: prototype. For, in some ways, Agnon's community "tas Dei, than to the Greek secular polis. The moral ", the basis of its existence, elevate it to an idea to be ually lived. Nevertheless, the closest approximation 3licia of Reb Yudel's days, the Szibusz before the lie stories and folktales from the golden past. This 3ivinely inspired polis is impervious to decline and ; acutely aware of this historic transition and master"ritings. A sense of grief and guilt hovers over the a great loss. vitas Dei is doomed. The Jewishpolis can be reborn ~itical as well as cultural and spiritual renaissance. :ssed at the Zionist activities of Galicia, Agnon is restimony can be found in his writings. A symbolic 3 and retrieval ofthe key to the oldBeit Hamidrash in ~. The loss of the key symbolizes the decline of the retrieval takes place in Israel, upon the "guest's"

;uest," in fact, is Agnon himself who actually made leI.

anslated by I.W. Lask, New York: Schocken. -light. Translated by Misha Louvish. New York:

;, Vol. II (in Hebrew). Tel Aviv: Schocken. " In Collected Writings, Vol. III (in Hebrew). n.

lOW. Berlin: Concordia Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. iU. Stuttgart und Berlin: Cotta'sche Buchhandlung

Ja. Stuttgart und Berlin: Cotta'sche Buchhandlung

t und Berlin: Cotta' sche Buchhandlung Nachfolger.

ries. Philadelphia.

lorn Aleichem. New York: Knopf.

~ranslated by Julius and Frances Butwin. New York:

go: University of Chicago Press.

AN UNEASY ALLIANCE: JEWS AND BLACKS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1945·1953

DAVID G. SINGER

Spertus College of Judaica, Chicago

In October 1974, the Black Panthers' official publication sharply attacked the Jews of both the United States and Israel. In addition to denunciati

36 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

In the same month that lapan surrendered to the Allies, lawyers for the NAACP and the American lewish Congress agreed to work together. 9 This agreement lasted the eight years between 1945 and 1953, crucial years, and was the apogee in American lewish-black relations.

Between December 1941 and August 1945, hundreds of thousands of black families moved from farms and small towns in the South to large industrial cities in the North. These migrants often settled in formerly lewish neighborhoods; the mass of American lewry now came into frequent contact with American blacks. After the outbreak of the war in Korea on lune 25, 1950, another wave of blacks swept over the North, drawn once more by the promise of jobs.

In May 1954, shortly before the end of the Korean War, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that segregating white and black students living in the same community was unconstitutional. This decision represented a watershed in blacklewish relations. Now the American white middle class, including a substantial portion of American lewry, realized the necessity of personal sacrifice in order to achieve racial integration. In the ensuing civil rights struggle, many lews would make sacrifices; for two (Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, killed with lames Chaney, a black, near Greenville, Mississippi) it meant their lives.

In the eight years between the end of World War II and the armistice in Korea, how did lews and blacks regard each other? Further, what were common black and lewish leadership goals in the struggle to abolish American minority discrimination? And, most importantly, were there indications in the postwar years of the conflict that would later erupt between the two groups?

In an attempt to answer these questions, the leading lewish journals and newspapers of the United States, including those published in Yiddish, and two AfroAmerican newspapers, the liberal Chicago Defender and the more left-leaning New York Amsterdam News, were subjected to content analysis.

THE ALLIANCE: AREAS OF AGREEMENT BETWEEN JEWS AND BLACKS

Nazi Germany had surrendered unconditionally to the Allies in May 1945, but not before slaughtering almost six million lews. Fearful of another eruption of violent anti-Semitism, many American lews looked to others, including blacks, for support in the struggle against racist and reactionary forces in America.

The Afro-American press expressed analogous fears of an antiblack political and social reaction. If a majority of the German people could sanction the extermination of Jews, Slavs, and Gypsies, might not white Americans attempt to solve the' 'Negro problem" in much the same way, the black press wondered? After all, some reasoned, weren't blacks hated as much in America as the Jews had been in Nazi-controlled Europe?10 In the immediate post-World War II era, many black workers lost their jobs, placing economic advances made during the war years in jeopardy. Now the Afro-American press urged all minority groups to stand together against the common enemy, a theme repeated by Yiddish and Jewish Englishlanguage publications. 11

President Truman and his legislative program, the Fair Deal, won the enthusiasm of a large majority of American Jews and blacks, who then supported the liberal, northern wing of the Democratic party and those eastern Republicans voting with the liberal Democrats. While radical movements continued to attract some Jews and

blacks, leading journals rejected the Communist radical groups.

Both lewish and black presses rejected the not racial and ethnic prejudice. Because of its dogma. Union for guidance, the American Communist pll wrote Walter White in 1949. 12 Earlier, another jOI Soviet attack on "rootless cosmopolitans" was, in 49 of those arrested on that charge were lewish. 13 later, the writer equated Soviet policy towards r

At the same time that the Defender was expre Soviet lewry, the American lewish press was cond in the South and acclaiming every act of racial just: major Yiddish and English-language lewish publi the oppression of southern blacks, censuring ma:: Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi, who made anti-Ne the floor of the United States Senate) as racists senators and congressmen opposed a national fair as all civil rights legislation.

Both the lewish working and middle classes community, were interested in the enactment of c Practices Commission) law. lews and blacks felt • most glaring discriminatory practices, so commc following World War II, in the hiring of worker

For this reason, the lewish press urged Congres: enact similar legislation on state and loeallevels_ pointed out that these fair employment laws w() Americans, as well as lews, expressing as muet. minorities as they did for lews themselves. In a si press felt that all minorities, particularly lews III federal fair employment law.

In the realm of education, blacks and lews were The American lewish press often linked lews with of the quota system (numerus clausus) in northen Afro-American press emphasized a common stru tunities. Three days after the end of World War I: criticized the president of Dartmouth College, Em quota system at that school. 16 Although Hopkins numbers of lews at Dartmouth would arouse anti-S student body, the newspaper declared that the ql: Semitism among Dartmouth students. The repor kins' statement with Senator Bilbo's racist speech with an appeal to all minorities, but particularly common struggle for equal educational rights.

The American Jewish press felt that this struggle private lewish and black organizations alone; on American governmental agencies at all levels-I ensure the attainment of this goal. The necessil particularly apparent in the South. Therefore, Ie'

1 surrendered to the Allies, lawyers for the NAACP ress agreed to work together. 9 This agreement lasted and 1953, crucial years, and was the apogee in

IS.

nd August 1945, hundreds of thousands of black small towns in the South to large industrial cities in

I settled in formerly Jewish neighborhoods; the mass Ito frequent contact with American blacks. After the June 25, 1950, another wave of blacks swept over the e promise of jobs. the end of the Korean War, the Supreme Court of the ~ating white and black students living in the same al. This decision represented a watershed in black

lerican white middle class, including a substantial i1ized the necessity of personal sacrifice in order to he ensuing civil rights struggle, many Jews would rew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, killed with ireenville, Mississippi) it meant their lives. :end of World War II and the armistice in Korea, how oilier? Further, what were common black and Jewish to abolish American minority discrimination? And, ndications in the postwar years of the conflict iliat two groups? Ie questions, the leading Jewish journals and news

cluding those published in Yiddish, and two Afro

ral Chicago Defender and the more left-leaning New ubjected to content analysis.

~GREEMENT BETWEEN JEWS AND BLACKS

~d unconditionally to the Allies in May 1945, but not million Jews. Fearful of another eruption of violent Jews looked to others, including blacks, for support ld reactionary forces in America. pressed analogous fears of an antiblack political and ilie German people could sanction the extermination ght not white Americans attempt to solve the' 'Negro way, the black press wondered? After all, some d as much in America as the Jews had been in he immediate post-World War II era, many black : economic advances made during the war years in :an press urged all minority groups to stand together L theme repeated by Yiddish and Jewish English

;islative program, the Fair Deal, won ilie enthusiasm n Jews and blacks, who then supported the liberal, : party and iliose eastern Republicans voting with the :al movements continued to attract some Jews and

SINGER 37

blacks, leading journals rejected the Communist party and Trotskyite-like splinter radical groups.

Both Jewish and black presses rejected the notion that Soviet society was free of racial and ethnic prejudice. Because of its dogmatism and dependence on the Soviet Union for guidance, the American Communist party had betrayed Jews and blacks, wrote Walter White in 1949. 12 Earlier, another journalist had charged that the recent Soviet attack on "rootless cosmopolitans" was, in actuality, an attack on Jews, since 49 of those arrested on that charge were Jewish. 13 As some Jewish leaders were to do later, the writer equated Soviet policy towards Jews with that of the Nazis. 14

At the same time that the Defender was expressing its concern over the fate of Soviet Jewry, the American Jewish press was condemning ilie mistreatment of blacks in the South and acclaiming every act of racial justice in both North and South. Every major Yiddish and English-language Jewish publication denounced segregation and the oppression of southern blacks, censuring many southern political leaders (like Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi , who made anti-Negro and anti-Semitic statements on the floor of the United States Senate) as racists and reactionaries. Other southern senators and congressmen opposed a national fair employment practices law as well as all civil rights legislation.

Both the Jewish working and middle classes, as well as leaders of the black community, were interested in the enactment of a federal FEPC (Fair Employment Practices Commission) law. Jews and blacks felt that such a law would abrogate the most glaring discriminatory practices, so common during the economic recession following World War II, in the hiring of workers.

For this reason, the Jewish press urged Congress to pass a strong FEPC law and to enact similar legislation on state and local levels. Jewish journals and newspapers pointed out that iliese fair employment laws would benefit blacks and MexicanAmericans, as well as Jews, expressing as much concern for the welfare of these minorities as they did for Jews themselves. In a similar fashion, the Afro-American press felt that all minorities, particularly Jews and blacks, would benefit from a federal fair employment law.

In the realm of education, blacks and Jews were perceived to have the same goals. The American Jewish press often linked Jews with blacks in the struggle for abolition of the quota system (numerus clausus) in northern colleges and universities. 15 The Afro-American press emphasized a common struggle for equal educational opportunities. Three days after the end of World WarlI, the New York Amsterdam News criticized the president of Dartmouth College, Ernest Hopkins, for his defense of the quota system at that school. 16 Although Hopkins asserted that the presence of large numbers of Jews at Dartmouth would arouse anti-Semitic feelings among the general student body, the newspaper declared that the quota system itself stimulated antiSemitism among Dartmouth students. The reporter, Earl Brown, compared Hopkins' statement with Senator Bilbo's racist speeches in the U.S. Senate, concluding with an appeal to all minorities, but particularly Jews and blacks, to unite in the common struggle for equal educational rights.

The American Jewish press felt that this struggle could not be won by the efforts of private Jewish and black organizations alone; only the influence and pressure of American governmental agencies at all levels-local, state, and federal-would ensure the attainment of this goal. The necessity for governmental action was particularly apparent in the South. Therefore, Jewish writers and journalists sup

38 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

ported steps taken by the federal government to desegregate southern schools and colleges. and strongly condemned the blatant racial segregation of both public and private facilities.

In December 1948. the Forward. the leading Yiddish-language newspaper in the United States, criticized racial segregation in Washington, D.C.. warning that indignities sun"ered by nonwhite diplomats there would adversely affect the United States' international position. 17 The following year, Forward objected to de facto separation of white and black students in the Chicago area, as well as to de jure segregation in Miami Beach. Florida. 18

Rather than assuming that all blacks were poor and illiterate. the Chicago Jewish Forum urged readers to judge each black on the basis of individual merit. 19 Indirectly calling for social acceptance of middle-class blacks in public and semipublic activities and organizations. Jewish sympathy also often extended to the black lower class. Like the Afro-American press. leading Yiddish newspapers strongly disapproved of the rank exploitation of black and Mexican-American farm laborers. 2o

Nevertheless, the problems of southern black farm workers who lived far from the major centers of Jewish population were not salient to American Jewry, relative to the question of open housing in large northern cities. Indeed, housing in the sprawling cities of the North was as important an issue there as that of schools in the South. The Jewish press felt Jews and blacks to be the principal victims of restrictive housing agreements, and urged the federal government to take action.

Restrictive housing covenants impeded the movement of socially mobile Jews to the affluent neighborhoods and suburbs of American cities. Because they faced greater hostility and generally were in a lower income bracket than American Jews, the majority of blacks were trapped in slums and decaying neighborhoods of northern central-city areas. Low-income Jews. a high percentage of whom spoke Yiddish, were in the same situation as blacks. All around them they sensed the oncoming decay of the inner city. For these reasons, the Yiddish press urged local and national government agencies to quickly build low-income public housing and to retain rent controls established during the Second World War. Racism was the only reason for delaying construction of this much-needed housing in Chicago, the Forward alleged in 1950. 21 Thus, in three important areas-4:mployment, education, and housingJews and blacks sought the removal of those discriminatory barriers and restrictions, relegating them to a second-class citizenry.

This action is reflected in many articles about brotherhood appearing in both Jewish and black newspapers during the years 1945-1953. These included editorials praising Brotherhood Week and the National Conference ofChristians and Jews, and articles commending individuals, irrespective of religion or color, who met others of different backgrounds on an equal and fraternal social basis. These articles also included numerous accounts of friendly encounters between Jews and blacks. Nevertheless. some areas of dissension and disagreement marred relations. These found expression in newspapers and journals. It is to these relatively early manifestations of disagreement between Jews and blacks that we now turn our attention.

THE UNEASY UNDERSTANDING

Because of their own history of persecution and oppression, many American Jews empathized with the black plight. This was even true of liberal and radical-minded

Jews who, some blacks felt, declared their syn ously.22 But some individuals in the black con: scapegoats of Western Civilization and Europe, whites. 23 Furthermore, Afro-American profes!; American Jewry's fear of a violent anti-Semitism World War I.

These blacks also noted the great social advance contrast between a closely-knit American Jewish nity, in a state of chaos and complete disorganiZe also found it difficult to understand why the lowel: they had, to middle-class affluence. In an atte struggles of blacks to its readers, the Forward plI describing the living conditions that prevailed in and its sociological structure. Although the greastricken and oppressed, a small but influential grc was also noted. 25 The black community, Grayson "respectable" and the "sinful"-God-fearing shiftless, dissolute lives. 26 Despite income and life black community to be unified and, with the e conscious group in the United States. It was wh which must bear much of the blame for low incom. poverty, as well as for other negative conditions r:

Nevertheless, the Forward, as did other Jew= number of blacks to move from the lower to the L That most American blacks remained at the bottc disconcert it. 28 In an article appearing in 1952, il gains made by Afro-Americans since 1945 in t further gains in the near future. 29 Blacks, also, esp understand why so many Afro-Americans were impressed by the social mobility of American _ advanced themselves by exploiting blacks. Refle· American press implied that many Jewish landlo advantage of black communities. In June, 195 alleged that some Jews were exploiting blacks, aI responsible for deteriorating relations between tI

However, it was New York City where relatiol of its large Jewish and black concentrations. Even article had appeared in the New York Amsterdam. of Jewish shopkeepers in Harlem. 31 Further, the e Jews as cheating blacks financially, while mislead forge a common political alliance. The former idealistic words in pursuing this goal, but canne Jewish and black interests.

Gardner felt that blacks were rooted in the very recent immigrants. If the latter possessed the bl: probably "be the strongest force in American culture, Jews wanted to make common cause w:

In the latter part of 1947, allegations of decc

J government to desegregate southern schools and ~d the blatant racial segregation of both public and

I'd, the leading Yiddish-language newspaper in the segregation in Washington, D.C., warning that diplomats there would adversely affect the United The following year, Forward objected to de facto rudents in the Chicago area, as well as to de jure -orida. 18

blacks were poor and illiterate, the Chicago Jewish -h black on the basis of individual merit. 19 Indirectly middle-class blacks in public and semipublic ac

h sympathy also often extended to the black lower Jress, leading Yiddish newspapers strongly disap()f black and Mexican-American farm laborers. 20 f southern black farm workers who lived far from lation were not salient to American Jewry, relative 5 in large northern cities. Indeed, housing in the as important an issue there as that of schools in the

"S and blacks to be the principal victims of restric-ged the federal government to take action. impeded the movement of socially mobile Jews to suburbs of American cities. Because they faced

=re in a lower income bracket than American Jews, =d in slums and decaying neighborhoods of northern Jews, a high percentage of whom spoke Yiddish, .acks. All around them they sensed the oncoming reasons, the Yiddish press urged local and national :Juild low-income public housing and to retain rent ~cond World War. Racism was the only reason for ll-needed housing in Chicago, the Forward alleged rot areas---employment, education, and housingJal of those discriminatory barriers and restrictions, s citizenry. ,my articles about brotherhood appearing in both ing the years 1945-1953. These included editorials ::Ie National Conference of Christians and Jews, and irrespective of religion or color, who met others of

Jal and fraternal social basis. These articles also _endly encounters between Jews and blacks. Never• and disagreement marred relations. These found mals. It is to these relatively early manifestations of blacks that we now turn our attention.

oG

~ persecution and oppression, many American Jews _ This was even true of liberal and radical-minded

SINGER 39

Jews who, some blacks felt, declared their sympathy too often and too vociferously.22 But some individuals in the black community knew that Jews were the scapegoats of Western Civilization and Europe, where there were almost no nonwhites. 23 Furthermore, Afro-American professionals and intellectuals detected American Jewry's fear of a violent anti-Semitism revival, like that in Germany after World War I.

These blacks also noted the great social advances made by American Jews, and the contrast between a closely-knit American Jewish community and the black community, in a state of chaos and complete disorganization by comparison. 24 Some Jews also found it difficult to understand why the lower-class black masses did not rise, as they had, to middle-class affluence. In an attempt to explain the problems and struggles of blacks to its readers, the Forward published a series of articles in 1946 describing the living conditions that prevailed in Chicago's crowded Negro ghetto and its sociological structure. Although the great majority of blacks were povertystricken and oppressed, a small but influential group of middle-class wealthy blacks was also noted. 25 The black community, Grayson wrote, was further divided into the "respectable" and the "sinful"--God-fearing church-goers, and those who led shiftless, dissolute lives. 26 Despite income and life style differences, Grayson felt the black community to be unified and, with the exception of Jews, the most selfconscious group in the United States. It was white America, Grayson concluded, which must bear much of the blame for low incomes and the accompanying culture of poverty, as well as for other negative conditions prevailing in the black community.

Nevertheless, the Forward, as did other Jewish publications, expected a large number of blacks to move from the lower to the middle classes in the near future. 27 That most American blacks remained at the bottom of the economic ladder did not disconcert it. 28 In an article appearing in 1952, it emphasized social and economic gains made by Afro-Americans since 1945 in both North and South, predicting further gains in the near future. 29 Blacks, also, especially the intelligentsia, could not understand why so many Afro-Americans were impoverished. They, too, were impressed by the social mobility of American Jewry. A few felt that Jews had advanced themselves by exploiting blacks. Reflecting this point of view, the AfroAmerican press implied that many Jewish landlords and businessmen were taking advantage of black communities. In June, 1951, the Chicago Defender openly alleged that some Jews were exploiting blacks, and that American Jewry alone was responsible for deteriorating relations between the two groups. 30

However, it was New York City where relations suffered most, partially because of its large Jewish and black concentrations. Even before the end ofWorld War II, an article had appeared in the New York Amsterdam News critical of business practices of Jewish shopkeepers in Harlem. 31 Further, the article's author, Dan Gardner, saw Jews as cheating blacks financially, while misleading them politically, in attempts to forge a common political alliance. The former, Gardner wrote, may use glib, idealistic words in pursuing this goal, but cannot conceal basic conflicts between Jewish and black interests.

Gardner felt that blacks were rooted in the very soil of America, while Jews were recent immigrants. If the latter possessed the blacks' native heritage, they would probably "be the strongest force in American life." 32 But, alien to American culture, Jews wanted to make common cause with American blacks. 33

In the latter part of 1947, allegations of deceptive business practices led to a

J

40 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

boycott of white (mostly Jewish)-owned stores in Harlem. In keeping with previous calls for black control of the black community, the New York Amsterdam News supported the boycott. 34 A decision to support the boycott presented serious problems to Forward editors, hence they could neither fully approve it nor completely condemn it. On the one hand, many merchants adversely affected by the boycott spoke Yiddish and read theForward. On the other hand, its founder and editors were social democrats and believed in the fundamental principle of social justice. As such, they recognized that some of the boycotters' grievances were just.

Shaya Grayson, assigned to cover the boycott, stressed the underlying social conditions which led to the protest, yet felt that demands made by boycott leaders were extreme. 35 Grayson pointed out that while the small businessmen of Harlem payed high property insurance rates, the coverage would not fully indemnify them in the event of a riot. The New York Amsterdam News did not sympathize with this point of view.

THE SOUTH

The Afro-American press did not fully understand how difficult and precarious the Jewish position was in the South. Comprising less than half of one percent of the population, a substantial number of southern Jews are merchants dependent on the goodwill of the entire community. 36 Prior to the Supreme Court decision of May, 1954 and before black leaders themselves took action against racial segregation, the Jews of the South generally complied with the status quo and kept their opinions concerning this often-emotional issue to themselves. 37 To do otherwise might have aroused wrath and evoked latent anti-Semitism in the largely fundamentalist Baptist white South.

Despite efforts to conform to southern customs, Jews were still suspect in the eyes of some whites. 38 In 1951, the Grand Dragon of the Association of Carolina Klans declared that the NAACP was dominated by Jews, that Jews were inciting blacks to riot, and that Jews favored miscegenation. 39 These opinions were not confined to racist groups or to lower-class whites. In 1948, a prominent member of the North Carolina chapter of the Daughters of the Confederacy circulated a letter stating that almost all the communists in the United States were Jews, and that most of the agitators stirring up southern Negroes were of Jewish origin, as were most of the funds used for this purpose. 40 The Afro-American press, for its part, not only censured southern Jews for their acceptance of racist traditions, but alleged that they were among the most vociferous supporters of racial segregation and the most blatant exploiters of the Negro in the South. 41

While Jews and blacks were debating their relationship in the South, mutual enemies were attacking both minorities. As reported in the Defender, 42 a rash of cross-burnings erupted in Florida during the spring of 1951, and this southern state was flooded with anti-Semitic literature. Bigotry knows no limitations, an editorial in the newspaper concluded. Despite common dangers facing both minorities, some Jews continued to discriminate against Negroes. 43

While the Afro-American press expressed displeasure with American Jewry from time to time, a small number of blacks were attracted and converted to Judaism, establishing several Judaizing churches in the South. In New York City, a group of black Jews organized their own synagogue. In approbation of Judaizing black

churches, the Chicago Jewish Forum reported that and Saints of Christ, like members of any kibbutz Virginia farm property on a communal basis. In fulfilling economic and social injunctions of the 01 this church also practiced circumcision, observe(J used the Hebrew calendar. But this church also taug

1 a Negroid people; contemporary white Jews were 1

black Hebrew ancestors had intermarried with w Church of God and Saints of Christ, it was blackE lineal descendents of the lost ten tribes of Israel."

AFRICA

The Falashas of Ethiopia, on the other hand, Negroid racial stock whose origins preceded the bir years of isolation from the main body of Jewry, til hostile Moslem and Christian populations, arousir" Jews everywhere. 46

The Falashas, a colorful and interesting part of we the Negroid peoples of sub-Sahara Africa. In the struggled for independence and self-determination, American Jewish press. The English-language Je African movement and expressed the hope that independence would be gradual and peaceful. 47 T: language newspaper, took notice of the anti-colonia and regarded it as a just cause, further praising determination as one led by an elite group of weSi

The largest Jewish community in sub-Sahara I Ethiopia, but a white, largely Ashkenazic POP' coreligionists of the American South, the South Af black and white Gentile populations.

\1

In December 1945, Di Zukunft, a Yiddish monthl future of South African Jewry. 49 The journal pointe South Africa had been banned and that pro-Nazis ha burg in mid-1945, four months after the collapse () the safety of the South African Jewish community \\. Nationalist party of Dr. Daniel Malan won control e

The Malan government, however, quickly assua policy towards the black majority, no economic or: upon the Jewish community of South Africa. 51 N

.< Jewish community continued to support moderate As one would expect, the Chicago Defender repe

oppression of its black population. 53 Walter White insistence that its racial situation was strictly an inter offered by southern politicians to justify lynching: Jews as American domestic problems. Altogether, between racial policies of South Africa's Nation Hitler's government. When Daniel Malan's Nation

)-owned stores in Harlem. In keeping with previous ,lack community, the New York Amsterdam News sion to support the boycott presented serious probthey could neither fully approve it nor completely

many merchants adversely affected by the boycott ard. On the other hand, its founder and editors were the fundamental principle of social justice. As such, Ie boycotters' grievances were just. cover the boycott, stressed the underlying social

.est, yet felt that demands made by boycott leaders

1I

SINGER 41

churches, the Chicago Jewish Forum reported that members of the Church of God and Saints of Christ, like members of any kibbutz in modern Israel, held all their Virginia farm property on a communal basis. In doing this, they felt themselves fulfilling economic and social injunctions of the Old Testament. 44 The members of this church also practiced circumcision, observed Jewish religious holidays, and used the Hebrew calendar. But this church also taught that, originally, Jews had been a Negroid people; contemporary white Jews were thought to be mulattoes whose black Hebrew ancestors had intermarried with white Gentiles. According to the Church of God and Saints of Christ, it was blacks who were the real Jews, direct lineal descendents of the lost ten tribes of Israel. 45

:d out that while the small businessmen of Harlem Ites, the coverage would not fully indemnify them in Amsterdam News did not sympathize with this point

not fully understand how difficult and precarious the h. Comprising less than half of one percent of the r of southern Jews are merchants dependent on the ty.36 Prior to the Supreme Court decision of May, emselves took action against racial segregation, the nplied with the status quo and kept their opinions issue to themselves. 37 To do otherwise might have anti-Semitism in the largely fundamentalist Baptist

iOuthern customs, Jews were still suspect in the eyes }rand Dragon of the Association of Carolina Klans )minated by Jews, that Jews were inciting blacks to ;egenation. 39 These opinions were not confined to vhites. In 1948, a prominent member of the North rs of the Confederacy circulated a letter stating that le United States were Jews, and that most of the egroes were of Jewish origin, as were most of the The Afro-American press, for its part, not only acceptance of racist traditions, but alleged that they supporters of racial segregation and the most blatant iouth. 41

e debating their relationship in the South, mutual inorities. As reported in the Defender, 42 a rash of

AFRICA

The Falashas of Ethiopia, on the other hand, were indeed a Jewish group of Negroid racial stock whose origins preceded the birth of Jesus. Despite almost 2,000 years of isolation from the main body of Jewry, they clung to their religion amidst hostile Moslem and Christian populations, arousing the interest and admiration of Jews everywhere. 46

The Falashas, a colorful and interesting part ofworld Jewry, were a handful among the Negroid peoples of sub-Sahara Africa. In the years 1945-1953, these peoples struggled for independence and self-determination, a struggle closely watched by the American Jewish press. The English-language Jewish press supported this black African movement and expressed the hope that transition from colonialism to independence would be gradual and peaceful. 47 The Morning Journal, a Yiddishlanguage newspaper, took notice of the anti-colonial movement in sub-Sahara Africa and regarded it as a just cause, further praising this struggle for political selfdetermination as one led by an elite group of westernized intellectuals. 48

The largest Jewish community in sub-Sahara Africa was not the black one of Ethiopia, but a white, largely Ashkenazic population of South Africa. Like coreligionists of the American South, the South African Jews were caught between black and white Gentile populations.

In December 1945, Di Zukunft, a Yiddish monthly, expressed its concern over the future of South African Jewry. 49 The journal pointed out that Jewish immigration to South Africa had been banned and that pro-Nazis had held an open rally in Johannesburg in mid-1945, four months after the collapse of Hitler's government. Fears for the safety of the South African Jewish community were heightened in 1948 when the Nationalist party of Dr. Daniel Malan won control of South Africa's government. 50

1 The Malan government, however, quickly assuaged these fears; in contrast to its policy towards the black majority, no economic or political restrictions were placed upon the Jewish community of South Africa. 51 Nevertheless, the majority of the\

Jewish community continued to support moderate and liberal elements. 52Ia during the spring of 195 I, and this southern state

erature. Bigotry knows no limitations, an editorial in As one would expect, the Chicago Defender repeatedly denounced South Africa's 'ite common dangers facing both minorities, some oppression of its black population. 53 Walter White commented that South Africa's against Negroes. 43 insistence that its racial situation was strictly an internal affair was the same argument

-ss expressed displeasure with American Jewry from offered by southern politicians to justify lynchings of blacks and mistreatment of If blacks were attracted and converted to Judaism, Jews as American domestic problems. Altogether, the Defender did not distinguish hurches in the South. In New York City, a group of between racial policies of South Africa's Nationalist government and those of In synagogue. In approbation of Judaizing black Hitler's government. When Daniel Malan's Nationalist party won election in June,

.

'

42 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

1948, the Defender feared that the Bantu people of South Africa" may face the same fate[that] ... Jews of Germany experienced under Hitler" in the years 1933-1945.54

ISRAEL

A divergence of opinion developed between Jewish and Afro-American publications over the issues of Zionism and the historical and contemporary relations of blacks with Arab peoples. Here, Jewish and black writers differed in their assessment of the post-World War II international situation.

As a result of the Nazi extermination of approximately three of every five Jews in Europe, American Jewry became the world's largest and wealthiest Jewish community. Only American Jewry possessed the means to organize and finance the resettlement of central and East European Jewry's remnants in Palestine. However, Jews comprised only three percent of the U.S. population. Therefore, Zionist leaders tried to convince all segments of the American public to support the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine as both a practical necessity and an act of humane compassion.

Afro-American newspapers debated this position and, after the state ofisrael was proclaimed on May 15, 1948, debated all aspects ofisrael's economic, political, and social life. Between the time of Nazi Germany's surrender and the end of the British mandate government of Palestine, the Chicago Defender empathized with the plight of homeless European Jews and sympathized with their desire to go to Palestine. In April, 1947, Walter White alleged that the British government and American State Department were obstructing Jewish emigration to Palestine. 55 This, he wrote, is a matter of concern for every American, and particularly for the Negro, because when one minority is attacked and mistreated, the rights of all minorities are threatened. 56

Of even greater significance for Jewish-black relations, the Afro-American press compared the plight of Jewish displaced persons in postwar Europe with that of blacks in the American South. 57 Blacks lynched in the South and Jews recently murdered by the British on Cyprus and in Palestine were all victims of AngloAmerican imperialism, commented the New York Amsterdam News in August, 1947. 58 And, on the same day that the Jewish state was proclaimed in Tel Aviv, William E.B. DuBois, the black leader and historian, wrote that the suffering of Jews in Christian Europe is even greater than that which blacks had endured in white America over 300 years. 59 Now, he concluded, after the mass murder of six million Jews in Europe, there was only one refuge for survivors of the Nazi slaughterPalestine. 60

However, not all the opinions expressed in these two Afro-American newspapers were sympathetic. A year after the surrender of Nazi Germany, a journalist in the New York Amsterdam News criticized the Zionist demand that more Jews be allowed to settle in Palestine. 61 It is sad, he wrote, that Jews do not have a homeland. In contrast to black and brown peoples of Africa and Asia, who feel rooted in the lands of their birth, Jews still feel unwelcome in many of the countries ofEurope. This does not justify current efforts to force Arabs to open "their country [i.e., Palestine] to people who are Europeans first and Jews afterwards. "62 Jews, Malliet continued, have no more right to Palestine than Indians have to the United States. 63 In August, 1950, even the usually pro-Israel Chicago Defender published an article questioning

Israel's policy towards Arab refugees and raising do surrounded as she was by Arab states.

This article, a book review, described "patheti camps and criticized Israel for her refusal to eitl: compensate them for property left behind in the reviewer predicted, Arab refugees "will have to b They will form an irrendentist core in the heart of the threaten world peace. 65 This was tragic, Willie Eth needed Arab friendship and trade to survive, while skills to compete with industrialized Western natio

Between 1948 and 1953 the Defender moved fro the Jewish state to one of serious doubt about its don such shift of opinion transpired in the Defender's att Western powers in Middle East affairs: the Defende the common enemies of all peoples in the Middle Berlin, John Robert Badger, a journalist who often w the Defender, reported that Great Britain and Fn resume their old struggle for power and influence] struggle, Great Britain had the support of both II League, which Badger regarded as "an instrumentc aspirations of both Jewish and Arab peoples in P Badger also criticized Dr. Judah Magnes, a promin supporting a plan to link Syria, Transjordan, and p federal union. 69 Such a federation, Badger wrote, \\ free, progressive Jewish homeland in Palestine, as mate, nationalist aspirations of Arabs; only Great Br Arab-Jewish state.

Badger's assessment of the aims of American a policy was shared by Earl Brown in the New York 1946, Brown criticized Great Britain's announcemc unlimited number of Jews to enter Palestine on tl tagonize the Arabs. 70 In actuality, Brown asserted, ( the United States, sought to control the vast Midc government, like wealthy Palestinian Arabs, feared would arouse the Arab masses from their backwarl

More significantly for the relations between Jews of the Chicago Defender favorably compared Zi. movement of American blacks. The only differel mented, was that the former movement succeedec Nevertheless, he felt that eradication of the vestiges truly democratic Europe represented the best soluti anti-Semitism. 72 Similarly, he felt that black Americ social and political changes in the United States, and as a solution to their problems. Four months after t Israel, Walter White urged American blacks to sUpp< threatened as it was by Arabs "backed by Great America. "73 If Israel is destroyed by her enemies prestige of the United Nations, founded in order to

:he Bantu people of South Africa "may face the same -experienced under Hitler" in the years 1933-1945. 54

~veloped between Jewish and Afro-American pub,ism and the historical and contemporary relations of , Jewish and black writers differed in their assessment -national situation. nination of approximately three of every five Jews in lIe the world's largest and wealthiest Jewish commussessed the means to organize and finance the reset:lpean Jewry's remnants in Palestine. However, Jews -the U.S. population. Therefore, Zionist leaders tried ~ American public to support the establishment of a , a practical necessity and an act of humane compas

debated this position and, after the state ofIsrael was _ebated all aspects ofisrael's economic, political, and -Nazi Germany's surrender and the end of the British lIe, the Chicago Defender empathized with the plight d sympathized with their desire to go to Palestine. In =ged that the British government and American State -ewish emigration to Palestine. 55 This, he wrote, is a aerican, and particularly for the Negro, because when istreated, the rights of all minorities are threatened. 56 for Jewish-black relations, the Afro-American press

) displaced persons in postwar Europe with that of .57 Blacks lynched in the South and Jews recently ~yprus and in Palestine were all victims of Anglo_ented the New York Amsterdam News in August, o that the Jewish state was proclaimed in Tel Aviv, '" leader and historian, wrote that the suffering of Jews reater than that which blacks had endured in white ... , he concluded, after the mass murder of six million Iy one refuge for survivors of the Nazi slaughter

)s expressed in these two Afro-American newspapers r the surrender of Nazi Germany, a journalist in the licized the Zionist demand that more Jews be allowed

SINGER 43

Israel's policy towards Arab refugees and raising doubts as to her ability to survive, surrounded as she was by Arab states.

This article, a book review, described "pathetic conditions" in Arab refugee camps and criticized Israel for her refusal to either repatriate Arab refugees or compensate them for property left behind in the Jewish state. 64 Ultimately, the reviewer predicted, Arab refugees "will have to be settled in alien desert land." They will form an irrendentist core in the heart of the Middle East and will continue to threaten world peace. 65 This was tragic, Willie Ethridge concluded, because Israel needed Arab friendship and trade to survive, while Arabs needed Israel's technical skills to compete with industrialized Western nations.

Between 1948 and 1953 the Defender moved from a position of total support for the Jewish state to one of serious doubt about its domestic and foreign policies. 66 No such shift of opinion transpired in the Defender's attitude towards the role played by Western powers in Middle East affairs: theDefender consistently regarded them as the common enemies of all peoples in the Middle East. A month after the fall of Berlin, John Robert Badger, a journalist who often wrote about Middle East affairs in the Defender, reported that Great Britain and France were already preparing to resume their old struggle for power and influence in Syria and Lebanon. 67 In this struggle, Great Britain had the support of both the United States and the Arab League, which Badger regarded as •• an instrument of British policy ... to defeat the aspirations of both Jewish and Arab peoples in Palestine. 68 In the same article, Badger also criticized Dr. Judah Magnes, a prominent Zionist leader, for allegedly supporting a plan to link Syria, Transjordan, and parts of Palestine and Lybia in a federal union. 69 Such a federation, Badger wrote, would undermine the hopes for a free, progressive Jewish homeland in Palestine, as well as erode the equally legitimate, nationalist aspirations of Arabs; only Great Britain would benefit from such an Arab-Jewish state.

Badger's assessment of the aims of American and British Middle East foreign policy was shared by Earl Brown in the New York Amsterdam News. In August, 1946, Brown criticized Great Britain's announcement that she could not permit an unlimited number of Jews to enter Palestine on the grounds that this would antagonize the Arabs. 70 In actuality, Brown asserted, Great Britain, with the support of the United States, sought to control the vast Middle East oil fields. The British government, like wealthy Palestinian Arabs, feared that further Jewish immigration would arouse the Arab masses from their backwardness and lethargy.

More significantly for the relations between Jews and blacks, John Robert Badger of the Chicago Defender favorably compared Zionism with the back-to-Africa ....

, movement of American blacks. The only difference between the two, he commented, was that the former movement succeeded, whereas the latter did not. 71 Nevertheless, he felt that eradication ofthe vestiges offascism and the creation of a truly democratic Europe represented the best solution to the problem of European anti-Semitism. 72 Similarly, he felt that black Americans should work for progressive ad, he wrote, that Jews do not have a homeland. In social and political changes in the United States, and not plan for emigration to Africa :lples of Africa and Asia, who feel rooted in the lands as a solution to their problems. Four months after the establishment of the state ofile1come in many ofthe countries ofEurope. This does Israel, Walter White urged American blacks to support the beleaguered Jewish state, -ree Arabs to open "their country [i.e., Palestine] to threatened as it was by Arabs "backed by Great Britain and the oil interests of;t and Jews afterwards. "62 Jews, Malliet continued, America. "73 If Israel is destroyed by her enemies, White wrote, the power and =than Indians have to the United States. 63 In August, prestige of the United Nations, founded in order to promote justice for all, would _el Chicago Defender published an article questioning

44 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

decline. This, in turn, would adversely affect the Afro-American struggle for political rights in the United States. H

These statements do not reflect the attitudes of all Afro-American journalists towards the establishment of the Jewish state in May, 1948; others felt that the partition of Palestine into Arab and Jewish areas was a serious mistake. In May, 1947, A.M. Wendell Malliet first praised the Zionist movement as similar to the anticolonial movement in sub-Sahara, then criticized its political goal-the creation of aJewish state in Palestine. 75 If Arabs and Jews cannot coexist in the same country, this journalist wondered, then how could one expect blacks and whites to live together in the United States? Malliet concluded that the creation of nation-states in Africa as well as the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine would lead to the isolation of both black Africans and Palestinian Jews from the rest of mankind.

In support of MallieI' s point of view, the New York Amsterdam News published several statements by W. A. Mathews, founder and rabbi of a black Jewish congregation in New York City, wherein he called for a binational state in Palestine. 76 He declared that Palestine" should be the homeland, not only for Ethiopians and Jews of all other lands, but a homeland for all Hebrews and Hebraic peoples. "77 The Arabs, he said, are a people of Hebraic stock, and therefore Palestine is their homeland too.

In a complete reversal of his earlier position, Walter White later deplored the partition of Palestine, once the Jewish state had been established and then attacked by Arab armies. In 1949, he wrote that the partition of the Holy Land served to further divide Arab and Jewish peoples, and he predicted the partitioning would lead to more conflicts, further draining the Middle East of its limited wealth. 78

THE THIRD WORLD

The attitudes of American blacks towards the Jewish state were closely linked to their attitudes towards the Third World, whose population is largely nonwhite. In June, 1951, the Chicago Defender reported that Israel was a society free of prejudice towards dark-skinned people: there, Jews of European origin did not discriminate against darker Jews from Arab countries. 79 Moreover, the same article stated that in Ethiopia the Jews (the Falashas) were not oppressed, in contrast to the persecution of Jews elsewhere. 80 Altogether, theDefender suggested, both Jews and Arabs were of Negroid ancestry, and therefore all three peoples-Jews, Arabs, and Negroes-were actually one people from a racial point of view. 81 However, many black radicals and intellectuals did not hold such a cosmopolitan attitude towards the unity of peoples living in sub-Sahara Africa, the Arab states, and Israel.

Because the Jewish state was drawing closer to the West, and because of the antagonism between American Jews and Afro-Americans, an increasing number of

."

radical blacks argued that dark-skinned Arabs were struggling against white, imperialist Zionists. 82 As early as February, 1946, A.M. Wendell Malliet of the New York Amsterdam News espoused this point of view. At that time, he praised King Ibn-Saud of Saudi Arabia, a Negro by American standards, as a champion of the Arabs in the struggle against their enemies: the Zionists, the British, and the Americans. 83 This point of view gained popularity among Afro-American radicals and intellectuals.

CONCLUSION

The years 1945 to 1953 are important ones in re communities. By the end of World War II, a sec() South had swelled the number of blacks who lived which contained the majority of America's Jews_ themselves in close physical proximity.

The end of the Second World War also raised d economic depression, and of a political reaction previous 12 years. In an effort to block these ree America's blacks, Jews, and other minorities SUI Democratic and Republican parties, and vigorous. legislative program. Black and Jewish leaders w cooperating in the common struggle to legally bu education, and housing.

But certain areas of friction weakened this all: These areas of friction stemmed primarily from the I Jewry relative to that of blacks, and resentment oft owned businesses and real estate in black neighbc

Throughout their history, Jews have often fOil conflicting social forces; this was the position Jews years 1945 to 1953. Many southern Jews had busine distrusted both as merchants and as whites. On the () southern population felt Jews overly liberal in their Jewish radicals wanted to overturn the entire socia; that most people in the South were fundamentalist P of the relatively small Jewish communities in the

The relationship between blacks and Jews was e~ the North. Here blacks often lived in or near Jewish real estate and many of the small stores in black I Jews. Nevertheless, Jewish journals and newspape and oppression of blacks living in both North and

Jewish-owned businesses in black neighborhoods; insurance rates, easily ruined in a riot or by nil significant group of Afro-American intellectuals ne the position of southern Jewry was, nor sympathi: Jewish merchants and landlords in black neighborhc intellectuals asserted that Jews exploited black m; whites, proclaiming a belief in the equality of all pI> many Jews expressed compassion for blacks in ore alliance of more benefit to Jews than to blacks. Althc openly expressed this point of view in the years I~ alliance between Jews and blacks.

After the Second World War, American higher c expansion, and many Jews of both working and mic nity afforded them. Because northern public schools in the South, Jewish students were often better-pIl were southern black high-school graduates. Inde·

I adversely affect the Afro-American struggle for Otates. 74

fleet the attitudes of all Afro- American journalists the Jewish state in May, 1948; others felt that the b and Jewish areas was a serious mistake. In May, first praised the Zionist movement as similar to the Sahara, then criticized its political goal-the creation IfArabs and Jews cannot coexist in the same country, 1 how could one expect blacks and whites to live \1alliet concluded that the creation of nation-states in nent of a Jewish state in Palestine would lead to the 1S and Palestinian Jews from the rest of mankind. t of view, the New York Amsterdam News published Ithews, founder and rabbi of a black Jewish congrega:in he called for a binational state in Palestine. 76 He Ibe the homeland, not only for Ethiopians and Jews of md for all Hebrews and Hebraic peoples. "77 The of Hebraic stock, and therefore Palestine is their

lis earlier position, Walter White later deplored the Jewish state had been established and then attacked by e that the partition of the Holy Land served to further >, and he predicted the partitioning would lead to more Middle East of its limited wealth. 78

,lacks towards the Jewish state were closely linked to rd World, whose population is largely nonwhite. In der reported that Israel was a society free of prejudice there, Jews of European origin did not discriminate countries. 79 Moreover, the same article stated that in ;) were not oppressed, in contrast to the persecution of the Defender suggested, both Jews and Arabs were of ~ all three peoples-Jews, Arabs, and Negroes-were aI point of view. 8\ However, many black radicals and a cosmopolitan attitude towards the unity of peoples 1e Arab states, and Israel. las drawing closer to the West, and because of the 1 Jews and Afro-Americans, an increasing number of 'k-skinned Arabs were struggling against white, im.s February, 1946, A.M. Wendell Malliet of the New led this point of view. At that time, he praised King 'l,jegro by American standards, as a champion of the t their enemies: the Zionists, the British, and the ew gained popularity among Afro-American radicals

SINGER 45

CONCLUSION

The years 1945 to 1953 are important ones in relations between Jewish and black communities. By the end of World War II, a second wave of immigrants from the South had swelled the number of blacks who lived in large cities of the North, cities which contained the majority of America's Jews. Now the two minorities found themselves in close physical proximity.

The end of the Second World War also raised dangers in the United States of an economic depression, and of a political reaction to liberal advances made in the previous 12 years. In an effort to block these reactionary forces, the majority of America's blacks, Jews, and other minorities supported the liberal wings of the Democratic and Republican parties, and vigorously endorsed Truman's Fair Deal legislative program. Black and Jewish leaders were political allies, successfully cooperating in the common struggle to legally ban discrimination in employment, education, and housing.

But certain areas of friction weakened this alliance between blacks and Jews. These areas of friction stemmed primarily from the rapid social mobility of American Jewry relative to that of blacks, and resentment of the latter towards those Jews who owned businesses and real estate in black neighborhoods.

Throughout their history, Jews have often found themselves in the middle of conflicting social forces; this was the position Jews of the South occupied during the years 1945 to 1953. Many southern Jews had business dealings with blacks, but were distrusted both as merchants and as whites. On the other hand, some among the white southern population felt Jews overly liberal in their attitude towards blacks, felt that Jewish radicals wanted to overturn the entire social structure of the South. The fact that most people in the South were fundamentalist Protestants only made the position of the relatively small Jewish communities in the South more difficult.

The relationship between blacks and Jews was even more complicated in cities of the North. Here blacks often lived in or near Jewish neighborhoods, and much of the real estate and many of the small stores in black residential areas were owned by Jews. Nevertheless, Jewish journals and newspapers often denounced exploitation and oppression of blacks living in both North and South.

Jewish-owned businesses in black neighborhoods were often small ones, with high insurance rates, easily ruined in a riot or by natural catastrophe. A small but· significant group of Afro-American intellectuals neither understood how precarious the position of southern Jewry was, nor sympathized with the problems faced by Jewish merchants and landlords in black neighborhoods. Instead, this group of black, . intellectuals asserted that Jews exploited black masses while, like other northern whites, proclaiming a belief in the equality of all people. These blacks felt, too, that many Jews expressed compassion for blacks in order to dupe them into a political

\, alliance of more benefit to Jews than to blacks. Although only a few Afro-Americans openly expressed this point of view in the years 1945 to 1953, they weakened the alliance between Jews and blacks .

After the Second World War, American higher education underwent a period of expansion, and many Jews of both working and middle classes utilized the opportunity afforded them. Because northern public schools were generally superior to those in the South, Jewish students were often better-prepared for advanced study than were southern black high-school graduates. Indeed, Jewish applicants to black

j

46 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

medical schools in the South (Howard University and Meharry College) often displaced black applicants. 84 Faced with this situation, Howard University began to limit the number of Jewish students who might enter its medical school. 85 No doubt, the situation further irritated relations between blacks and Jews.

Unquestionably, some Jews absorbed the racist attitudes so widespread in American society before the emergence of the civil rights movement and before the Supreme Court decisions of 1954 to 1955. On the other hand, many other Jews expressed sympathy with political and economic struggles of black peoples, both in the United States and in sub-Saharan Africa. Although some blacks questioned the sincerity of some Jews, the black community generally recognized that Jews, too, had a history of oppression and persecution. Furthermore, many blacks realized that often the Jews and they shared the same enemies. These factors may have facilitated the conversion of a small number of blacks to the Jewish religion.

Therefore, black hostility to Jews was expressed obliquely in the guise of antiZionism and, after May, 1948, in the form of strong criticism of Israel's foreign and domestic policies. Anti-Zionism gave these Afro-Americans an ideological link with Arabs and other peoples and governments of the Third World who opposed the Jewish state. Therefore, black Americans could feel part of the world's colored majority, and attack Jews owning property and businesses in black neighborhoods and whose children were advancing socially at a faster pace than were their own.

At the same time, the anti-Zionist blacks denied that they were anti-Semitic, asserting the reverse to be true-Israel as an expansionist and racist state. The growth and development of this point of view among Afro-American intellectuals was slow and uneven, but served to make the alliance between the Jews and the blacks in the United States during the years 1945 to 1953 an uneasy one.

NOTES

I. The Black Panther, October 26, 1974, p. 2. 2. Chicago Daily News, November 16, 1974, p. 14. 3. Chicago Defender, May 18, 1946, p. 15; May 25, 1946, p. 15. The author of

these articles, Earl Conrad, is white. 4. Ibid. 5. New York Amsterdam News, June 1, 1946, p. 10. 6. Ibid. 7. Charles I. Glicksburg, "The Negro and the Jew," The Chicago Jewish Forum

V (Summer 1947): 229. 8. Ibid. 9. Leonora E. Berson, The Negroes and the Jews (New York: Random House,

1971) p. 96. 10. Chicago Defender, November 6, 1948, p. 7. 11. Morgen Zhurnal, Morning Journal, December 13, 1945, p. 5 (hereafter, the

term Morning Journal will be used rather than Morgen Zhurnal); Carl Dreher, "Racism and America's World Position: The Potential Democratic Nationalism," Commentary 4 (August 1947): 164-69; Charles I. Glicksburg, "The Negro and the Jew," The Chicago Jewish Forum 5 (Summer 1946): 229-33; Arthur Zuckerman, "The City College Student Strike and Academic Freedom," The Reconstructionist

15 (May 13, 1949): 22-26; Rabbi Sidney J. Jac' Sentinel 166 (May 5, 1949): 32.

12. Chicago Defender, December 3, 1949, p. executive secretary of the NAACP from 1930 to 19~ black journalists in the United States.

13. Ibid., July 16, 1949, p. 7. Willard Townsem that the Soviets had made this clear by printing in bl of the 49 who had adopted Russian surnames.

14. On February 19, 1949, Townsend had dec was, in toto, no different from the Nazi one.

15. Jewish Courier, June 7, 1946, p. 15;Jewish 4; Morning Journal, April 11, 1950, p. 4; Edward rColleges Dies Hard: Progress Report on an Ameri (February 1950): 115-21; "Editorials: Are Medi Students?" The Reconstructionist 15 (January 27,

16. New York Amsterdam News, August 18, I 17. Forward, December 23, 1948, p. 4. 18. Ibid., November 10,1949, p. 4; January 22

the Chicago Defender published a stinging editori both synagogues and black project homes in Miami der, December 15, 1951, p. 10.

19. Barbara Martin, "My Dark Sister," Chica~ 33-37.

20. Forward, August 21, 1951, p. 4; Morning 21. Foward, April 17, 1950, p. 4. 22. New York Amsterdam News, August 17, II 23. That all Jewish-owned stores are closed (

synagogues are open, wrote a journalist of the CJ tribute to a people who were being lynched and pers Africa were kings and emperors. " Chicago Defem

24. New York Amsterdam News, October 20, 19, and journalist, Langston Hughes, complained that ~ but not Negroes, were involved in organized crin Defender, August 2, 1952, p. 10.

25. Forward, January 3, 1946, p. 4. Shaya GI noted that this group of wealthy blacks, with inc( .. physicians, dentists, arId other black professionals, dope pushers, and others involved in illicit activities. not number more than 5,000 or 6,000 among mol'

, , Chicago in 1946. Even the few wealthy blacks 1 upper-class whites.

26. Ibid. 27. Ibid., May 17,1951, p. 4; January 8, 1952.

ABC's of Democracy," The Sentinel 167 (Septerr 28. Forward frequently published pictures and

wealthy blacks. Typical of these articles was one novelist Frank Yerby. Forward, May 17, 1951, P

:Howard University and Meharry College) often :ed with this situation, Howard University began to ltS who might enter its medical school. 85 No doubt, ations between blacks and Jews. Jsorbed the racist attitudes so widespread in Ameri

!ce of the civil rights movement and before the 54 to 1955. On the other hand, many other Jews :iI and economic struggles of black peoples, both in .aran Africa. Although some blacks questioned the :k community generally recognized that Jews, too, -ersecution. Furthermore, many blacks realized that -e same enemies. These factors may have facilitated er of blacks to the Jewish religion. lews was expressed obliquely in the guise of anti

, the form of strong criticism of Israel's foreign and gave these Afro-Americans an ideological link with ::Jvernments of the Third World who opposed the Americans could feel part of the world's colored .g property and businesses in black neighborhoods -ing socially at a faster pace than were their own. :ionist blacks denied that they were anti-Semitic, Israel as an expansionist and racist state. The growth view among Afro-American intellectuals was slow the alliance between the Jews and the blacks in the 1945 to 1953 an uneasy one.

-er 26, 1974, p. 2. "ember 16, 1974, p. 14. ~, 1946, p. 15; May 25, 1946, p. 15. The author of ·hite.

..IS, June 1, 1946, p. 10.

Je Negro and the Jew," The Chicago Jewish Forum

-egroes and the Jews (New York: Random House,

:mber 6, 1948, p. 7. -gJournal, December 13,1945, p. 5 (hereafter, the used rather than Morgen Zhurnal); Carl Dreher,

!Position: The Potential Democratic Nationalism," -64-69; Charles I. Glicksburg, "The Negro and the Jm 5 (Summer 1946): 229-33; Arthur Zuckerman, .e and Academic Freedom," The Reconstructionist

SINGER 47

15 (May 13, 1949): 22-26; Rabbi Sidney J. Jacobs, "Words and Music," The Sentinel 166 (May 5, 1949): 32.

12. Chicago Defender, December 3, 1949, p. 7. Walter White, who served as executive secretary ofthe NAACP from 1930 to 1955, was one ofthe most prominent black journalists in the United States.

13. Ibid., July 16, 1949, p. 7. Willard Townsend, the article's author, pointed out that the Soviets had made this clear by printing in brackets the original Jewish names of the 49 who had adopted Russian surnames.

14. On February 19, 1949, Townsend had declared that the Soviet dictatorship was, in toto, no different from the Nazi one.

15. Jewish Courier, June 7, 1946, p. 15;Jewish Independent, January 3, 1947, p. 4; Morning Journal, April 11 , 1950, p. 4; Edward N. Saveth, "Discrimination in the Colleges Dies Hard: Progress Report on an American Sore Spot," Commentary 9 (February 1950): 115-21; "Editorials: Are Medical Schools Admitting Enough Students?" The Reconstructionist 15 (January 27, 1950): 6-8.

16. New York Amsterdam News, August 18, 1945, p. 12-A. 17. Forward, December 23, 1948, p. 4. 18. Ibid., November 10,1949, p. 4; January 22,1949, p. 4. At the end of 1951,

the Chicago Defender published a stinging editorial condemning the bombings of both synagogues and black project homes in Miami Beach, Florida. Chicago Defender, December 15, 1951, p. 10.

19. Barbara Martin, "My Dark Sister," Chicago Jewish Forum 10 (Fall 1951): 33-37.

20. Forward, August 21,1951, p. 4; Morning Journal, June 5,1950, p. 4. 21. Foward, April 17, 1950, p. 4. 22. New York Amsterdam News, August 17, 1946, p. 8. 23. That all Jewish-owned stores are closed on the High Holidays while all

synagogues are open, wrote a journalist of the Chicago Defender in 1946, "is a tribute to a people who were being lynched and persecuted way back when Blacks in Africa were kings and emperors." Chicago Defender, September 24, 1946, p. 6.

24. New York Amsterdam News , October 20, 1945, p. 12. In 1952, the black poet and journalist, Langston Hughes, complained that Jews, Italians, and other whites, but not Negroes, were involved in organized crime in New York City. Chicago Defender, August 2, 1952, p. 10.

25. Forward, January 3, 1946, p. 4. Shaya Grayson, author of these articles, noted that this group of wealthy blacks, with incomes much larger than those of physicians, dentists, alld other black professionals, consisted largely of gangsters,

" dope pushers, and others involved in illicit activities. Moreover, the former group did not number more than 5,000 or 6,000 among more than 350,000 blacks living in Chicago in 1946. Even the few wealthy blacks were paupers in comparison to

\r upper-class whites. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid., May 17, 1951, p. 4; January 8,1952, p. 4; Edwin R. Ambree, "The

ABC's of Democracy," The Sentinel 167 (September 22, 1949): 74-75. 28. Forward frequently published pictures and articles about middle-class and

wealthy blacks. Typical of these articles was one describing the life and work of novelist Frank Yerby. Forward, May 17, 1951, p. 4.

48 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

29. Ibid., January 8, 1952, p. 4. A similar article appeared in The Sentinel, pointing out that, in 1862, less than five percent of the Negro population was literate. By 1949, 90 to 95 percent of the black population was literate, in numbers equalling the total population of Canada. More American blacks were studying in American colleges and universities than were Canadians in their universities. Furthermore, the black death rate had declined by 50 percent in the years 1900-1949. Finally, the writer of this article urged Negroes to remember that Jews too are oppressed in the United States. Edwin R. Embree, "The ABC's of Democracy," The Sentinel 167 (September 22, 1949): 75.

30. Chicago Defender, June 9, 1951, p. 6. 31. New York Amsterdam News, April 21, 1945, p. 14-A. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid. Gardner suggested that blacks act directly on their own behalf, and not

link themselves politically with any white ethnic group. 34. However, the New York Amsterdam News never mentioned Jews by name in

boycott editorials. Furthermore, it censured a group of activists circulating pamphlets calling for the forcible ouster of all Jewish merchants from Harlem. Ibid., October 3D, 1948, p. 15.

35. Forward, January 29, 1948, p. 4; February 3, 1948, p. 4. Grayson even alleged that communist agitators were stirring up black Harlemites against storeowners.

36. Leonard Dinnerstein and Mary Dale Paleson, eds., Jews in the South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1973), p. 334.

37. Ibid., p. 235; Carl Alpert, "A Jewish Problem in the South," The Reconstruetionist 12 (March 22, 1946): II.

38. The article, as cited in the previous footnote, appeared in The Reconstructionist, the official publication of Reconstructionist Judaism. Its author reported that some southern white Gentiles felt southern Jews to be quite sympathetic with Negroes, noticing their close economic ties. At the same time, Alpert wrote, blacks distrusted Jewish efforts to forge a common political alliance.

39. Mervin J. Block, "KKK on the Rampage," The Sentinel 177 (November 8, 1951): 14.

40. Harry L. Golden, "A Son of the South and Some Daughters: Carolina Epistle with a Happy Ending," Commentary 12 (November, 1951): 379-80. The statements in this letter centered around a project to erect a statue in honor of Judah P. Benjamin in Charlotte, North Carolina.

41. ChicagoDefender,May4,1946,p.15;May5,195I,p.6;June2,195 l,p.6; New York Amsterdam News, April 28, 1945, p. to-A.

42. Chicago Defender, July 28, 1951, p. 6. 43. Ibid. 44. Philip Rieff, "Judaism and Democratic Action," Chicago Jewish Forum 9

(Spring, 1951): 169. 45. Ibid. Another Judaizing sect, the Church of God, Christian Workers for

Fellowship, and a splinter group, The Church of the Living God, the Pillar and Ground of Truth, maintained that Jeremiah, Job, Jesus, and Moses' wife were of Negroid racial stock, but did not assert that blacks were superior to whites.

46. Morning Journal, September 14, 1951, p. 4; Wolf Leslau, "The Black Jews of Ethiopia: An Expedition to the Falashas," Commentary 7 (March 1949): 216-21.

47. Rita Hinden and Barnett Litvinoff, "The I Britain," Commentary 12 (August 1951): 151-60; I Chicago Jewish Forum II (Summer, 1953): 23t colonial world was in a state of upheaval and turr

48 . Morning Journal, September 19, 1951, p. 49. Yohanan Botnitzski, "Jews in South Afril

1945): 765-67. 50. The Nationalists, opposing South African

sympathized with the Nazis and held similar anti-~ "The South African Problem," The Sentinel 165

51. In 1948, the 100,000 Jews of South Africa white population. To attack them would divide the antagonize world opinion. T.C. Roberton, "Rac Africa: The Threat of White Nationalism," Comme

52. E. Bernstein, "South African Problem," p 53. Chicago Defender, November 23, 1946, p. 54. Ibid., June 12, 1948, p. 14. 55. Ibid., April 5, 1947, p. 5. Specifically, Wh

Atlee, with the connivance of the American State Dc Truman's proposal that 100,000 Jewish displace Palestine when the former suggested an Anglo-Arne to look into this matter. This, White felt, was 0: information is based on a book by Bartley C. Cn Wilkie.)

56. Ibid. 57. Ibid., May 17,1947,p.14;NewYorkAmster

8. 58. New York Amsterdam News, August 9, 194 59. Chicago Defender, May 15, 1948, p. 15. 60. Ibid. Now, DuBois wrote, the Truman adm

ernment, is retracting its promise to promote the esta in Palestine.

61. New York Amsterdam News, May 11,1946, A.M. Wendell Malliet, wrote regularly for the N. advocated what is now referred to as Third World

62. Ibid. Earl Brown, another writer who wrolo News, took a less critical attitude towards Jewish August 31, 1946, he wrote that Great Britain and absorbed Europe's homeless Jews. Since these tY' displaced Jews of Europe should be allowed to set

' .. 63. Ibid. In January, 1946, Malliet reported tl: offered to resettle 30,000 Jews in Surinam. Malliet offer and suggested that Jewish displaced persons t some other "sparsely settled area." Ibid., January

64. Chicago Defender, August 5, 1950, p. 6. ( review of Willie Snow Ethridge's Going to Jerusc ignored a United Nations General Assembly resolL compensate Arab refugees for lost property.

,. 4. A similar article appeared in The Sentinel, n five percent of the Negro population was literate. ,lack population was literate, in numbers equalling -1ore American blacks were studying in American -e Canadians in their universities. Furthermore, the • 50 percent in the years 1900-1949. Finally, the -es to remember that Jews too are oppressed in the , "The ABC's of Democracy," The Sentinel 167

~, 1951, p. 6. "'s, April 21, 1945, p. 14-A.

,at blacks act directly on their own behalf, and not any white ethnic group. msterdam News never mentioned Jews by name in it censured a group of activists circulating pam-

Ister of all Jewish merchants from Harlem. Ibid.,

'48, p. 4; February 3, 1948, p. 4. Grayson even were stirring up black Harlemites against storeow-

Mary Dale Paleson, eds., Jews in the South (Baton ,ty Press, 1973), p. 334. I, "A Jewish Problem in the South," The Recon

): 11. Ie previous footnote, appeared in The Reconstruc

"Reconstructionist Judaism. Its author reported that felt southern Jews to be quite sympathetic with -nomic ties. At the same time, Alpert wrote, blacks :: a common political alliance. ()n the Rampage, " The Sentinel 177 (November 8,

I of the South and Some Daughters: Carolina Epistle tary 12 (November, 1951): 379-80. The statements oject to erect a statue in honor of Judah P. Benjamin

J, 1946, p. 15; May 5, 1951, p. 6; June 2, 1951, p. 6; ,ril 28, 1945, p. IO-A. 28, 1951, p. 6.

SINGER 49

47. Rita Hinden and Barnett Litvinoff, "The Dilemma That Racism Poses for Britain," Commentary 12 (August 1951): 151-60; Henry Merrit, "Kenya, Africa," Chicago Jewish Forum 11 (Summer, 1953): 236-37. Merrit reported the entire colonial world was in a state of upheaval and turmoil.

48. Morning Journal, September 19, 1951, p. 7; April 27, 1952, p. 4. 49. Yohanan Botnitzski, "Jews in South Africa," Di Zukunft 10 (December

1945): 765-67. 50. The Nationalists, opposing South African participation in World War II,

sympathized with the Nazis and held similar anti-Semitic views. Edgar Bernstein, "The South African Problem," The Sentinel 165 (December 30, 1948): 37.

51. In 1948, the 100,000 Jews of South Africa comprised seven percent of its white population. To attack them would divide the white community, and possibly antagonize world opinion. T.e. Roberton, "Racism Comes to Power in South Africa: The Threat of White Nationalism," Commentary 6 (November 1948): 429.

52. E. Bernstein, "South African Problem," p. 41. 53. Chicago Defender, November 23, 1946, p. 15. 54. Ibid., June 12, 1948, p. 14. 55. Ibid., April 5,1947, p. 5. Specifically, White charged that Prime Minister

Atlee, with the connivance of the American State Department, had parried President Truman's proposal that 100,000 Jewish displaced persons be allowed to enter Palestine when the former suggested an Anglo-American commission be established to look into this matter. This, White felt, was only a delaying tactic. (White's information is based on a book by Bartley e. Crum, former advisor to Wendell Wilkie.)

56. Ibid. 57. Ibid., May 17, 1947,p.14;NewYorkAmsterdamNews,January 19, 1946,p.

8. 58. New York Amsterdam News, August 9, 1947, p. 8. 59. Chicago Defender, May 15, 1948, p. 15. 60. Ibid. Now, DuBois wrote, the Truman administration, like the British gov

ernment, is retracting its promise to promote the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine.

61. New York Amsterdam News, May 11, 1946, p. 10. The author of this article, A.M. Wendell Malliet, wrote regularly for the New York Amsterdam News and advocated what is now referred to as Third World ideology.

62. Ibid. Earl Brown, another writer who wrote for the New York Amsterdam News, took a less critical attitude towards Jewish immigration to Palestine. On August 31, 1946, he wrote that Great Britain and the United States should have absorbed Europe's homeless Jews. Since these two powers failed to do so, the displaced Jews of Europe should be allowed to settle in Palestine.

nd Democratic Action," Chicago Jewish Forum 9

sect, the Church of God, Christian Workers for .p, The Church of the Living God, the Pillar and at Jeremiah, Job, Jesus, and Moses' wife were of ,t assert that blacks were superior to whites. nber 14,1951, p. 4; Wolf Leslau, "The Black Jews e Falashas," Commentary 7 (March 1949): 216-21.

~ 63. Ibid. In January, 1946, Malliet reported that the Netherlands had earlier offered to resettle 30,000 Jews in Surinam. Malliet expressed his opposition to this offer and suggested that Jewish displaced persons be sent to Australia, Canada, or some other "sparsely settled area." Ibid., January 17, 1948, p. 10.

64. Chicago Defender, August 5, 1950, p. 6. Gertrude Martin who wrote the review of Willie Snow Ethridge's Going to Jerusalem, noted that Israel thereby ignored a United Nations General Assembly resolution urging the Jewish state to compensate Arab refugees for lost property.

50 CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

65. Ibid. Gertrude Martin wrote that Miss Ethridge went to Palestine with an open mind, "full of admiration for Israel and its accomplishments, but knowing little of the Arabs." There she learned that Palestinian Arabs were an agricultural people "who for centuries have cultivated the same land," only to be evicted from their ancestral homeland and forced to live as refugees under very difficult conditions.

66. In July, 1948, Gertrude Martin praised the industry and devotion by which the Jewish people had modernized Palestine. Ibid., July 31,1948, p. 15.

67. Ibid., June 23, 1945, p. 15. 68. Ibid. In the same article, Badger described the Arab League as an expression

of the legitimate, nationalistic aspirations of the Arab people. 69. Ibid., February 2, 1946, p. 15. 70. New York Amsterdam News, August 31, 1946, p. 10. In this article, Brown

emphatically stated that "the Jewish and Arab people [sic] in Palestine get along together quite well."

71. Chicago Defender, November 24,1945, p. 15. 72. Ibid. 73. Ibid., September 4, 1948, p. 15. On the eve ofthe establishment of the state of

Israel, A. Phillip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, urged the black community to support the United Nations' plan for the partition of Palestine. New York Amsterdam News, March 6, 1948, p. 10.

74. Chicago Defender, September 4, 1948, p. IS. 75. New York Amsterdam News, May 10, 1947, p. 12. 76. Ibid., May 10, 1947, p. \. Rabbi Mathews claimed to be the representative for

all black Jews in the United States, who, he said, number about 30,000 persons. 77. In the same article, Rabbi Mathews complained that the black Jews of the

United States had' 'never been invited by any Zionist group to participate in the fight for Palestine."

78. Chicago Defender, September 17, 1949, p. 7; September 24, 1949, p. 7. 79. Ibid., June 9, 1951, p. 7. 80. Ibid. 8\. On March 5,1949, p. 6, the Defender reported that Dr. Ralph Bunche and

his staff had finally obtained the consent "of the dark Arabs and fuzzy-haired Jews" to sign an armistice in Palestine.

82. The Chicago Defender took a more historically accurate point of view when it published several articles describing the Arabs as both friends and enemies of blacks. On the one hand, they were the foremost dealers in African slaves (still, in 1948), but, on the other hand, were less color-conscious than the Europeans. This was reflected in the honored place held by blacks in the Moslem religion and in Arab culture. Ibid., October 16, 1948, sec. III, p. 2; January 29, 1949, sec. III, p. 2.

83. New York Amsterdam News, February 23, 1946, p. 8. 84. Leo Pfeffer, "Columbia's Restricted Clientele," Jewish Spectator XII (July

1946): 25. Pfeffer explained that Jewish students applied to Negro schools because Columbia and other northern universities limited the number of Jews who could enroll in their medical schools.

85. Chicago Defender, March 5, 1949, p. 6.

SELECTIVE BLACK HOSTILITY 1 AND NON-JEWISH Wl

RONALD TADAO TSUKA

California State University, 1

Seldom have relationships between two minori. those of blacks and Jews. Much has been written a economic pressures exerted on both and by both g series of conflicts and alliances (Berson, 1971). On active supporters in the civil rights movement for b been discriminated against by the larger white gent Jewish concerns over the alleged' 'rising tide of blac rancor and a reported' 'backlash" from the Jewish c, conflict has generated considerable attention. Much, the form of journalistic accounts or round-table nature of black prejudice toward Jews (Midstream, to clarify the issue by exploring the nature of ass\) toward Jewish and non-Jewish whites.

There are several competing views on this mattel anger toward whites is not based upon ethnicity. In reflection of antipathy toward white society in g. purposes that black anti-Semitism represents some hostility toward white society. It is claimed that I antagonism toward Jews, and hence are more likely them than toward other whites. This line of rease "middleman minorities." Commenting on this r. (973) notes:

One of the principle peculiarities of these groups is the. to most ethnic minorities, they occupy an intermediate); certain occupations, notably trade and commerce, but as agent, labor contractor, rent collector, money lende middleman between producer and consumer, employe elite and masses.

*This is a revised version of a paper read at the annual Sociological Study of Jewry, September 1976 in New Yc