elements,  the  general  content  of  fanzines,  in  conjunction  with  

the  lack  of  female  rave  artists  suggests  that  John  overstated  the  significance  of  the  rave  

as  a  space  of  female  empowerment.80    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

                                                                                                               79  ‘The  Real  Hardcore’,  Ravescene  Magazeen  (London),  May  1993;  

‘In-­‐Ter-­‐Info’,  In-­‐Ter-­‐Dance  (Worthing),  Feb.  1993.  80  H.  John,  ‘UK  Rave  Culture’,  162-­‐81.  

  26  

Chapter  3.  The  BBC  and  Rave  Culture:  An  Agent  of  Moral  Panic  

 The   BBC’s   response   to   rave   culture   was   one   of   antipathy.   Although   existing  

historiography  and  sociology  on  rave  culture  has  considered  the  role  of  the  tabloids  in  

creating  a  moral  panic  around  it,  the  position  of  the  BBC  towards  the  rave  has  remained  

largely  unexamined.  Hall  suggests  that  moral  panics  are  deliberately  fostered  by  ruling  

elites,   used   to   ‘mystify   or   re-­‐articulate   deeper   crises   of   the   capitalist   system.’81  Hall’s  

model   draws   from  Gramsci’s   theory   of   hegemony   in   this   respect.   Considering,   that   in  

2016,   the   BBC’s   charter   is   pending   renewal   and   that   the   current   Culture   Minister   is  

seeking   to  downscale   the   corporation,   examination  of  historical   relations  between   the  

government  and  the  BBC  is  of  heightened  importance.82  This  study  is  a  novel  analysis  of  

BBC   footage   that   demonstrates   how   the   BBC  manufactured   moral   panic   surrounding  

rave  culture.  The  BBC  thus  acted,  intentionally  or  not,  as  a  tool  of  Thatcherite  hegemony.  

Such  moral  panic  was  created  via  a  combination  of  evaluative  dualism,  risk  construction  

and  selection  of  official  moral  spokesmen.  

 

There  is  a  conspicuously  limited  amount  of  historiography  on  the  relationship  between  

Thatcher  and  Major  governments  and  the  BBC.  Many  historians  argue  that  the  BBC  has  a  

tradition   conservative   values   that   have   historically   influenced   its   reporting.   Paddy  

Scannell  and  David  Cardiff  have  noted  the  importance  of  John  Reith,  the  first  managing  

director  and  director  general  of   the  BBC,   in   shaping   the   tone  of   early  BBC  broadcasts.  

Reith’s   goal   was   to   ‘make   the   nation   one   man’,   fostering   a   sense   of   national   unity.83  

Reports   to   the   1925   Crawford   committee   suggested   four   key   tenets   for   BBC  

programming:  maintenance  of  high  standards;  preservation  of  moral  tone;  the  shaping  

                                                                                                               81  S.  Hall,  C.  Critcher,  T.  Jefferson,  J.  Clarke  and  B.  Roberts,  Policing  The  Crisis:  Mugging,  the  State  and  Law  

and  Order  (London:  MacMillan),  32.  82  ‘End  of  the  license  fee:  BBC  to  back  radical  overhaul  of  how  it  is  funded’,  Independent,  2  March  2016.  

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/media/tv-­‐radio/end-­‐of-­‐the-­‐licence-­‐fee-­‐bbc-­‐to-­‐back-­‐radical-­‐

overhaul-­‐of-­‐how-­‐it-­‐is-­‐funded-­‐10078945.html  [Accessed  4  April  2016].  83  P.  Scannell  and  D.  Cardiff,  ‘Broadcasting  and  National  Unity’  in  J.  Curran  (ed.),  Impacts  and  Influences:  

Essays  on  Media  Power  in  the  Twentieth  Century  (London:  Methuen,  1987),  157.  

  27  

of,   rather   than  response  to,  public   taste;  and  educative  value.84  Simon  Potter  notes   the  

imperialist  function  of  the  BBC  empire  service  in  the  1930s  and  Stephanie  Seul  notes  the  

relationship  between  the  Ministry  of  Information,  the  Foreign  Office  and  the  BBC  during  

WW2.85  Tony   Shaw   claims   that   during   the   Cold  War,   there   remained   a   ‘close   affinity’  

between  senior  executives  of  the  BBC  and  the  government.86  When  Thatcher  imposed  a  

broadcasting  ban  on   the  BBC,   in   the  context  of   the  Northern   Ireland   troubles   in  1988,  

the  New  York  Times  said  the  decision  ‘gave  comfort  to  regimes  all  over  the  Eastern  bloc’  

whilst   Le   Monde   saw   it   as   ‘transforming   all   the   glory   of   the   BBC   into   a   servile   state  

puppet’.87  Seaton’s  recent  work  on  the  BBC  1974-­‐87,  argues  that  Thatcher  believed  that  

the  BBC  ought   ‘to  be  more  elitist,  exercising  ever  higher  standards  as   it   shaped  public  

behavior   and   attitudes.’88  BBC   coverage   of   the   rave   phenomenon   1989-­‐93   seemed   to  

confirm  this,  as  it  reflected  and  justified  the  government’s  attitude  towards  the  culture.    

 Because  the  BBC’s  Listener  archive   includes  only  a  narrow  range  of  material,  and  does  

not   feature   transcripts   of   programmes  made   after   1991,   the   footage   analysed   in   this  

paper  was  sourced  elsewhere.  Perhaps  reflecting   the  contemporary  nature  of   the  rave  

movement   itself,   the   majority   of   the   sources   analysed   here   were   accessed   online,  

through  the  social  media  website,  YouTube.  Whilst  the  website  allows  access  to  footage  

inaccessible  elsewhere,  there  are  a  number  of  limitations  to  it.  The  specific  date  of  each  

broadcast   is   unavailable   for   the   footage   analysed   here,   although   the   year   is   provided.  

Furthermore,   the   BBC   channel   on   which   the   programmes   were   broadcast   is   also  

                                                                                                               84  D.  L.  LeMahieu,  ‘John  Reith  1889-­‐1971:  Entrepreneur  of  Collectivism’  in  S.  Pederson  and  P.  Mandler  

(eds.),  After  the  Victorians:  Private  Conscience  and  the  Public  Duty  in  Modern  Britain    (London:  Routledge,  

1994),  195.  85  S.  Potter,  ‘Who  Listened  When  London  Called?  Reactions  to  the  BBC  Empire  Service  in  Canada,  Australia  

and  New  Zealand,  1932-­‐39’,  Historical  Journal  of  Film,  Radio  and  Television,  28  (2008);  

S.  Seul,  ‘The  Representation  of  the  Holocaust  in  the  British  Propaganda  Campaign  Directed  at  the  German  

Public,  1938-­‐45’,  Leo  Baeck  Institute  Yearbook,  52  (2007).  86  T.  Shaw,  ‘The  BBC,  the  State  and  Cold  War  Culture:  the  case  of  television’s  The  War  

Game  (1965)’,  English  Historical  Review,  121:494  (2006).  87  BBC,  ‘WAC:  Press  Reaction  to  the  Broadcasting  Ban,  18-­‐25  October  1988’,  quoted  in  J.  Seaton,  ‘The  BBC  

and  the  “Hidden  Wiring”  of  the  British  Constitution:  the  Imposition  of  the  Broadcasting  Ban  in  1988’,  

Twentieth  Century  British  History,  24  (2013),  452.    88  J.  Seaton,  ‘Pinkoes  and  Traitors’,  14.  

  28  

unavailable;   hence   the   provenance   of   each   video   is   further   shrouded   in   ambiguity.    

Despite  such  problems,  the  social  media  site  remains  the  only  place  where  such  footage  

is   available   to   an   undergraduate   researcher   and  must   be   valued   in   that   respect.     The  

documentaries,   news   reports   and   film,   available   online,   fostered   a   moral   panic  

surrounding   rave   culture   through  evaluative  dualism,   risk   construction  and   the  use  of  

official  moral  spokesmen.  

 

Evaluative  Dualism  Chas   Critcher   considers   the   use   of   ‘evaluative   dualism’   to   be   a   significant   method  

through   which   the   mass   media   engineer   moral   panics.   Evaluative   dualism   is   used   to  

construct  a  binary  between  acceptable  and  deviant  behavior  or   identity.  As  part  of  the  

‘inferential   structure’   of   news-­‐making,   the   evaluative   dualism   used   by   the   BBC  

presented   a   simple   dichotomy   between   ravers,   deemed   evil,   and   the   rest   of   society,  

deemed  wholesome  and  conformist.89      

 

Ravers  were  consistently  juxtaposed  against,  and  presented  as  separate  from,  society  in  

BBC  reactions   to   the  culture.    One  documentary  displays  a   raver   lamenting  about   ‘our  

world’,   followed   by   an   edit   to   footage   of   a   drugs   advisor   advocating   the   need   for  

‘traditional  messages’.90  Another  chose   to   follow   ‘Operation  Patriot’,  a  police  operation  

designed  to  combat  rave  culture  and  the  use  of  Ecstasy;  the  name  of  such  an  operation  

inferred   that   the   ravers  were   an  unpatriotic   ‘enemy  within’.91  A  news   report   into   acid  

house  describes   it   as   a   ‘sinister   and  evil   cult’,   followed  by   an   interview  with   a  middle  

class   shopper,   who   claims   that   the   ravers   do   not   behave   like   ‘normal   people.’ 92  

Repeatedly,  ravers  were  presented  as  distinct  from  the  rest  of  society.  BBC  news  reports  

and  documentaries  about  rave  culture  were  consistently  narrated  through  middle  class  

                                                                                                               89  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media,  16-­‐9.  90  BBC,  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  1992.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oswILmuC06E  [accessed  2  March  

2016].  91  BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  92  BBC,  BBC  News,  1988.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rgjog28R9_0&nohtml5=False  [accessed  1  

March  2016].  

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voices,   including   Steve   Coogan   in   E   is   for   Ecstasy. 93  The   disapproving   bourgeois  

narration  further  isolated  the  ravers,  as  being  separate  from  the  perceived  respectable  

values  of  middle  England.  Loved  Up,  a  film  commissioned  for  the  BBC  also  framed  raving  

as  a  trope  of  working  class  life,  despite  the  fact  that  ravers  came  from  a  variety  of  social  

backgrounds.94  The   abhorrent   nature   of   rave   culture   is   also   emphasized   through   the  

juxtaposition  of  drug  dealers  and  the  innocence  of  young  children  in  one  documentary.95  

By  distancing  the  ravers  themselves  from  the  rest  of  British  society,  and  by  presenting  

the   culture   as   a   threat   to   youth,   Britishness   and  middle-­‐class   values,   the   BBC   helped  

foster   moral   panic.   The   reactionary   policies   of   Thatcher   and   Major   towards   the  

subculture  were  justified.    

 

 

Construction  of  Risk  Hier   suggests   a   paradigm   of   neo-­‐moral   panic   in   which   the   traditional   folk   devil,  

considered  central  to  the  moral  panic  paradigms  of  Stanley  Cohen  and  Hall,  is  replaced  

by   a   construction   of   risk.96  Whilst   evaluative   dualism   certainly   helped   transform   the  

ravers   into   folk   devils,   the   mendacious   use   of   statistics   in   BBC   responses   to   the  

subculture   resulted   in   constructed   physical,   psychological   and   social   risks.   By  

exaggerating   the   dangers   of   rave   culture,   the   BBC   supported   the   government   in  

legitimizing  the  Thatcherite  agenda  of  eliminating  the  culture  itself.      

The   construction   of   physiological   risks   surrounding   rave   culture   can   be   found   in  BBC  

documentary  and  news  footage.  In  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  the  medical  professionals  stressed  the  

‘sometimes  very  fatal’  potential  of  the  drug,  emphasizing  that  ‘there  have  been  a  number  

of   fatalities’,   and   that   the   drug  was   ‘a   tragic   killer’.   At   the   time   of   the   documentary’s  

making,  the  narrator  claimed  that  there  had  been  ‘at  least  12  victims’  of  Ecstasy  related  

                                                                                                               93  BBC,  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  1992.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oswILmuC06E  [accessed  2  March  

2016].  94  P.  Cattaneo,  Loved  Up  (BBC:  1995).  95  BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  96  S.  Hier,  ‘Raves,  Risks  and  Moral  Panic’.  

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deaths  since  1988;  this  amounted  to  three  fatalities  per  annum.97  Considering  the  size  of  

the   subculture,   the   number   of   fatalities   was   minimal.   The   Laserdome   documentary  

claimed   that   in   1992,   the   existence   of   ‘half   a   million   Ecstasy   users   is   a   conservative  

estimate’,  adding  that  ‘if  you  go  into  any  nightclub  in  any  small  town  or  city,  you’ll  find  

50-­‐80%  of  people  will  be  using  Ecstasy.’98  One  social  worker  (outside  of  BBC  coverage)  

estimated   the   probability   of   death   from   Ecstasy   to   be   ‘a   mere   one   in   6.8   million’   in  

1996.99  Describing   Ecstasy   as   a   ‘serious   threat   to   young   people’,   and   comparing   it   to  

‘heroin   or   cocaine’,   without   placing   such   claims   in   a   statistical   context   served   to  

exaggerate  the  dangers  of  the  use  of  this  drug.100    

 

Equally  significant  was  the  construction  of  psychological  risk  surrounding  rave  culture  

and  Ecstasy  usage.  Documentary  footage  focused  on  ravers  who  had  experienced  acute  

psychological  issues  as  a  result  of  Ecstasy  usage,  almost  entirely  neglecting  to  interview  

ravers  who   did   not   experience   such   difficulties.   Interview   subjects   revealed   that   they  

had  suffered  symptoms  such  as   ‘anxiety  and  panic  attacks’,   ‘paranoia’,  and   ‘completely  

breaking   down’,   whilst   ravers   who   had   not   experienced   such   symptoms   were   less  

present  in  the  discourse.101  In  the  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  a  medical  doctor  stated  

that   although   there  has  not  been   substantial   research   into   the  psychological   effects  of  

Ecstasy,  he  believed  ‘it  is  possible  that  50%  of  the  people  who  take  Ecstasy  may  develop  

severe   suicidal   depression.’102  Given   the   stated   lack   of   research,   the   figure   of   50%  

                                                                                                               97  BBC,  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  1992.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oswILmuC06E  [accessed  2  March  

2016].  98  BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  99  ‘Don’t  tell  me  that  Ecstasy  does  not  kill,’  Daily  Mail  (London)  15  April.  1996.  100  BBC,  BBC  South  Today,  October  1989  BBC.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MCObekfr6AY&nohtml5=False  [accessed  1  March  2016];  

BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  101  BBC,  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  1992.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oswILmuC06E  [accessed  2  March  

2016];  

BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  102  BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  

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appears   to   be   nothing  more   than   an   arbitrary   percentage,   although   this   is   difficult   to  

verify.   The   psychological   dangers   of   the   drug   were   also   therefore   exaggerated,   and  

helped  to  shape  a  one-­‐sided  discourse  on  rave  culture.  

 

Loved   Up   suggested   that   the   social   dangers   of   Ecstasy   consumption   were   equally  

overstated.   Having   tried   an   Ecstasy   tablet   for   the   first   time,   Sarah,   the   protagonist  

becomes  alienated  from  her  family  and  moves  house  to  live  with  a  man  she  had  just  met.  

The  pair  proceed  to  engage  in  habitual  Ecstasy  use.  During  the  course  of  the  narrative:  

Sarah  is  fired  from  her  job;  nearly  raped,  twice;  becomes  a  cocaine  dealer;  is  assaulted  in  

the   street;   and   causes   her   own   mother   to   self-­‐harm.103  Such   a   narrative   is   a   gross  

exaggeration  of  the  reality  for  the  vast  majority  of  ravers,  who  would  not  have  suffered  

such  harrowing  experiences.  To  suggest  that  such  a  substantial  section  of  British  society  

were   likely   to   become   victims   of   sexual   assault   or   involved   in   the   cocaine   trade   is  

misleading.   The  Laserdome   documentary   also   suggested   that   acid   house   ‘is   associated  

with  violence.’104  The  BBC  represented  the  gravest  possible  social  consequences  of   the  

subculture,  largely  discounting  the  positive  elements.  The  exaggeration  of  risk  was  part  

of  the  wider  evaluative  dualism  employed  to  present  rave  culture  as  a  threat  to  society,  

thus  justifying  a  tough  response.    

 

Official  Moral  Spokesmen    In  his  discussion  of  the  role  of  the  mass  media  in  the  creation  of  moral  panics,  Critcher  

stresses   the   role   of   the   media   as   a   ‘vehicle’   for   the   ‘claims   making’   of   ‘moral  

entrepreneurs’  or  ‘moral-­‐spokesmen’.  These  spokesmen  are  defined  as  ‘individuals  and  

groups’  who  campaign  to  eliminate  perceived  ‘immoral  or  threatening  behavior’.105    

 

BBC   reactions   to   rave   culture,   in   the   form   of   documentaries   and   news   reports   drew  

heavily   from  sources   located  within   the  Thatcherite  hegemon,   such  as   the  police,   thus  

creating   a   one-­‐sided   discourse   around   the   culture.   Policemen   such   as   officer   ‘Tyson’,  

‘Christison’,  Assistant  Chief  Constable  Wright,  and  superintendent  Pope  are  but  a  few  of  

                                                                                                               103  P.  Cattaneo,  Loved  Up.  104  BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  105  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media,  12.  

  32  

such   figures   interviewed   in   the   footage   analysed   in   this   paper.   Statements   from   the  

police  imply  that  they  were  simply  acting  ‘to  prevent  breaches  of  the  peace’,  and  that  the  

rave   culture   is   ‘a   little   disturbing’.106  Given   their   antipathy   towards   the   rave,   the  

prominence   of   police   sources   in   BBC   footage   builds   a   one-­‐sided   perspective   on   the  

culture.  One  documentary  even  draws  on  testimony  from  a  Reverend  who  states,  ‘I  tend  

to  think  raves  are  unhealthy.’107  The  use  of  such  an  interview  subject  demonstrates  the  

BBC’s  willingness  to  demonize  rave  culture;  the  Reverend  was  likely  to  give  a  negative  

impression   of   rave   culture   due   to   the   nature   of   his   profession   and   age,   but   was   ill-­‐

qualified  to  provide  an  esoteric  insight  into  rave  culture.  An  interview  with  the  father  of  

David  Brown,  a  young  man  killed  by  Ecstasy,  provides  further  condemnation  of  the  rave  

culture.108  Despite   Brown’s   tragic   death,   his   experience   was   not   common   among   the  

subculture;   the   decision   to   interview   his   father   served   an   emotional   purpose   in  

discrediting   the   subculture.   The   disproportionate   voice   provided   to  moral   spokesmen  

by  the  BBC  served  to  augment  the  one-­‐sided  discourse,  encouraging  moral  panic.  

 

 

Exceptions  to  the  rule  Critcher   claims   that   in   order   to   stimulate   a   moral   panic,   the   media   must   produce   a    

‘singular,   incontestable  and  consistent  narrative.’109  Contradictions  can  be   found   in  the  

BBC’s  reaction  to  rave  culture,  although  the  narrative  provided  is  overwhelmingly  one  of  

demonization.    

 

In  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  ravers  were  shown  to  be  enjoying  themselves,  professing,  ‘I’m  feeling  

great,   feeling  wonderful’,   ‘I’ve   had   the   best   day   of  my   life’   and   ‘it   is   a   great   collective  

                                                                                                               106  BBC,  House  Music  Documentary,  1992.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MaLSZy8AfSw&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016];  

BBC,  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  1992.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oswILmuC06E  [accessed  2  March  2016].  

BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  107  BBC,  House  Music  Documentary,  1992.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MaLSZy8AfSw&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  108BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  109  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media,  11.  

  33  

social   thing.’110  The   fact   that   ravers  were   provided   a   voice,  which   is   absent   in   tabloid  

coverage,   implies   balanced   reporting.   The   Laserdome   documentary   features   medical  

professionals   who   admit   that   ‘serious   emergencies   are   rare’,   and   that   ‘there   is   no  

conclusive  evidence  as   to  whether  Ecstasy  can  cause  brain  damage’.111  Various   figures  

appear  to  defend  the  culture  including  an  MP,  as  well  as  a  policeman  who  describes  the  

ravers  as  ‘perfectly  nice  young  people’,  thus  challenging  the  constructed  stereotype  that  

dominated   the   wider   discourse.112  A   news   report   covering   a   police   raid   on   a   a   rave,  

mentioned  concerns  from  the  ‘National  Council  of  Civil  Liberties’  and  ‘some  councilors  in  

Basingstoke’  who  expressed  concern  over  ‘the  containment  operation  of  police  services’;  

suggesting   that   the   BBC   was   also   willing   to   criticize   the   state.113  Such   examples   of  

balanced   coverage   suggest   a   level   of   impartiality   greater   than   that   of   the   tabloid’s  

response   to   the  rave.  The  dominant  effect  of  evaluative  dualism,  risk  construction  and  

other  elements  however,  suggests  that  the  BBC  was  an  agent  of  Thatcherite  hegemony.  

                                                                                                                                               110  BBC,  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  1992.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oswILmuC06E  [accessed  2  March  

2016].  111  BBC,  Ecstasy  and  Shelly’s  Laserdome  Rave  Documentary,  1993.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=59BYGvxuy7M&nohtml5=False  [accessed  2  March  2016].  112  BBC,  E  is  for  Ecstasy,  1992.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oswILmuC06E  [accessed  2  March  2016].  113  BBC,  BBC  South  Today,  October  1989  BBC.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MCObekfr6AY&nohtml5=False  [accessed  1  March  2016].  

 

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Conclusions      

A   number   of   important   conclusions   concerning   rave   culture   and   Thatcherism   can   be  

drawn  from  the  historical  analysis  presented  in  this  paper.  The  geographical  dispersal  of  

rave   music   consumption   and   production   was   a   counter-­‐hegemonic   characteristic  

proposed  in  section  one.  Scholarship  previously  neglected  to  explore  spatial  patterns  of  

culture   thus,   the   geographical   location   of   raves   had   not   been   considered   counter  

hegemonic   until   now.   This   section   further   demonstrated   the   potential   capacity   for  

spatial  histories  to  build  a  more  comprehensive  knowledge  of  the  past.  

 

The  emic  approach  of  section  two,  confirmed,  challenged  and  adjusted  the  contentions  

of   John  and  Hill   regarding   the   counter-­‐hegemonic  nature  of   the   rave.  Detailed   literary  

analysis  of  fanzines,  sources  otherwise  yet  to  be  extensively  researched  in  the  academic  

community,  confirmed  that  rave  culture  was  counter-­‐hegemonic  because  it  empowered  

ethnic   minorities.   The   Boys   Own   fanzine   suggested   self-­‐conscious   alignment   of   the  

ravers  with   the   left  of  British  politics,  hinting  at  a   level  of  motivation  behind   the  anti-­‐

Thatcherite   elements   of   the   culture.     Although   examination   of   the   fanzines   generally  

supported   the   claim   that   rave   culture   was   counter-­‐hegemonic,   various   methods   of  

analysis  revealed  that  the  rave’s   function  as  a  space  of   female  empowerment  has  been  

overstated  in  existing  historiography.    

 Additionally,   this  paper  demonstrated   that   the  BBC  contributed   to   the  development  of  

the   moral   panic   surrounding   rave   culture.   Moral   panic   creation   had   previously   been  

attributed   almost   exclusively   to   the   tabloid   press.114  Beyond   revealing   the   methods  

through  which  the  modern  media  was  able  to  create  moral  panic,  this  study  has  hinted  

at   the   relationship   between   the   BBC   and   the   Thatcher   and   Major   governments.  

Historiography   of   this   relationship   is   currently   lacking   although   this   analysis   has  

suggested   that   the  relationship  was  a  close  one.  The  BBC  provided  a  voice   to   the  rave  

community  and  promoted  a  less  one  sided  perspective  of  the  subculture  than  the  tabloid  

media.  However,  through  the  construction  of  exaggerated  risk,  use  of  evaluative  dualism  

and  reliance  on  official  moral  spokesmen,   the  BBC  still  created  a  powerfully  one-­‐sided  

discourse,  which   demonized   rave   culture.   Through   this   discourse,   the   BBC   acted   as   a  

                                                                                                               114  C.  Critcher,  Moral  Panics  and  the  Mass  Media.  

  35  

mouthpiece  for  the  Thatcherite  hegemon,  legitimizing  hegemonic  repression  of  the  rave  

and  suggesting  that  the  historically  close  relationship  between  the  Government  and  the  

BBC  remained  intact  during  the  1980-­‐90s.    

 There   is   significant   scope   for   further  historical  analysis  of   the  early  period  of  UK  rave  

culture,  before  and  after  the  tight  restrictions  placed  on  it  by  the  1994  Criminal  Justice  

and  Public  Order  Act.   Given   the   severity   of   Thatcher   and  Major’s   reactionary  policies,  

which  affected  a  wide  section  of  Britain’s  youth,  the  subject  warrants  further  historical  

attention.   The   historical   study   of   rave   culture   provides   an   insight   into   Thatcherite  

ideology   and   the   BBC’s   relationship   to   government.   Crucially,   such   study   has   the  

potential   to   reach  a  previously  unattained  achievement  of   contemporary  British  social  

History:  to  liberate  the  voice  of  the  ravers,  the  ‘biggest  youth  subculture  Britain  had  ever  

seen.’115    

                                                                                                                                                                   115  P.  McDermott,  A.  Matthews  and  P.  O’Hare,  ‘Ecstasy  in  the  UK:  Recreational  Drug  Use  and  Social  Change’  

in  N.  Heather,  A.  Wodak,  E.  Nadelmann  and  P.  O’Hare  (eds.),  Psychoactive  Drugs  and  Harm  Reduction  

(London:  Whurr,  1993).      

  36  

Appendix  1:  Timeline  of  Key  Events      1987:  

• Nightclubs  such  as  Shoom  and  Spectrum  open  in  London.  

• Experimentation  with  MDMA  begins.  

• Steve  ‘Silk'  Hurley  makes  the  first  song,  of  the  acid  house  genre,  to  reach  number  

one  in  the  British  charts  –  ‘Jack  Your  Body’.    

 1988:  

• January:  Shoom   adopts   the   trademark   ‘smiley   face’   logo   to   promote   its   events.  

This  becomes  the  symbol  of  the  rave,  and  the  acid  house  genre.  

• February:  The  first  illegal  warehouse  parties  are  promoted  by  Hedonism.  

• March:   The  Hacienda   nightclub   in   Manchester   brings   acid   house   music   to   the  

North  of  England.  

• June:   The   beginning   of   ‘The   Second   Summer   of   Love.’   Raving   becomes   an  

increasingly  popular  activity.  

• The   BBC   ban   Jolly   Roger’s,  Acid  Man,   and   all   other   songs   containing   the  word  

‘acid’.    

• August:  The  Sun  begins  its  moral  crusade  against  the  rave  subculture.  

• Janet  Mayes  is  the  first  fatality  of  Ecstasy.    

• September-­‐December:  rise  of  free  party  promoters,  Sunrise  and  Genesis.  

 1989:  

• June:   11,000   ravers   attend   an   unlicensed   event     on  White  Waltham   airstrip   in  

Berkshire,  leading  to  outraged  reports  in  The  Sun.  

• July:  Sudden  growth   in   the  scale  of   raves  –   tabloids  report  20,000  attending  an  

event  organized  by  Sunrise.    

• Chief  Superintendent,  Ken  Tarpenden  sets  up  the  Police  Pay  Party  Unit,  to  combat  

unlicensed  raves.  Increased  surveillance  and  monitoring  of  communications.  

• September:  Police  attempting  to  raid  a  rave  in  Reigate,  are  beaten  back  by  private  

security  armed  with  CS  gas  and  dogs,  in  full  view  of  news  cameras.    

• October:   Police   prevent   a   30,000   person   rave   in   Guildford   after   a   substantial  

operation.  Centre  Force  pirate  radio  station  is  also  raided.    

  37  

 

1990:    

• Throughout  the  year,  there  are  an  increasing  number  of  ‘orbital  parties’  or  raves,  

which  occur  just  outside  of  the  M25  ring  road.  

• June:   In   1990,   at   Glastonbury   free   festival,   a   new   scene   emerges   –   travelling  

sound  systems  and  free  festivals  are  spawned.    

• July:   The   passing   of   the   1990   Entertainment   (increased   penalties)   act.   Harsher  

financial  penalties  for  rave  organisers,  as  well  as  up  to  6  months  imprisonment.  

• At   a   rave   in   Wakefield,   West   Yorkshire,   one   of   the   largest   arrests   in   British  

history  is  made.  836  ravers  are  detained  –  only  8  are  charged.    

• September:  Kiss  FM  becomes  the  UK’s  first  legal  dance  music  radio  station.  

• November:  John  Major  replaces  Margaret  Thatcher  as  Prime  Minister  of  the  UK.  

 

1991:    

• April:   Police   raid   a   warehouse   party   in   Acton,   in   full   riot   gear,   armed   with  

sledgehammers  and  a  JCB  digger.  Over  100  ravers  are  injured.  

 

1992:    

• May:   Castlemorton   free   festival   sees   between   20,000-­‐50,000   ravers   occupy   a  

small   village   in   the  Malvern  Hills.   The   raving   lasts   for   a   full  week  as  police   are  

simply  overpowered.    

• Diversification   of   rave   music   -­‐   jungle   music   gains   in   popularity   and   cultural  

influence  throughout  the  Summer.    

 

1993:  

• Four  members   of  Spiral  Tribe,   the   group  behind  Castlemorton   free   festival   and  

other  raves  are  arrested  for  conspiracy  to  cause  public  nuisance.    

• Introduction  of  the  Criminal  Justice  and  Public  Order  Bill  to  parliament.  

 

1994:  

• November:  The  1994  Criminal  Justice  and  Public  Order  Act  receives  Royal  Assent.  

  38  

• Attendance  of  raves  is  criminalized,  police  gain  greater  stop  and  search  powers,  

police  gain  power  to  seize  remove  and  destroy  vehicles,  and  the  power  to  force  

people  to  disperse.    

• Civil   rights  watchdog,  Liberty,   described   the   new   law   as   ‘the   criminalization   of  

diversity  and  dissent’.    

 

1995:    

• As   a   result   of   the   1994   Criminal   Justice   and   Public   Order   Act,   there   is   a   sharp  

decline  in  unlicensed  raving  and  free  party  activity.    

• The  rave  becomes  predominantly  club  based,  allowing  for  tighter  regulation  and  

monitoring  by  the  police.116  

 

 

                                                                                                                                                                       116  M.  Collin,  Altered  State.  

  39  

Appendix  2:  List  of  Licensed  Raves  1988-­‐95    

Name   Year   Place  Criminal  Truth   1988   Nottingham  Hip  Hop  Don't  Stop   1988   Sheffield  Mission   1988   Hyson  Green,  Nottingham  Limit  Club   1988   Eyre  Street,  Sheffield  Mission  II   1989   Hyson  Green,  Nottingham  Sheffield  Street  Styles   1989   Sheffield  Mega  Def   1989   Derby  Tubes   1989   Loughborough  NRG   1989   Glasgow  The  Warehouse   1989   Doncaster  ACID  HOUSE   1989   Manchester  I  am  Dawn   1989   Radford,  Nottingham  The  Club   1990   Nottingham  Bobby  Browns   1990   Birmingham  Cold  Sweat   1990   Derby,  Alfreton  road  Stork  Club   1990   Regent  Street,  London  Christmas  Party  by  Fire   1990   Ilkeston  road,  Derby  Frantik  Promotions   1990   Hyson  Green,  Nottingham  Basshead   1990   Hockley,  Essex  The  Warehouse   1990   Marshgate,  Doncaster  Fantasia   1990   Speke,  Liverpool  Fantasia  II   1990   Coventry  DJ  Formation   1990   Silver  Street,  Leicester  Freedom   1990   Nottingham  Heven   1990   Manchester  Humanolofy   1990   Sheffield  Kicking  back   1990   Birmingham  Lighthouse  Music   1990   Immingham  Vienna  Nightz   1990   Lincoln  Purple  Pleasure   1990   Sheffiled  Pulse   1990   Blackpool  Raw   1990   Birmingham  Rhythm  collision   1990   Terrace  St.,  Nottingham  The  Temple   1990   Linford  Studios,  London  Hacienda  Hubris   1990   Hacienda  Club,  Manchester  Vibez   1990   Hurts  Yard,  Nottingham  Bliss   1990   Leicester  Club  Kaos   1990   Leicester,  Wharf  Street  Get  Wet  with  Sweat   1991   Homerton  High  Street,  London  Jam  Masters   1991   London  Rd,  Grantham  A  world  beyond   1991   Lincolnshire  

  40  

Amnesia  House   1991   Leicester  Christmas  Extravaganza   1991   Donnington  Park,  Derby  Another  Eden   1991   Birmingham  Aural  Kaos   1991   Skegness  Buzz   1991   Sheffield,  London    road  Catalonia  L   1991   Willow  Row.  Derby  Club  Panorama   1991   Loughborough  Control   1991   Chigwell  Road,  Essex  Cryptonite   1991   Mildenhall  Speedway,  Cambridge  Convention   1991   Nottingham  Dance  Unity   1991   Dagger  Lane,  Hull  Destiny  1   1991   Mansfield  Road  Warehouse   1991   Doncaster,  Marshgate  Dreamscape   1991   Shepton  Mallet,  Wiltshere  The  Eclipse   1991   Lower  Ford  Street,  Coventry  Ecstasy   1991   Doncaster  Ektos   1991   Swindon,  Wiltshire  Emotion   1991   Derby,  Friar  Gate  Energetic   1991   Great  Yarmouth,  Norfolk  Elevation   1991   Kings's  Road,  Chelsea  Fantasy   1991   Rio  Campus,  Bradford  Futura   1991   Scunthorpe  Moseley  Dance     1991   Balsall  Heath,  Birmingham  Genesis   1991   Hummingbird,  Birminham,  Dale  End  Happy  House   1991   Birmingham,  Suffolk  Street  Streetlife   1991   Dryden  St,  Leicester    Helterskelter   1991   Milwaukees  Eclipse   1991   Exhibition  Trade  Centre,  Edinburgh  Hysteria   1991   The  Assembly  Rooms.  Derby  Ibiz   1991   Kennington  Rd,  London  Illumination   1991   Drill  Hall,  Lincoln  Infinity   1991    Aston  Hall  Road,  Birmingham  Insomniak   1991   Charter  Square,  Sheffield  Intense   1991   Rose  Lane,  Norwich  Life   1991   Holly  Road,  Handsworth  Mekka   1991   Central  Drive,  Blackpool  Nemesis   1991   Roosecote  Sand  Quarry,  Furness,  Cumbria  Prescription   1991   Cripps  Barn,  Gloucestershire  Phase  III   1991   La  Monmatre,  Manchester  The  Pirate     1991   Lenton  Boulevard,  Nottingham  Pulse   1991   Nottingham  Rage   1991   St  Nicholas  Place,  Leicester  Deep   1991   Woolwich  Manor  Way  Nottz  Elemental   1991   Nottingham  

  41  

Rezerection   1991   The  Mayfair,  Newgate  St,  Newcastle  Scrabble   1991   Lower  Ford  Street,  Coventry  Shrine   1991   Hummingbird,  Birminham,  Dale  End  Skyz  the  Limit   1991   Stone  and  Arcade  factory,  Manchester  

Useless  Promotions   1991   Aston  Villa  Sports  and  Leisure  centre,  Birmingham  

UpNorth  Weekender   1991   Southport,  Merseyside  Spectrum   1991   Digbeth  Higstreet,  Birmingham  Splash  out   1991   Fleet  street,  Leicester  Kicking  up  a  fierce  one   1991   Handsworth  sport  centre  Storm   1991   Gardner  Street,  Brighton  Young  Warrior   1991   Nottingham  Last  Rhythms   1991   Skegness  Jmone   1991   Nottingham  Hip  Hop  Jam   1991   Hyson  Green,  Nottingham  Sykosiz   1991   Barkers  Pool  Sheffieldd  Syndicate   1991   Hurst  Street,  Birmingham  The  Ascension   1991   Swinderbury,  Lincoln  Elevation  and  Volatile  State   1991   Hackney,  London  The  Rythmic  Zone   1991   Lewisham,  London  The  Rhythm  of  Life   1991   Venus  Place,  Nottingham  Wide  Awake     1991   The  Fleet  centre,  Peterborough  Time   1991   Leadmill  road,  Sheffield  Summertime  rave   1992   Lee  Bridge  road  The  Funhouse   1992   Milwaukees  Jungle  House   1992   Wharf  St,  Leiceister  Kaotic  II   1992   Lower  Ford  Street,  Coventry  Ganja-­‐Ash   1992   Bilston,  Wolverhampton  Massive  Warehouse  Party   1992   Ashwin  Street,  London  E8  Mentasm   1992   London  Road,  Peterborough  Monstermine   1992   Birmingham  city  centre  Movements   1992   Rutland  Street,  Leicester  New  Age   1992   Lower  Ford  Street,  Coventry  New  Dawn   1992   Oxford  Street,  Manchester  Pure  Passion   1992   Melton  road,  Leicester  Playtime   1992   Lenton  Boulevard,  Nottingham  Raindance   1992   Royal  bath    and  west  showground  Rapido   1992   Oxpen  road,  Oxford  The  Rave  Cave   1992   Bury  St  Edmunds,  Suffolk  Raveon   1992   Fordwater  Road,  Walsall  Fyah   1992   Milwaukes,  East  Midlands  Re-­‐united  91   1992   Digbeth  Higstreet,  Birmingham  Total  Kaos   1992   Lower  Ford  Street,  Coventry  Jungle  Mania   1992   Fleet  street,  Leicester  

  42  

Tough   1992   Marcus  Garvey  Centre,  Nottingham  Rejoice   1992   Marcus  Garvey  Centre,  Nottingham  Utopia   1992   Skew  Bridge,  Rushden  Vision   1992   Marcus  Garvey  Centre,  Nottingham  The  Enchantment   1992   Pacha,  Rotheram  New  Dimension   1992   Freightliner  road,  Hull  Just  bounce  it   1992    Nottingham  Christmas  Throwdown   1992   St  Marys  Gate,  nottingham  Dance  Nation   1992   Warrington,  Chechire  Dance  Planet   1992   Aston  Villa  Sports  and  Leisure  centre  Desire   1992   Plumstead,  London,  1992  Distortion  III   1992   Sittingbourne,  Kent  Dreamscape  II   1992   Saxon  Street,  Milton  Keynes  3D  productions   1992   Coalville,  Leicester  Enchantment   1992   Lytton  way,  Stevenage  Hypnosis   1992   Spital  Hill,  Nottingham  Infa-­‐nite   1992   Handsworth  sport  centre,  Birmingham  Jungle  Fever   1992   Angel  lane,  Kent  Mindstorm   1992   Draycott,  Derbyshire  Music  in  the  sun   1992   Attercliffe,  Sheffield  New  age   1992   Lower  Ford  Street,  Coventry  Andromeda   1992   Donnington  Park,  Derby  Perception   1992   Longleat,  Wiltshire  Quest   1992   Broad  Street,  Wolverhampton  Redemption   1992   Streatham  Hill,  London  Wave  Squadron   1992   Riders  Club,  Nottingham  Starlight   1992   Bingley  Hall,  Staffordshire  Technodrome   1992   Kirkmichael,  Ayrshire  Temptation   1992   Bretton,  Peterborough  The  Dream   1992   Greyfriars  Gate,  Nottingham  Vaporush   1992   Fitzwilliam  Street,  Huddersfield  Passion   1992   Marcus  Garvey  Centre,  Nottingham  Laserdome   1992   Brayfield  stadium,  Northamptonshire  Weekend  world   1993   Northampton  International  Raceway  Pleasuredome   1993   Brixton,  London  Rave  4  peace   1993    Nottingham  Whoosh   1993    Nottingham  Boiling  point   1993   The  Essex  Showground,  Essex  Mania  Ritzn   1993   Weedon  Road,  Northampton  The  edge   1993   Lower  Ford  Street,  Coventry  Kiss   1993   Wicker  Arches,  Sheffiled  Shoom   1993   South  Bank,  London  Dance  Craze   1993   Hale  Street,  Coventry  Amnesia  house   1994    Nottingham  

  43  

Bedlam   1994   Swinton  Road,  Mexborough  Pleasuredome   1995   Skegness  Showtime   1995   Wonderland  arena  Jungle  Slammer   1995   Marcus  Garvey  Centre,  Nottingham  Knights  of  the  turntable   1995   Streatham  Hill,  London  

                                                                                       

  44  

Appendix  3:  List  of  unlicensed  raves  and  free  parties                                                                                                      

Event  Name   Place   Year  

-­‐-­‐-­‐   Greenwich     1988  

Spectrum  Presents   Slough   1988  

Midsummer  Night  Dream   Berkshire   1989  

Back  2  the  Future  2   South  Warborough     1989  

Summer  Fest   Raydon  Airfield   1989  

Sunrise   Longwick,  Buckinghamshire   1989  

Labyrinth   Silvertown  Way,    Canning  Town   1989  

Genesis   Stand  Lees  Farm,  Rochdale   1989  

Glastonbury  Free  Festival   Glastonbury   1990  

-­‐-­‐-­‐   Blackburn   1990  

-­‐-­‐-­‐   Wakefield,  West  Yorkshire   1990  

-­‐-­‐-­‐   Nelson,  Burnley   1990  

Summer  Solstice  Festival   Stone  Henge     1990  

-­‐-­‐-­‐   Westbury  Film  Studios   1991  

-­‐-­‐-­‐   Chipping  Sodbury  Common   1991  

Torpedo  Town   Liphook,  Hampshire   1991  

Castlemorton  Free  Festival   Castlemorton   1992  

Biology   Camelford   1992  

-­‐-­‐-­‐   Smeartharpe,  Devon   1992  

Exodus   Luton   1992  

-­‐-­‐-­‐   Twyford  Down,  Winchester   1994  

Tribal  Gathering   Otmoor  Park,  Oxforshire   1995  

  45  

Appendix  4:  List  of  prominent  artists  and  rave  music  groups  1988-­‐95      

Artist/Group  Name   Production  Origin  

Moving  Shadow   London  

DJ  SS   Leicester  

Clayton  Hines   London  

JB  &  Spice   Derbyshire  

Andy  C   Hornchurch  (london)  

Roni  Size   Bristol  

Hype   Slough  

Total  Science   Oxford  

Klute   London  

Goldie   Wallsall  

Pascal   High  Wycombe  

Dillinja   London  

Zinc   Woodford  Green  

LTJ  Bukem   Watford  

Kenny  Ken   London  

Shy  Fx   London  

Tonka   Brighton  

DiY   Nottingham  

Spiral  Tribe   West  London  

Exodus  Collective   Luton  

Adamski   Lymington  

The  Orb   London  

808  State   Manchester  

The  Prodigy   Braintree  

Paul  Oakenfold   London  

Mike  Pickering   Manchester  

Martin  Prendergest   Manchester  

  46  

Coldcut     London  

S  -­‐  Express  (Mark  Moore  +  Matt  Black)   London  

Tim  Simenon  (Bomb  the  bass)   Brixton,  London  

DJ  Johnny  Walker   Birmingham  

Eddie  Richards   Amersham  

T-­‐Coy   Manchester  

Dave  Darrel  +  CJ  Mackintosh  M/A/R/R/S   London  

Colin  Faver   London  

Pete  Tong   Kent  

Kid  Batchelor   London  

Mr  C   Mile  End  

Graeme  Park   Glasgow  

Terry  Farley   London  

Winston  Hazell   Sheffield  

Fabio  and  Grooverider   London  

Justin  Robertson   Manchester  

Darren  Partington   Manchester  

Fonso  Buller   Manchester  

The  Jam  MCs   Manchester  

Greg  Fenton   Manchester  

Alexander  Coe  (Sasha)   Stockport,  Wales  

Ruthless  Rap  Assasins     Manchester  

Mixmaster  Morris   Brighton  

Primal  Scream   Glasgow  

MC  Scallywag   London  

Kemistry  and  Storm   London  

Renegade  Soundwave   London  

Rebel  MC   London  

DJ  Ron   London    

  47  

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