Liberty University

Jonathan Edwards and the Preaching of Glorious Damnation during the Great Awakening in the Connecticut Valley in 1700s

A paper submitted to Dr. Jonathan M. Yeager

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for

The course CHHI 525 History of Christianity II

Liberty Theological Seminary

By

Michael Kaminicki

Lynchburg, Virginia

Spring 2014

P a g e | 1

Table of Contents

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………2

The Great Awakening in the Connecticut Valley ……………………………………….....2-9

Style of Preaching during the Great Awakening......……………………………………….9-11

Glorious Damnation ………………………………………………………………….…….11-15

Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………….15-17

Bibliography ………………………………………………………………………………..18-19

P a g e | 2

Introduction

A close examination of the Great Awakening through a microcosmic lens will reveal that

several elements were present that made conversions prolific. One element was Jonathan

Edwards’ unique approach in connecting Hell and justice. Johnathan Edwards’ concept of Hell

was crucial in quickening the population to its realization that they were fallen and in need of

being saved. Edwards’ “Doctrine of Hell” was essential to his sermon construct because it was

balanced with mercy and justice. This approach challenged the listener to evaluate his or her

current status before God. Edwards would say, that a sinner needs to witness judgment because

of the justice of God. The listener, during this reasoned argument, began to fear for his or her

eternal soul. Finally, Edwards would present that God is just in condemning all, but out of his

mysterious mercy, saves those who receive him as their savior. This balanced approach, coupled

with the popular tripartite sermon approach from the Puritan school of thought, created a concise

and deliberate message. At the conclusion of his sermons many people of all ages were

converted to the faith, including a large young adult population. During the Great Awakening,

the society of the Connecticut Valley was transformed. Jonathan Edwards’ concept of Glorious

Damnation (Hell) was an essential element of his theology during the Great Awakening in New

England during 1730s - 1740s. To what extent did the historical circumstances contribute to the

atmosphere in which many became converted? Was the message the reason for the conversion or

was it the person who delivered the message?

The Great Awakening in the Connecticut Valley

The Great Awakening occurred in 18th century Europe with its Pietistic influence being

developed in England and Germany. This movement was transported over to the New World

specifically the New England region. Socioeconomically this region was populated by a yeoman

P a g e | 3

class of people who were experienced with the Puritan faith. Although, many were Puritan in

their belief, they simple were farmers who tended their fields and occasionally attended services.

There is little evidence to suggest that the small farming villages differed in any significant way from her “next neighbor town” and all were struggling to resolve the same socioeconomic crises that plagued agrarian communities throughout the Connecticut Valley.1

Into this culture Jonathan Edwards was reared and influenced as were his grandfather and

father in matters of faith. Solomon Stoddard, his grandfather, was from the belief of the famed

Half-Way Covenant which allowed for the unconverted to attend church. His father, Timothy

Edwards disagreed with Stoddard and advocated the necessity of an individual to give an account

of his or her salvation in order to be welcomed in. These two conflicting viewpoints about the

condition of the soul had a profound impact upon Jonathan from an early age. Raised in a pious

Puritan home, Edwards had not lived a truly reprobate life and therefore found it difficult to

point to a definitive moment in time whereby he could demonstrate the transition from rebellious

sinner to that of genuine convert.2

Jonathan Edwards’ was introduced to Puritan beliefs and theology at a young age. These

concepts were constantly being examined and refined by his grandfather and father. Jonathan

Edwards was the quintessential Puritan “preacher’s kid”. These tenants were ingrained into his

psyche because his life was connected to his father’s congregation and surrounding New

England’s yeoman society. The Puritan wanted many to come to Christ but also focused

wholeheartedly upon his or her own salvation. These core standards of Puritan beliefs were

enhanced when Jonathan Edwards sought to find a solution for his longing soul and signs of his

1 Douglas L. Winiarski, “Jonathan Edwards, Enthusiast? Radical Revivalism and the Great Awakening in the Connecticut Valley” Church History (2005): 701.2 Clinton Heacock, “Rhetorical Influences upon the Preaching of Jonathan Edwards” Homiletic (Online) 36 no. 2 (2011): 19. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 4, 2014).

P a g e | 4

guaranteed salvation. The Puritan mindset was one steeped in a constant quest and reflection of

oneself and his salvation.

The committed Puritan spent countless hours in self-examination as part of his preparation for salvation. He read Scripture and contemplated each passage carefully, for the Bible could bring him closer to Christ. A soul-searching private confession of ever present sin also preoccupied him. Puritan diaries bear witness to their quest for certainty.3

Jonathan’s early years were accompanied by his focused and observable insights in the

natural world; experiences which would serve Edwards immensely in the future. In the days of

his youth, his precocious intellect was involved in such pursuits as observing and recording the

habits of spiders, a subject he would use metaphorically in his famed sermon, “Sinners in the

Hands of an Angry God”. Jonathan Edwards was a man endowed with a critical and probing

intellect; he was an academic of great importance. His father noticed his potential and

encouraged Jonathan to further refine his studies, which were accomplished at Yale. It was

during his studies at Yale that he would encounter Peter Ramus and his unique and innovative

style of rhetoric. The Ramus school of rhetoric amended the classic style that was developed by

Cicero. Ramus believed that the traditional five dimensions of rhetoric established by Cicero;

invention, arrangement, style, delivery, and memory can be reduced to two areas: logic and

rhetoric.4 According to this new innovative style of rhetoric, the classical rhetoric was combined

with elements of humanistic qualities, namely the use of logic. The presentation must first be

proven true by logical means; only secondarily should the speaker adorn the speech with stylistic

elements in an attempt to arouse the affections of the hearers.5 It is also important to note that

3 Richard Hutch, “JONATHAN EDWARDS’ ANALYSIS OF RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE” Journal of Psychology & Theology 6 no. 2 (Spring 1978): 123. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).4 Heacock, 25.5 Heacock, 25.

P a g e | 5

Jonathan Edwards and the Puritans were also engaged in an ideological religious that was a

result of new ideas coming from Europe such as the Enlightenment and Universalist movements.

The conflict manifested itself in many theological positions, including the subject of Hell. It is

surely right to conclude that in his writings on Hell, Edwards was no more than an exponent of

traditional homiletic tradition, however, as he was being educated, that tradition was rapidly

losing ground and shifting.6

From an early date, many among the North American colonists had felt that a personal

religious experience was of great importance for Christian life.7 Timothy Edwards, Jonathan’s

father had influenced him in regard to the demand for a personal religious experience (changed

life) in order to demonstrate righteousness before God. This expectation was amplified in 1734

when similar great signs appeared in Northampton, Massachusetts.

Jonathan Edwards had been pastoring his church for several years when to his surprise many

began to become receptive to his sermons. His sermons were not exceptionally emotive,

although they did underscore the need for an experience of conviction of sin and of divine

forgiveness.8 It is important to note that Edwards believed emotion was important but it should

never obscure the need for right doctrine and coherent reverence. In that year of 1734, people

began to respond to his sermons with emotional outbursts and signs that authentic conversion;

such as changed lives and increase devotion to the faith. This atmosphere began to radiate

outward and include the surrounding counties even to the Connecticut Valley. This revival would

6 Charles Seymour, “Hell, Justice, and Freedom.” International Journal for Philosophy of Religion, 43 (1998): 391. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).7 Justo L. Gonzalez, The Story of Christianity: The Early Church to the Present Day (Peabody, Massachusetts: Prince Press, 2010), 228.8 Ibid

P a g e | 6

continue for the next three years and was further expanded through many preachers, including

George Whitefield.

It must be said, however, that many of the leaders of the movement were not particularly emotive, that many were scholars, and that in any case the goal of the movement was not worship services marked by continual shows of emotion, but rather a single experience that would lead each believer to greater devotion and more consciences study of Scripture.9

The Great Awakening began to spread beyond Edwards’ Northampton, Massachusetts

Congregational church and began to impact surrounding communities. Its defining moment,

according to many scholars was when Jonathan Edwards was asked to deliver a sermon to

Enfield, Connecticut on July 8, 1741. Pastor Wheelock, a minister from of the Second Church of

Lebanon at that time, who characterized the community as “thoughtless and vain.”10 The

Enfield’s minister invited Edwards because many of his congregation and the community itself

were stubborn toward the message of the gospel. This event became the model which came to

represent the tone of the Great Awakening as it grew.

Jonathan Edwards records the Great Awakening itself in his book entitled A Faithful

Narrative of a Surprising Work of God. He records,

The revival is extraordinary for the following reasons; God has gone much beyond his usual and ordinary ways of providence; the great number of those converted; its influences upon people of all backgrounds and ages; the degree of its influences, i.e., the quantity of convicted souls and the intensity of their experiences; the swiftness of the work.11

Another record of this event is document in the weekly magazine called, Christian

History from 1734 - 1735. This magazine’s mission was to document authentic accounts from

respected individuals about how the awakening in England had traveled over to the New World. 9 Ibid., 229.10 Winiarski, 697.11 Hutch, 126.

P a g e | 7

The magazine also held to a belief of many Evangelicals at the time that stated, “the Great

Awakening in America and the Evangelical Revival in Britain represented an extension of God’s

work that began with the Reformation and had continued with the Puritan settlements in New

England.12 A theological concept that often accompanied the Great Awakening was

Dispensationalism. It was believed among many Christians that there would be massive visible

and public declarations of salvation by right before the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. Jonathan

Edwards was a proponent of this theological interpretation of Jesus’ return to earth.

In 1739 Edwards argued about this at length in the “Works of Redemption” when he

stated,

“by many successive works and dispensations of God” which inaugurate remarkable periods of revivals, or “special seasons of mercy” On the basis of this theological teleology of history he was now more than ready to welcome the Great Awakening, claiming that it heralded, along with other revivals taking place in the Protestant world during that time, as in Germany and Scotland, “the commencement of that last and greatest outpouring of the Spirit of God, that is to be in the latter ages of the world.”13

Both of these accounts, Edwards and the Christian History magazine documented the new

revival atmosphere. These two sources also cited that the message was more accepted among the

young people who attended. Christian History states,

The revival at first appear’d (sic) chiefly among Professors, and those that entertained the Hope that they were in a State of Grace, to whom Mr. Whitefield chiefly address’d (sic) himself; but in a very short time there appeared an Awakening and deep Concern among some young Persons that looked upon themselves as in a Christ less State …But now we had the most wonderful Work among Children that ever was in Northampton. The former great out-powering of

12 Jonathan M. Yeager, Early Evangelicalism: A Reader. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013, 97.13 Avihu Zakai, “THE IDEOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF SINNERS IN THE HANDS OF AN ANGRY GOD” Fides et Historia, vol. XXXVI, no. 2 (Summer/Fall 2004): 4. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

P a g e | 8

the Spirit was remarkable for influences upon the minds of Children, beyond all that had ever been before; but this far exceeded that.14

A primary document from 1741 was recently recovered from this time period that sheds

further light upon this topic, the Savage Manuscript. In the manuscript unmasks the revival that

was occurring and concurs with the finding that the young people were greatly impacted. The

manuscript states, “I was late and lost the Sermon but came just after it, and soon enough to see

the Effects of it. It was a private House, where two large Rooms were fill’d (sic) with Children,

Youth and aged persons of both Sexes In Number I Judge about 200.”15 This manuscript has

thus substantiated both the impact of the Great Awakening on society as a whole at that time as

well as those individuals who were converted and lived a changed life. The document also

reveals the style and content of the message that was presented by Jonathan Edwards and some

of his core beliefs.

This Great Awakening not only impacted the irreligious but also the current devoted

Puritan. Soon the Great Awakening caused many in the Puritan community to reevaluate the old

debate that was taken up early by grandfather Stoddard and Father Edwards, the Half-Way

Covenant versus the truly changed life. In Puritan terms the controversy split into the Old Lights

(defenders of Charles Chauncey and rationalism) and the New Lights (defenders of Johnathan

Edwards and the working of the Holy Spirit) in regards to those who received salvation and those

who were emotionally misguided. The Puritan consciousness became severed into antithetical

modes of rational moralism and passionate religiosity – a schizophrenia that still plagues

American Protestantism.16

Style of Preaching during the Great Awakening

14 Yeager, 99.15 Winiarski, 738.16 Hutch, 124.

P a g e | 9

The style of Puritan preaching in the eighteenth-century followed a specific structure, often

referred to as the “plain style”. William Perkins promoted the Puritan “plain style” of preaching;

believing publically the preacher should hide ostentatious displays of human wisdom and instead

manifest the work of the Spirit. This “plain style” also was accompanied by the Puritan three-

part structure. This three part structure contained, biblical text interpreted and explained in

context, a statement of doctrine developed from the biblical text with reason for support, and

application of passage.17 Jonathan Edwards’ formal training from his grandfather, father, and

Yale established a solid foundation which he could develop his own unique Puritan presentation.

Edwards simplified the sermonic form he learned from his father and grandfather, infused his

sermons with a wide variety of both biblical and everyday images and metaphors, and sought to

interpret theologically the religious experience of his hearers.18 Edwards held the belief that the

effective preaching of the Word engendered a fit or suitable condition in which the sovereign

God might bring about conversion. This concept was further enlarged by his Calvinistic belief of

predestination. According to Edwards, a major purpose of preaching was “as a fit means to

affect sinners, with the importance of the things of religion, and their own misery, and necessity

of a remedy, and the glory and sufficiency of a remedy provided.19 Based upon this belief,

Edwards strove mightily in his weekly sermons and lectures to create powerful and perfect

images from the Word in order that the sermon might become a “fit” vehicle transmitting saving

grace to his listeners. In order to enhance this presentation, metaphors were often used to relate

doctrinal concepts easier to the audience, such as the famed spider depicted in “Sinners in the

Hands of an Angry God”.

17 Glenn R. Kreider, “SINNERS IN THE HANDS OF A GRACIOUS GOD” BIBLIOTHECA SACRA 163 (July-September 2006): 263. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).18 Heacock, 28.19 Heacock, 20.

P a g e | 10

Hell was a common theme that was preached from the pulpit in the 18th century. Often

associated with the fire and brimstone concept, Edwards’s sermon “Sinners in the Hands of an

Angry God” is often cited as a sermon steeped in the topics of hell and judgment. Many have

judged that this sermon was an isolated piece that manipulated people to come to faith because

the audience was uninformed about the doctrine of hell. Jonathan Edwards preached the sermon

“Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” to his congregation in Northampton, Massachusetts

with little reaction. In the most recent biography of Jonathan Edwards, George Marsden writes,

“In its subject, Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God was not unusual either for Edwards of for New England preaching. Preaching on hell was a routine part of covering the full range of Gospel topics, and other sermons were more lurid in depicting hell’s agonies.”20

It can be clearly stated that the Puritan congregation received other doctrinal teachings

besides the tenant of hell and God’s wrath. To investigate the famous sermon “Sinners in the

Hands of an Angry God” is to come to the opposite conclusion, that God is not wrathful but

gracious and loving. Marsden’s evaluation of this sermon by Edwards includes a pointed

application to modern-day Christianity.

In Sinners Edwards took hell and its agonies for granted as realities proven by Scripture and confirmed by reason. To be sure, some eighteenth-century people did doubt traditional views of hell, even in New England. Yet Edwards spoke to his audience as though such a denial were not an intellectual option. That he would do so is itself revealing. It suggests how immense the gulf of assumptions is that separates most modern readers from the world of the original auditors. Few today, including many who affirm traditional Christian doctrines, have the sympathies to take seriously some of these deepest sensibilities of ordinary eighteenth-century colonials.21

Glorious Damnation

20 George M. Marsden, Jonathan Edwards: A Life Harrisonburg, Virginia: R.R. Donnelley and Sons, 2003. 221.21 Marsden, 261.

P a g e | 11

One of the tenants of Jonathan Edwards’ theology is his viewpoint of the necessity to

incorporate Hell into his sermons. Calm and analytical, he delivered his sermons without any

oratorical flourishes. He never sought to manipulate people by appealing only to their fear but,

rather, to present eternal punishment as a reasonable inference from the nature of God.22 His

presentation followed his training in which he proposed a logical presentation followed by the

classic Puritan “plain style” approach. To many, the thought of eternal damnation was a

stumbling block. How could a loving God allow such suffering? To this question, Edwards

responded emphatically by stating that mercy, justice, and grace are all displayed in this eternal

and Glorious damnation theological construct. God is connected to His creation and hence pain

is not mutually exclusive to both who are connected. Reasonably God allows misery and

suffering to exist on our planet and in our lives. So the argument that connects suffering to

mankind as not being fair is negated. The question then arises; who will experience eternal

suffering and for how long? God will restore the fallen world and the individual when He

returns or when the elect are delivered from the miserable world and granted peace in heaven.

Sin, which allows for misery to exist on earth, needs to be eradicated. According to Edwards,

human misery is not unbearable for God to behold, because the plain fact is that God does allow

plenty of it to exist in the world. If a merciful God cannot bear eternal misery, then the same

characteristic would surely argue against lesser degrees of misery as well.23 We should not view

God’s mercy as one driven by passion or emotion, such as a judge who views penal justice, to be

carried out. If God’s mercy were that kind of characteristic it would be a defect in God, not a

praiseworthy characteristic and demonstrate that God was weak and inconsistent, not fit to

22 Bruce W. Davidison, “REASONABLE DAMNATION: HOW JONATHAN EDWARDS ARGUED FOR THE RATIONALITY OF HELL.”JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 38/1 (March, 1995): 48. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

23 Davidson, 49.

P a g e | 12

judge.24 Jonathan Edwards who is associated with Calvinistic theology addresses the concept of

Godly mercy. He demonstrates is his writings that the idea of mercy presupposes the prerogative

to display it or not to display it. A judge is in no case beholden to show mercy to any evildoers.

Behind the idea that hell is contrary to mercy and kindness is the premise that mercy would force God not to punish to such a degree. But mercy that is forced is not free. It is therefore not mercy at all, but obligation or compulsion.25

Edwards, once he established God’s mercy and his prerogative to distribute it according to

his pleasure, then concludes that to argue against hell is to actually deprive God of the ultimate

attribute of mercy. In fact, by compelling God not to punish according to this kind of justice,

mankind demonstrates contempt for by placing great limitations upon God rather than

themselves.

Throughout this argument on mercy Edwards then necessitates the importance of divine

justice. Is eternal misery, hell a just punishment for an unbeliever? Edwards’ makes one basic

argument in the support of the eternity of the punishment: the heinousness of any crime must be

gauged according to the worth or dignity of the person it is committed against.26 This argument

was championed by Anselm of Canterbury during the 11th Century. An example of this position

is demonstrated by comparing different roles of individuals in society. As a result the murder of

a significant world leader or child illicits a different response than if a gang member or drug lord

was murdered. The reasoning continues, if God is magnificent and wonderful then an iniquity

against God is infinitely evil and merits an infinite punishment. An infinite, unending

punishment is consistent with an infinitely great God. Instead of “eternal punishment” we could

just as easily call it “infinite punishment,” since that is what it amounts to.27

24 Davidson, 49.25 Davidson, 49.26 Davidson, 50.27 Davidson, 50.

P a g e | 13

Edwards through this reasoned argument determines that this punishment is not too

disproportionate. He identifies that most people would not coalesce to this abstract reasoning so

he then quantifies the extreme dimensions of human depravity and demonstrate that mankind

deserves nothing but hell. Edwards traces our unwillingness to accept the existence of hell to

two main causes: it is against our personal preference to believe in it and we have no real

conception of how evil sin is and what it deserves.28 Edwards further examines this point and

draws a conclusion; that we reject hell because we have a hardness of the heart toward our own

sins and toward God. Man’s readiness to find fault with the ways of his Creator, Edwards argues,

is proof enough of the depraved propensities of his heart.29 In the final analysis of Edwards’

concept of Glorious Damnation (hell), one is drawn to the reasonableness that a sinner deserves

hell. Edwards established that God’s character not only make hell a real place but reasonable,

just and necessary.

This is because a just and holy God ought to have an infinite hatred of sin if it is a thing infinitely horrible. And if he has such infinite hatred, he should also express that hatred in his actions toward sinners. Only an everlasting sentence would adequately manifest the infinite extent of God’s hatred for sin. Thus we see not only the great objection against this doctrine answered but the truth of the doctrine established by reason.30

The above demonstrates the reasoned approach that Edwards used during his concept of

Glorious Damnation. He then introduces the theological precept of God’s justice and grace.

These components were always present in his sermons although many commentators on Edwards

wrongly portray his style as aggressive, assertive, and unforgiving. In terms of justice and the

necessity of Glorious Damnation, Edwards develops the glory of God. And in Edwards’s

viewpoint, the manifestation of the glory of God is the end result of everything God does.

28 Davidson, 50.29 Davidson, 51.30 Davidson, 51.

P a g e | 14

Without hell, Edwards asserts, this platform would fall short of a full extolment of God. Thanks

to hell, God is glorified much more profoundly and comprehensively than he would be

otherwise.31 In Edwards’ estimation, which is steeped in Puritan thought, the concept of sin must

be eternally condemned because it needs to be justly satisfied. In terms of justice, God’s self-

revelation remains incomplete as long as sin is finitely, inadequately punished.32

How can a sinner experience Glorious Damnation be justified? Edwards promotes two

more theological points, namely, human sinfulness and divine sovereignty. Arguing for the

infinite guilt of human sin necessitates that if this is not propitiated, the sinner is doomed to

infinite punishment because the soul is voluntarily connected to his defiance to surrender to

God’s salvation plan. This concept was developed and firmly establish by Anselm of

Canterbury. Within a system of retributive justice, infinite punishment is demanded and

therefore, hell is just.33 To the Calvinist, this viewpoint then lends itself to their popular belief of

Predestination. With the theological basis of fallen humanity, God may justly choose whom to

redeem and whom not to, since all are guilty.34

Conclusion

Often times Jonathan Edwards has been portrayed poorly, speaking constantly of

damnation and hell. This theme of Glorious Damnation was one in a litany of theological topics

addressed by Edwards within the Puritan belief system. Edward’s focused on the topic of Hell in

31 Kreider, 814.32 Bruce W. Davidison, “GLORIOUS DAMNATION: HELL AS AN ESSENTIAL ELEMENT IN THE THEOLOGY OF JONATHAN EDWARDS.” JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 54.4 (December, 2011): 818. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

33 Stephen Holmes, “THE JUSTICE OF HELL AND THE DISPLAY OF GOD'S GLORY IN THE THOUGHT OF JONATHAN EDWARDS” PRO ECCLESIA Vol. IX, No. 4 (2000): 395. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).34 Holmes, 396.

P a g e | 15

response to the increasing humanistic viewpoint by of the Enlightenment which focused on the

goodness of mankind. The Glorious Damnation position was predicated on the concept of

original sin and the need to punish this justly.

Perhaps implicitly, the view of the universal goodness of humanity that permeates the worldview of many people today has also penetrated evangelical theology as well. That all humans, including children, are guilty of sin and therefore deserving of the wrath of God seems harsh and unfair to modern ears.35

Glorious Damnation was a common component of Puritan preaching. Edwards

approached the topic with rationality and a synthesis of the Puritan argument by way of his

formal training from Yale. Edwards’ famous sermons dealing with Hell, were well-organized

arguments which focused on justice along with mercy and grace. In discussing Glorious

Damnation, many interpret Edwards’ sermons as harsh and not compassionate. In reality

Edwards’ focus was more on God’s sovereignty, majesty, and compassion. The necessity of an

eternal hell is connected to God’s justice and ultimately to his eternal glory.

It is important to note that the Great Awakening was about more than just sermons on

hell but on a “new birth” and a changed life in those who confessed their sins. Besides changing

the individual’s soul the Great Awakening also impacted American society.

The social effects of such a revival are immediate as well as delayed action. Revival promotes personal holiness as an immediate result, individuals renouncing their personal vices. It enlists workers for situational amelioration, caring for the unfortunate and oppressed in society. It provides dynamic for social service, whether educational or medical, correctional or constructive. It promotes the general welfare more slowly, and it often effects long term social change.36

The First Great Awakening had a profound influence upon America as well as future

social movements, including the Second Great Awakening. In 1829, Lyman Beecher writes, “For

35 Kreider, 274.36 Edwin J. Orr, “REVIVAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE” FIDES ET HISTORIA 6 no. 2 (Spring 1974): 10. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

P a g e | 16

many other Second Great Awakeners … the most that is at present desirable in the religious

aspect of things among us may be directly traced to the influence of men who were trained and

instructed in the revival of 1740.”37 In an ever increasing and changing post-modern age,

traditional Christianity is under attack. How is the Christian church to respond against such an

onslaught of various perspectives such as “political correctness”? Many have infused secular

concepts and beliefs into an already existing Christian religion, creating increased confusion and

erroneous teachings. Jonathan Edwards had a similar experience in his time when Universalism

and Enlightenment ideas were vying for power over America Christianity and specifically,

Puritan thought. He combined the argumentative structure of the time period and reasoned the

core Christian beliefs on hell to a drifting society. Such a stand attracted many to confess their

sins and come to the saving knowledge of Christ, similar to Paul’s address on Mars Hill (Acts

17:22-31). In the past many church leaders, pastors, and lay individuals tended to be more

zealous and confrontational when encountering an attack from the secular world. In the modern

age the tendency is the opposite, and a more passive response to contrary thoughts is used.

Today, Christian beliefs and the church are also being attacked and, sadly many have fallen away

or infused secular concepts into their faith. We need more church leaders to reasonably engage

and go on the offensive instead of being reactive and in a defensive position. Christianity is a

reasonable faith which has historically proven to better life and society. A war is occurring

between secular society and Christianity. Sadly, many refuse to acknowledge this and even

insulate themselves from society today by removing their “light” and “salt” from culture. Has

Christianity surrendered to society or is it time for modern day Christians to follow in the

37 Joseph Conforti, “The Invention of the Great Awakening, 1795-1842” Early American Literature Vol. 26 (1991): 113. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

P a g e | 17

footsteps of Paul, Jonathan Edwards, and ultimately Christ to push back with love and

discernment against burgeoning influences?

Bibliography

Conforti, Joseph. “The Invention of the Great Awakening, 1795-1842” Early American Literature Vol. 26 (1991): 99-118. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 4, 2014).

Davidison, W. Bruce. “GLORIOUS DAMNATION: HELL AS AN ESSENTIAL ELEMENT IN THE THEOLOGY OF JONATHAN EDWARDS.” JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 54.4 (December, 2011): 809-822. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

Davidison, W. Bruce “REASONABLE DAMNATION: HOW JONATHAN EDWARDS ARGUED FOR THE RATIONALITY OF HELL.”JOURNAL OF THE EVANGELICAL THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 38/1 (March, 1995): 47-56. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 4, 2014).

P a g e | 18

Edwards, Jonathan. "'Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God' Sermon." In John Scott, ed. Living Documents in American History. New York: Washington Square Press, 1964-68. American History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?ItemID=WE52&iPin=E01110&SingleRecord=True (accessed April 5, 2014).

Gonzalez, Justo L. The Story of Christianity. Rev. and updated, 2nd ed. New York: Harper One, 2010.

Heacock, Clinton. “Rhetorical Influences upon the Preaching of Jonathan Edwards” Homiletic (Online) 36 no. 2 (2011): 17-29. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 4, 2014).

Holmes, Stephen. “THE JUSTICE OF HELL AND THE DISPLAY OF GOD'S GLORY IN THE

THOUGHT OF JONATHAN EDWARDS” PRO ECCLESIA Vol. IX, No. 4 (2000): 389-403. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

Hutch, Richard. “JONATHAN EDWARDS’ ANALYSIS OF RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE” Journal of Psychology & Theology 6 no. 2 (Spring 1978): 123-131. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

Kreider, R. Glenn. “SINNERS IN THE HANDS OF A GRACIOUS GOD” BIBLIOTHECA SACRA 163 (July-September 2006): 259-275. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

Marsden, M. George. Jonathan Edwards: A Life Harrisonburg, Virginia: R.R. Donnelley and Sons, 2003.

Orr, J. Edwin. “REVIVAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE” FIDES ET HISTORIA 6 no. 2 (Spring

1974): 1-12. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

Seymour, Charles. “Hell, Justice, and Freedom.” International Journal for Philosophy of Religion, 43 (1998): 69-86. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

Winiarski, L. Douglas. “Jonathan Edwards, Enthusiast? Radical Revivalism and the Great Awakening in the Connecticut Valley” Church History (2005): 683-739. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

Yeager, M. Jonathan. Early Evangelicalism: A Reader. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.

Zakai, Avihu. “THE IDEOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF SINNERS IN THE HANDS OF AN ANGRY GOD” Fides et Historia, vol. XXXVI, no. 2 (Summer/Fall 2004): 1-18. ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed April 5, 2014).

P a g e | 19