Amplifying citizens’ voices How AREAP partners collect and use evidence to make a better case for pro-poor policy in Africa

Case study 1Africa Regional Empowerment and Accountability Programme

The Africa Regional Empowerment and Accountability Programme is a four-year project funded by the Department for International Development (DFID). It aims to improve access to high quality relevant data, evidence and analysis for African citizens, non-state actors and policy makers. It also supports the development of coalitions of citizens to use this information, voice their concerns and interests, and influence decisions of the state.

Three implementing partners (IPs) deliver AREAP: • Afrobarometer (AB) conducts citizen perception surveys across 35 countries in Africa• The Southern Africa Trust (the Trust) undertakes policy advocacy, capacity building and

disbursement of grants provided for pro-poor regional integration• The State of the Union Coalition (SOTU) focuses on engagement in policy development and

monitoring state compliance

AREAP’s Learning Information and Communication Hub (the Learning Hub) is guided by Triple Line Consulting. The Learning Hub was established in December 2014 to identify lessons and capitalise on synergies and joint working between the partners. The Learning Hub facilitates the partners to share experiences and reflect on the practices, processes and outcomes of AREAP’s empowerment and accountability work.

The case study, Amplifying Citizen’s Voices, is the work of Sharon Parku, Boniface Dulani and Carolyn Logan (Afrobarometer); Bhekinkosi Moyo and Christabel Phiri (The Southern African Trust); and Nicholas Ngigi, Osai Ojigho and Andrew Osiany (The State of the Union Coalition) with support from Janah Ncube and Tigere Chagutah. Helen Appleton produced the case study with additional inputs from Juliette Seibold and Mary Straker.

Front cover photo: State of the Union/IDEG, Ghana, 2015

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This case study, Amplifying Citizens’ Voices, is an account of how the AREAP partners collect and use evidence to make a better case for pro-poor policy in Africa. The case study demonstrates why high quality evidence is important in empowering citizens, men and women to hold decision-makers to account for human rights, governance and services. Amplifying Citizens’ Voices draws on the following examples:

• The experience of Afrobarometer in Ghana in conducting a survey1 into citizens’ perceptions of corruption and trust in public institutions;

• A campaign led by the Southern African Trust (the Trust) to change policy and practice in relation to the portability of social security benefits for migrant miners in South Africa; and

• The process of sharing the 2013 compliance research report developed by the State of

the Union Coalition (SOTU) in Malawi to initiate discussions at local and national levels around compliance and non-compliance with African Union (AU) legal instruments and policy frameworks.

These initiatives strengthened citizens’ engagement in policy debates. They raised critical policy issues and they held officials to account at regional and national levels. The case study demonstrates how each partner organisation contributes a distinct narrative and approach to generating evidence to engage policy makers; how empowerment and accountability processes can evolve in different circumstances; the challenges in managing debates with officials; how to maximise citizen engagement; and the strategies used to overcome obstacles and achieve positive outcomes for marginalised groups. The case study also presents an emerging theory of change.

Abstract

Africa Regional Empowerment and Accountability Programme 3

Introduction1 This case study is an account of how the Africa

Regional Empowerment and Accountability Programme partners, three non-governmental organisations working in Africa, collect and use evidence to make a better case to continental, regional and national decision-makers for pro-poor policy in Africa. It demonstrates how independent research data on empowerment and accountability is being used in different ways to inform and strengthen the debate between citizens and their governments, to inform policy making processes, and to make officials more accountable. The study highlights the value of:

• Robust data collection of citizens’ views on poverty related issues;

• Civil society coalitions for advocacy;• Identifying key messages for key audience• Using formal and informal approaches to

strategic working;• Stage managing the rollout and

dissemination of findings;• Understanding political sensibilities; • Identifying opportunities for maximising

impact; and• Cultivating good relationships with the

media.

2 The development of this case study involved successive in-depth and focus group interviews and reviews of secondary data generated through programme implementation processes. Three examples are examined to show what has worked and how:

• The experience of Afrobarometer in Ghana in conducting a survey2 into citizens’ perceptions of corruption and trust in public institutions;

• A campaign led by the Southern African Trust (the Trust) to change policy and practice in relation to the portability of social security benefits for migrant miners in South Africa;

• The process of sharing the 2013 compliance research report developed by the State of the Union Coalition (SOTU) in Malawi to initiate discussions at local and national levels around compliance and non-compliance with AU legal instruments and policy frameworks.

3 In all cases, the involvement and engagement of citizens in debates is a critical factor. The process of analysing evidence and developing a strategy for action to bring about policy change is complex, and it can be difficult to monitor and to estimate cause and effect.3

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Gathering the evidence4 Afrobarometer released their R6 survey findings

from September 2014 onwards. In Ghana, Afrobarometer hosted a presentation of citizens’ perceptions of the national economy and living conditions in October 2014, followed by findings on public service delivery in November and on trust and corruption in public institutions in December (2014). There was significant national and local debate after each presentation, particularly on the findings on corruption.

5 To collect evidence for advocacy on miners’ social benefits, the Trust developed strategic alliances with, among others, the South African Mineworkers’ Association (SAMA), government representatives from the four countries (Mozambique, Lesotho, Swaziland and South Africa), social security institutions, regulatory authorities and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). From the beginning, the Trust ensured that the miners themselves were involved in the process.

6 SOTU partnered closely with an alliance of faith-based organisations (FBOs), community-based organisations (CBOs), government officials, universities and the media in the multi-stakeholder National Research Group, which oversaw the process. This group also acted as a forum for its members to learn more about the AU.

7 Beyond the release of survey findings, Afrobarometer and national partners do not directly manage processes to achieve specific policy changes. They do, however, engage with a range of players (such as media) to help ensure findings are correctly interpreted and widely disseminated, which helps to hold governments to account. The Trust does not carry out regular surveys, but commissions others to conduct independent research or select research to assist civil society organisations (CSOs) in developing advocacy

approaches or to inform arguments for pro-poor policy reforms. SOTU researches and reports on country level government compliance with AU protocols and conventions, and develops opportunities for strengthening dissemination of evidence. The Malawi government tends to sign agreements readily but is slower to ratify and implement, and there are few public debates on the AU.

Using evidence to generate or inform debates

8 Each partner uses evidence differently: Afrobarometer does not formally identify specific policy reform objectives, but rather seeks to produce regular, comparable surveys that capture the voices of ordinary citizens. The R6 Ghana findings on corruption demonstrate that even where surveys are carried out regularly, events may conspire to ignite a stronger-than-usual public debate on specific themes, leading to demands for responses from policy makers. The findings, which highlighted the negative perceptions held by many citizens about police and public officials, were released at a time when Ghana’s economic performance was weak. They attracted wide coverage in the media and consequently generated much public discussion (radio and TV chat shows, opinion pieces). Initially the reaction of policy makers was largely negative, but with the barrage of media and public attention, attitudes shifted and they started to acknowledge shortcomings and challenges.4

9 The Trust used the evidence to create a single-issue advocacy campaign to change practice around immigrant miners’ access to pensions and benefits once they were home. The Trust’s approach, gathering evidence and strengthening representative organisations, enabled a targeted series of interventions to be developed, which have borne fruit. The initiative emerged from a discussion held during the 2011 dialogue between civil society and national governments on labour migration and social protection. During this dialogue CSOs, including the Trust, pointed to evidence that former mineworkers both migrant and local were owed more than ZAR 5.7 billion5 because they were unable to access their accrued social security benefits on returning home. The Trust brought together critical

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stakeholders (provident/pension funds, national governments, mineworkers’ associations, financial regulators) to advocate for practice to be changed and injustices addressed.

10 SOTU’s 2013 Compliance Report in Malawi was a multi-stakeholder response to both gaps and successes in the government’s management of national development priorities. Evidence from the compliance report was used in discussions with government officials to highlight gains made in complying with AU decisions and to strengthen commitment to act in cases where progress was less apparent.6 Evidence was also used to engage citizens in debates around national development priorities, which had not happened before.

11 The different ways in which these three approaches were developed and managed provide insights into the engagement of citizens in public debates and pro-poor policy change processes. The approaches followed different paths, but all led to action.

Lessons in evidence collection and dissemination

12 Afrobarometer has learnt from previous survey rounds that useful focus can be achieved and greater impact generated if survey information is structured around key themes, presented separately – in this case: the economy, service

delivery and trust in public institutions. A staggered release of findings enables:i. A focus on particular issues raised by

citizens during the survey;ii. Careful identification of audiences who

should hear the information; and iii. Development of clear briefings for press

and people attending the presentations.

All of the above provide stimuli which keep the debate alive.

13 The Trust developed the issue of unpaid migrant miners’ benefits into a campaign, which aims to:i. Commission research to investigate the

totals in unclaimed benefits owed to former mineworkers, and the institutions that were holding the funds;

ii. Facilitate the engagement of people directly affected by the non-disbursement of benefits, such as former mineworkers, their beneficiaries and their associations7;

iii. Provide support to SAMA to strengthen its organisational capacity and become better recognised as a regional platform; and

iv. Convene meetings to identify and bring together critical stakeholders from within SADC, discuss the research findings and learn from miners’ own experiences.

14 Once SOTU published its compliance report on the Malawi Government’s national development priorities, it developed a number of different approaches to engage target audiences. For

Research/ Surveys

Method of development

Method of dissemination

Involvement of poor people

Gender

Afrobarometer Regular annual national surveys

Local partners Presentations then media, radio, TV

During research 50% survey responses were from women

Southern Africa Trust

When required Individual researchers

Media During research Depending on issue

State of the Union Coalition

Regular national Multi-stakeholder National Research Group

Reports for different groups, radio, TV

During dissemination

In launch, adoption, policy advocacy, dissemination of compliance report

Table 1: Partners’ different approaches

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example, for village communities, a simplified version of the report was produced, which was used to identify and discuss local gaps and priorities. To engage policy makers, the focus was on relating evidence to the management of development priorities, and calculations were done to estimate the potential benefits of ratification of certain conventions compared with the costs of revising national policies.

Engaging citizens and government

15 For Afrobarometer, the first step in engaging citizens is ensuring that survey sampling is (and is shown to be) robust and representative of gender, age, geography, wealth and other critical factors. Afrobarometer believes that politicians and officials pay attention to their reports because they represent ordinary peoples’ voices and are considered to be of high quality.

16 The process of survey dissemination involves careful identification of key audiences and planning of presentations.

17 Political sensitivities are noted: for example, with Ghana’s R6 survey, the findings were first discussed confidentially with government, as the analysis was judged to be sensitive and Afrobarometer felt that officials should have opportunities to prepare responses. By doing this, Afrobarometer began the process of helping the government acknowledge rather than refute the findings. The state-of-the-economy conclusions were then presented publicly to donors, media, NGOs, parliamentarians and other groups, followed by similar events under the themes of service delivery and corruption over the following seven weeks.

18 Radio is particularly important for citizen engagment, as it reaches more remote areas and is accessible to less literate groups. Radio and TV phone-in and news programmes are found across the country and are powerful in terms of information sharing and enabling Ghanaians to participate and ask questions.

19 The Trust’s engagement with citizens and government uses different processes. For example, the Trust’s researchers interviewed miners and ex-miners and obtained factual

Evidence from the compliance report was used in discussions

with government officials to highlight gains made in complying with AU

decisions and to strengthen commitment to act.

Evidence was also used to engage citizens in debates

around national development priorities, which had not

happened before.

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AREAP outreach in Africa

information regarding the challenges in accessing benefits. Information was also obtained from SAMA meetings in Swaziland and Lesotho.8

20 In February 2014 when research findings9 became available, the Trust widened the debate by convening a regional meeting to bring together national governments (Mozambique, Lesotho, South Africa and Swaziland), South African social security institutions, mineworkers and ex-mineworkers, and CSOs. By facilitating discussions, the Trust created opportunities for mineworkers and their representatives to meet power brokers and to plan and agree ways in which policy and practice could be changed.

21 SOTU’s approach to engaging citizens is based on understanding how citizens can be engaged and what roles they can play in debates. CBOs, for example, supply raw data, understand the local political context and know points of entry into communities: they were able to authenticate evidence at community level and set agendas for implementing compliance research recommendations. Simplifying the report made it

easier for villagers to initiate discussions around compliance and helped to make policy debates more citizen-driven.

22 With policy makers, the approach was to provide them with a brief background on SOTU’s report, the Charters in question, and the Compliance report itself. This provided adequate information on the objective of the discussions and the underlying evidence, which stimulated officials’ interest in policy engagement.

23 Increasingly, citizens are using social networks to discuss issues and inform each other. AREAP partners use social media, particularly as a means to keep debate alive once the publicity generated by the findings has dissipated. Afrobarometer monitors website visits, twitter traffic, online data analysis usage and information requests. SOTU in Malawi maintains social networks with policy makers through monitoring and use of information requests. An understanding of the types and content of material needed to feed discussions with different audiences is essential.

Citizens are using social networks to discuss issues and

inform each other. AREAP partners use social media to

keep debate alive.

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The debate process24 Afrobarometer’s findings on the economy

immediately elicited strong responses from Ghanaian officials, who rejected the sampling methodology (too biased), the sampling numbers (too small), and the timing of the sampling (things had improved since). There were a number of TV news items and press/online reports on the government’s weak performance and poor use of oil resources. Afrobarometer defended its methodology, and the public criticised the government for not exploring the issues. The debate continued through November, when the public service delivery analysis was presented, and into December, when the findings on trust and corruption in public institutions were shared with

a full audience, comprised of representatives of key government institutions, donors, NGOs and the media.

25 The December presentation was also met by immediate rejection of the analysis and criticism of the methodology by the authorities, particularly the police. However, there were also achievements: some senior officers acknowledged the challenges and claimed that things were being done to improve matters. In a detailed interview, the Director of the Police General Public Affairs Department outlined the specific steps being taken to improve discipline and standards. He acknowledged that recent policies would not change perceptions quickly but was hopeful that improvements would be demonstrated in future surveys.10 The police Research Unit requested a copy of the Afrobarometer questionnaire, and MPs asked for a copy to be sent to Parliament, although MPs were also high in the list of corrupt public officials. Debates also focused on the Revenue Authority and the Electoral Commission, both identified as lacking the confidence of citizens. The stories have continued into March 2015: for

Southern Africa Trust, 2015

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example, a report on the indictment for fraud of Chief of Police Patrick Timbillah, head of Human Resource and Administration, stated that ‘[the arrest] also confirms numerous Afrobarometer reports and surveys which indicted the police service as being the most corrupt institution in Ghana’.11

26 The survey data covers a range of topics and can be reanalysed around different themes, such as gender or taxation, for various audiences. This helps to maintain public interest and keep debates alive. Access to the data through the Afrobarometer website means that groups such as academics, research institutions, think tanks and the media can use it to continue to build evidence and strengthen arguments for think pieces or campaigns.12 Some citizens directly analyse the raw data through the Online Data Analysis facility, and others approach Afrobarometer directly for information and analysis.

27 With the Trust, after the first regional meeting of miners and governments in February 2014, some Social Funds disputed the interpretation of results and conclusions, and the Trust met the fund managers with the researchers to arrive at a shared understanding. A task team was established to facilitate collaboration and coordination among stakeholders and to support former mineworkers in accessing benefits. Emphasis was placed on the roles of national governments, pension/provident funds and mining associations in tracking beneficiaries and disbursement. The task team ‘road map’ also included working with SADC on the establishment of a regional mechanism to support portability of benefits. The subsequent debate generated substantial media coverage (print, online, broadcast), which in turn increased awareness among governments and social fund managers.

28 There was a range of policy related issues that contributed to the miners’ problems and needed to be addressed. These included:i. South African laws that require migrant

workers to leave on expiry of work permits;

ii. Limited knowledge among ex-miners of their right to benefits;

iii. Limited arrangements for portability/transfer of benefits;

iv. Cumbersome documentary requirements for social security benefit applications; and

v. Poor economic conditions that hinder beneficiaries from travelling to make claims.

29 The Trust convened a second regional meeting in March 2015, and invited the Financial Service Board, in its strategic role as regulator, to support disbursement. The Financial Service Board committed to continuing to engage the Funds on useful legislation and address obstructive laws. Progress with the road map was reported by, among others, the Mineworkers’ Provident Fund,13 and there were improvements in obtaining correct data for beneficiaries.14 Outcomes from the dialogue included further commitments to enhance information dissemination and to continue to support ex-miners’ associations to reach beneficiaries and to support domestication of SADC migrant worker protocols.

30 The revised integration agenda for SADC, the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan, prioritises the development and operationalisation of a cross-border social benefits portability instrument, to facilitate the transfer of migrant workers’ benefits. The initial phase of the plan includes a regional study to scope the state of national social security systems and make recommendations. This commitment is directly attributable to the Trust.

31 Debates in Malawi were generated by SOTU’s evidence on government compliance with AU protocols, and were expanded and enhanced as a result of discussions held with different groups of citizens. Information materials were produced for different audiences: for example, a simplified version of the compliance report was produced to support village level debates and help villagers and local providers understand government commitments and what they mean. Village health workers were involved in discussions linking provision of local basic health services with Malawi’s performance against the provisions of the AU Africa Health Strategy (2007–2015).15

32 Throughout the dialogue, SOTU maintained quality relationships with its partners by ensuring that its research on compliance with

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AU decisions was a multi-stakeholder rather than a single-entity agenda. FBOs, CBOs and the media were involved in each step of the research process: FBOs because of their political power, CBOs because they understand the local political context and know community points of entry, and the media to extend the reach of compliance report findings to the general populace.

What sort of evidence captures the public’s interest?

33 Of the three Afrobarometer presentations in Ghana – economic performance, service delivery, and institutional trust and corruption – it was the analysis of corruption that received the most press coverage and resulted in the largest number of public officials being questioned on performance. One reason was that the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index on Ghana was coincidentally released the day after the Afrobarometer findings. Despite differences in methodology, both pointed to the same overall conclusions.16 A second reason was that a few high profile corruption scandals in the recent past had already diminished Ghanaians’ trust in institutions. Thirdly, the survey chimed with everyday experiences: 89 per cent of citizens perceived the police to be corrupt, partly because they are more likely to have contact with police than other officials. This was strongly reflected in phone-in programmes that focused on the police and, with Ghana’s poor economic performance, led journalists to explore links between the two sets of analysis.

34 In the case of the Trust, the sheer injustice of thousands of mineworkers not being able to access the funds to which they themselves had contributed resonated strongly with many sections of society, and meant, as with police corruption in Ghana, that officials were left exposed and trying be perceived as resolving the problems rather than creating them.

35 For SOTU, the main storyline was that Malawi is quick to ratify AU protocols, but slow to implement. This message resonated and developed as the process continued, and brought citizens and government officials into discussions with each other.

The part played by the media36 All the AREAP partners emphasise the

importance of building careful relationships with the media.

37 Afrobarometer keeps good journalists and responsible radio stations in the loop and briefs them, both formally and informally, in order to set up talk shows around particular findings. Radio and TV stations also contact Afrobarometer when they need extra information for programmes. Afrobarometer carries out training with the media and others on using data and mining their online raw data analysis facility to build a story. A clear and detailed explanation of methodology (including sampling) is provided to the media and others for each survey, which helps to deal with the inevitable reaction that the methodology is flawed. In addition, because Afrobarometer is Africa-wide, cross-country comparisons are possible – for example, ratings of corruption by Ghanaians can be compared with those in neighbouring Nigeria or Sierra Leone.

38 The Trust capitalises on traditional forms of communication and knowledge sharing. They use TV, radio, online and print media, as well as meetings of interested Parties. At the start of a campaign the Trust prepares a media plan to

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41 As such, the relationship between SOTU and the media has been transformational rather than transactional. FBOs, CBOs and media are involved in every step of the compliance research process. The robustness of the report’s evidence has given SOTU credibility and underpinned its relationships with other stakeholders.

Theories of change42 This case study suggests an emerging theory

of change: in AREAP partner countries, citizens’ perceptions and voices can be captured, analysed and publicised to stimulate wide and inclusive debate on issues of the failure of systems, wrongdoing, inequalities and corruption. Processes can be managed by citizens and their representatives (AREAP partners) to ensure that key government officials and policy makers are:i. Made aware of and held to account for

poor performanceii. Encouraged to demonstrate that they are

taking action to help address failuresiii. Changing practices and strengthening

failed systems.

43 The role of the media is critical to capturing popular interest as well as building and maintaining pressure for reform. Resistance from different stakeholders is part of the process and should be anticipated, factored in and managed.

disseminate information and stimulate debate. In some cases the Trust has existing partnerships with media platforms, and in other cases the relationships are more informal. Developmental issues do not always grab good coverage, so the Trust’s approach involves building relationships with different media partners to develop appropriate stories for particular audiences (policy makers, CSOs, government officials, influential people, and citizens).

39 The Social Benefits to Migrant Miners media campaign had the following key messages: i. The unclaimed benefits should be

disbursed to ex-mineworkers and dependents.

ii. More coordinated efforts should be implemented to trace all lapsed beneficiaries.

iii. Unclaimed benefits should be invested in ex-miners’ communities in other countries.

iv. SADC should adopt a harmonised regional social security system.

40 For SOTU, the media were critical to the debates. In Malawi they were active in verifying the contents and conclusions of the compliance report before popularising it: they further followed up with government to establish whether the 2013 compliance report findings were true. The Malawian government agreed with the report’s assessment of its performance, prompting the President to direct that its recommendations be adopted.17

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Conclusions and lessons learned i. Be able to tell a good, relevant and evolving story: this will enable the media to pick it up and

stay with it, keeping the issues live and debated. All AREAP partners’ narratives evolved from the initial concept. For the Trust this meant continual building of the story by identifying new elements; for Afrobarometer it was increasing momentum around citizens’ demands for answers from officials; and SOTU wove together different perspectives to build a dialogue between citizens and state.

ii. For evidence to be robust and meaningful, campaigns must involve citizens affected by the issues, especially the most vulnerable. For AREAP partners this includes strengthening poor people’s voices in policy processes supported empowerment and access to resources as well as adding authenticity and momentum to campaigns.

iii. The data must be robust and organisations prepared to stand their ground. All AREAP partners have examples of officials initially discrediting the findings, but eventually recognising that it would be better to be seen to support solutions.

iv. Campaigns should actively involve governments and/or potential or actual opposition, and manage their cooperation. All partners achieved this by sharing information with government and officials to help prepare them, and by bringing possible resisters into the debate. This helps to build a consensus towards righting problems, and encourages resisters to become champions for reform.

v. Plan and manage the processes and audiences carefully but be prepared to act if unanticipated obstacles emerge. When it is difficult to get stakeholders to attend meetings or be involved, take the process to them.

vi. Strategise partnerships carefully. All AREAP partners demonstrate this in different ways, especially with the media, but also with communities and other stakeholders.

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1 This was part of a regular programme of Africa-wide surveys managed by AB. Round 6 (R6) activities began regionally in March 2014 and findings were released from September 2014 onwards.

2 Ibid.

3 John Young of ODI, ‘Impact of research on policy and practice’, Capacity.org, 35 (October 2010).

4 In a news item (Ghana web, 31 January 15) the Ghana Chief Justice highlighted the finding from the R6 survey that 85% of the Ghanaian public perceived judges and magistrates as corrupt. He asked staff to raise and save the image of the service.

5 Approx US$453mn.

6 For example, Malawi ratified an earlier version of the Convention on Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources: compliance report evidence and debates encouraged them to ratify and act upon the revised version.

7 The Trust supported SAMA’s national associations to convene dialogues in Swaziland and Lesotho, which brought together potential beneficiaries to engage government on their demands and to remove the obstacles to access of benefits.

8 These events brought together former mineworkers, deceased miners’ beneficiaries and government representatives to discuss problems and arrive at solutions to facilitate increased disbursement of funds.

9 http://www.southernafricatrust.org/portability-of-social-security-benefits-in-mining-sector-challenges-experienced-by-former-mineworkers-in-accessing-social-security-benefits-in-selected-southern-african-countries/.

10 See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aq1qGwwwlRo.

11 See http://www.modernghana.com/news/603043/1/timbillah-house-arrest-police-image-battered-dr-an.html.

12 For example, a post from the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage blog on the roots of popular protest in Africa: http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2015/06/12/protest-is-always-hopeful-examining-the-third-wave-of-popular-protest-in-africa/.

13 By March 2015, MWPF disbursements totalled almost ZAR 400 million, 15% of the unclaimed total.

14 5,392 identified in the case of the Sentinel Retirement Fund and approximately 18,600 across Lesotho, Mozambique and Swaziland in the case of SAMA. 15 This policy framework requires governments to allocate at least 15% of the national budget to health: Malawi allocated about 12% in 2012.

16 In fact, both studies highlighted small improvements in perceptions of corruption, but other factors also conspired to strengthen public interest.

17 See http://timesmediamw.com/malawi-fails-implement-au-charters-protocols/.

Endnotes

Credit for photographs and images (in order): State of the Union, Joao Preconca, Bru Rakoto, Southern Africa Trust, Stefan Parnarov, Jon Testa, Thomas Uebe, Glenis Gomez Rios

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AcronymsAB AfrobarometerAREAP Africa Regional Empowerment and Accountability ProgrammeAU African UnionCBO Community-based organisationCSO Civil society organisationDFID Department for International DevelopmentFBO Faith-based organisationIP Implementing partnersMP Member of ParliamentMWPF Mineworkers’ Provident FundNGO Non-governmental organisationSADC Southern African Development CommunitySAMA South African Mineworker’s AssociationSOTU State of the Union Coalition

The AREAP case studies were developed by the AREAP partners and the Learning, Information and Communication Hub, established in December 2014. The Learning Hub is facilitated by Triple Line Consulting. It brings AREAP partners together every quarter to share experiences and examine evidence so as to reflect and learn. Case study development involved successive in-depth focus group interviews and reviews of secondary data generated through programme implementation processes.