Architecture and the Expression of Cultural Identity in Kuwait

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Architecture and the expression of culturalidentity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub

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Architecture and the expression ofcultural identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub Department of Architecture, College of Engineering

and Petroleum, Kuwait University, PO Box 9569

Safat, 13060 Kuwait.

The phenomenon of expressing cultural identity in architecture is apparent in many parts of

the world: this paper examines it in the context of Kuwait. It focuses on architects, and the

strategies they use in expressing cultural identity. The aim is to understand their views and

current efforts in this context. In Kuwait, architecture has passed through dramatic trans-

formations during the second half of the twentieth century that were the result of econ-

omic, regional and global changes. A survey of the views of eighteen Kuwaiti architects

was conducted using focused interviews and a standardised questionnaire. Examples of

their projects were analysed to illustrate their views and ways of thinking. The study con-

cluded that there were several strategies employed by Kuwaiti architects to express a

Kuwaiti cultural identity in their work. A three- dimensional matrix was developed to illus-

trate the relationship between the ranges of these strategies and architecture in Kuwait. It ishoped that this matrix will be useful for practitioners and critics of contemporary architec-

ture in Kuwait interested in understanding current trends in achieving a cultural identity in

architecture.

Introduction

The beginning of the twenty first century is

marked by increasing globalisation and the affir-

mation of a singular identity that is in constant

tension with traditional local identities. This trend

has followed the spread of the international style

during the second half of the twentieth century

and has intensified as a result of the spread of glo-

balisation as a dominating world view from the

end of that century. As a reaction to this sweeping

trend, the phenomenon of expressing local cultural

identities in architecture is observed in many parts

of the world. As Castells put it: ‘cultural identity is

the process by which social actors build their own

meaning according to cultural attributes.’ (Castells,

2004.)

This paper investigates how cultural identity is

being expressed in contemporary architecture in

the context of Kuwait. It focuses on the architects,

and the strategies, mechanisms, tools, and media

they use in expressing cultural identity in their

work. The aim of this paper is to understand the

views and roles of Kuwaiti architects participating

in current efforts to achieve a localised cultural iden-

tity in architecture. Their attempts influence the

making and development of contemporary architec-

ture in Kuwait. While these efforts are currently

individualistic, they are gaining momentum and

popularity as they lay claim to answering the press-

ing cultural and social problems generated by the

application of modern architectural principles

during the second half of the twentieth century.

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# 2007 The Journal of Architecture 1360–2365 DOI: 10.1080/13602360701363486



They are also relevant to other countries, especially

those Gulf, Arab, and developing countries that

share experiences with Kuwait.

Background

In Kuwait, architecture passed through dramatic

transformations during the second half of the twen-

tieth century that were the result of economic,

regional and global changes. Starting with the dis-

covery of oil during the 1940s and the economic

wealth generated by its sale, the implementation

of the first master plan for the country during the

1950s and 1960s, the economic boom during the

1970s following the dramatic increase in oil pricesin 1973 and the economic depression during the

1980s following the stock market crash, they culmi-

nated, finally, with the first Gulf war and the experi-

ence of invasion and liberation by foreign countries

during the 1990s. Architecture reflected all these

layers of rapid political, economic, and cultural

changes.

The movement towards expressing cultural iden-

tity in Kuwaiti architecture is not new. It started

with attempts by foreign architects who participated

in the design of buildings after the implementation

of the first master plan in Kuwait during the 1960s

(Shiber, 1964). Jorn Utzon’s Parliament Building

and Reima Pietilae’s new Sief Palace are landmarks

designed by foreign architects expressing a cultural

identity (Gardiner, 1983; Vale, 1992; Kultermann,

1999) (Fig. 1). These are examples of foreign archi-

tects commissioned to design projects in Kuwait

because of a lack of Kuwaiti architects, but the

appearance of architecture by Kuwaiti architects

that attempts to reflect cultural identity is a different

phenomenon.

Literature review

What is identity? Firstly, it is a process, and not a

‘found’ object. It may be likened to the trail left

by civilization as it moves through history. The

trail is the culture, or identity, of that civilization.

. . . Secondly, being a process, identity cannot be

fabricated. We develop our identity by tackling

what we perceive to be our real problems. . . .

Thirdly, identity is not a self-conscious thing.

(Correa, 1983.)

This study is based on the observation that in recentyears the issue of cultural identity in contemporary

architecture has become essential to creating

uniqueness and local identity in a competitive

environment on a global level. Industrialised and

developing countries have started to re-examine

their traditions in a search for their own values and

principles. Delanty and Jones (2002) observed that

in Europe ‘architecture has become an important

discourse for new expression of post-national iden-

tity in general and in particular for the emergence

of a “spatial” European identity. No longer tied to

the state to the same degree as in the period of

nation-building, architecture has become a signifi-

cant cultural expression of post-national identities

within and beyond nation-state.’ (Delanty and

Jones, 2002.) This process has had an impact on

the production of contemporary architecture and

eventually triggered an intense discussion about

how local identity should be created other than by

copying fragments from the past.

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Architecture and the

expression of cultural

identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub



The question of whether architecture should

express a cultural identity is being investigated by

many researchers in many parts of the world.

Gospondini argues that ‘in the process of economic

and cultural globalisation, European integration and

the blur of national identities in Europe, place-iden-

tity emerges as a central concern of both scholars

and other people.’ (Gospodini, 2004, p. 225.) In Sin-

gapore, architects vigorously adopted transformed

and integrated traditions to reflect contemporary

realities such as fast-evolving cultures, values and

lifestyles. The notion of contemporary vernacular

was developed. This can be defined as a conscious

commitment to uncover a particular tradition’s

unique responses to spatial arrangements, place

and climate and thereafter exteriorise these estab-

lished and symbolic identities into creative forms

(Lim, 2004, p.19). Ogura et al. attempted to clarify

the characteristics of the modern Filipino style

which was introduced by leading architects

following World War II. They discovered that one

of the most comprehensible expressions of domestic

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Figure 1. Attempts by

foreign architects to

express cultural identit

in architecture.

(Photographs by theAuthor.)

a. The Parliament

Building by Jorn Utzon

b. The Scientific Centr

by C7.

c. Banks Complex by

SOM.

d. Kuwait Towers by

Marlene Bjoern.



style is the direct quotation of traditional shape. The

pursuit of architecture as the product of the Filipino

culture to enrich Filipino culture is an ongoing

problem for architects seeking to realise a Filipinostyle while designing for present-day expectations

(Ogura et al., 2002, p. 238).

El-Sheshtawy et al. argue that Third World

cities — especially those which have witnessed

rapid growth within the last two decades — are

moving towards a ‘co-existence’ model which

takes into account the forces of modernisation

and change (globalisation) whilst at the same

time responding to the preservation of traditional

elements within the society. They concluded that

an examination of the viability of this model andits suitability for other cities is recommended and

they argued that in a world dominated by forces

of globalisation the current discourse on the ‘loss

of identity’ needs to be reconsidered (El-Sheshtawy

et al ., 2000). Kanna concluded that ‘far from

experiencing change and modernity as an homo-

geneous dystopia, the inhabitants of Dubai have

developed ways of culturally absorbing these

changes.’ (Kanna, 2005, p. 60.)

Saleh presents an analytical study of the major

factors inherent to place-identity which have a

bearing on the development of visual images to

Saudi Arabian cities. He points out that climatic,

social, topographic and economic aspects were

important factors in the formulation of regionalism.

He argues that these factors are now weakened by

two controversial trends in the planning and

design of place known as traditionalism and

modernism. He asserts that professionals use their

skill in the incorporation of historical as well as

new images of the physical place and structures to

enhance their identifiability and recognition in the

city. The image represents a cultural significance

which ties it to culture. For him, the forces exertedby commercialism seem to dominate image attach-

ment for contemporary cities (Saleh, 1998).

As described by Khattab, ‘particularly in the case

of Kuwait, reasserting the local identity has lately

become a matter of great importance especially

after Iraq’s claims in Kuwait and the Second Gulf

War.’ (Khattab, 2001.) This was reflected in the

architecture being produced in Kuwait by local and

Kuwaiti architects in their attempts to recognise

and to acknowledge the heritage of traditional

Kuwaiti architecture during the 1990s. The famousKuwaiti architect Hamed Shuaib reiterated the ques-

tion posed by many conferences and seminars held

in the Gulf area: ‘When will we, in Kuwait and

other Gulf countries, have modern architecture suit-

able for our community, environment and heritage?’

(Shuaib, 1999.) Several practising architects

expressed the same view in a documentary entitled:

‘Kuwaiti Architecture: A Lost Identity.’ Their con-

cerns find articulation in Paul Ricouer’s questions

‘how to become modern and to return to sources;

how to revive an old, dormant civilization and take

part in universal civilization.’ (Ricoeur, 1965.)

Such questions are posed by practising architects

and also investigated by academic researchers in

the field. Some Arab societies, such as Egypt,

Lebanon and Syria, went through the process of

modernisation earlier and at a slower pace than

the Gulf countries which underwent the same

experience much later and at an extremely rapid

pace. Commenting on the process of change that

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Egypt went through during the nineteenth century,

Khaled Asfour states that:

For the first time in the Arab world, a process of

‘cutting and pasting’ was introduced as a culturalmechanism. The process involves ‘cutting’ ideas

from an original cultural field, the European, and

‘pasting’ it with its logic into the new field. In

the process, there is the assumption that the

new field has similar cultural predicaments and

would yield to similar results upon this transfer

of ideas. (Asfour, 2004, p. 3.)

The cities of Abu Dhabi, Kuwait, Riyadh and so on,

were planned during the middle of the twentieth

century by western planners, who applied the city

planning theories of that time and did not respectthe socio-cultural characteristics of the community

that were evident in traditional settlements. As

Asfour (2004) put it,

During the fifties and sixties of image transfer, the

traveling theory was codified as a simplistic

version of Modernism, and was practised by

Arab cultures with great excitement, for it gave

them a fresh visual start after their independence

from 19th century colonial powers. But it was the

late sixties and early seventies that witnessed the

greatest practice of Modern imaging. It was the

time of the gigantic rise of Arab Gulf cultures

that were getting rich because of oil revenues.

(Asfour, 2004, p. 6.)

In his book ‘Architecture and Culture: Critical

Studies of Arab Architecture’, Al-Naim argues that

the rapid urbanisation of Arab societies during the

second half of the twentieth century has produced

the phenomenon of ‘Cultural Resistance’ (Al-Naim,

2005, p. 96.) Al-Naim explains the cultural hybridity

that characterises the built environment in the Gulf

countries as a product of two main ideological

views: the futurist and the traditionalist, ‘while the

first group rejects historical heritage, the secondconsiders the past as the only valid evidence that

should be considered to shape the present. They

both accept the use of technology as a necessity

that cannot be avoided.’ (Al-Naim, 2005, p. 105.)

He concludes that ‘when a local culture borrows

shapes and ideas to be utilized in the built environ-

ment, several processes occur to “resist” the

“new”.’ He calls this ‘the mechanism of cultural

resistance in the built environment.’(Al-Naim,

2005, p. 116.) To live life out of resistance, as

Mules argues, ‘is to live life other than what itmust be.’ (Mules, 2005.)

From regionalism to critical regionalism in

the Gulf Region

This paper argues that architecture in the Gulf

countries is approaching a critical regionalism

stage. Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre (1981)

and Kenneth Frampton (1985) used the term ‘critical

regionalism’ to describe a contemporary architec-

ture which could neither be characterised as interna-

tionalism nor as a folkloric or historical concept of

region and architecture. By the 1990s, this concept

had become the key theme of an intense debate

on local, modern architecture.

Critical regionalism is interested in specific

elements from the region, those that have acted

as agent of contact and community, the place-

defining elements, and incorporates them

“strangely”, rather than familiarly, it makes

them appear strange, distant, difficult even

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disturbing. It disrupts the sentimental “embra-

cing” between buildings and their consumers

and instead makes an attempt at “pricking the

conscience” . . .

A critical approach reintroduces“meaning” in addition to “feeling” in people’s

view of the world. (Lefaivre et al ., 2001, p. 9.)

Lefaivre et al . (2001) noted that Vitruvius was the

first to point ‘to the differences in buildings around

the world’ and referred to this phenomenon as

‘regional architecture’, concluding ‘that the

arrangement of buildings should be guided by

locality and climate.’ (Lefaivre et al ., 2001, p. 3.)

They traced the development of the forms of region-

alism in architecture from picturesque, romantic and

over-familiarising regionalism into Lewis Mumford’scritical regionalism (Lefaivre et al ., 2001, pp. 3 –6).

Kenneth Frampton’s concept of regionalism

mainly focuses on the relationship of a building to

its site and location in a sociological context. He

states that ‘the fundamental strategy of Critical

Regionalism is to mediate the impact of universal

civilisation with elements derived indirectly from

the peculiarities of a particular place.’ (Frampton,

1985, p. 20.)

Regionalism received much attention as it seemed

particularly relevant to developing countries faced

with the onslaught of Western media, commodifi-

cation and globalisation. Chris Abel suggested that

‘it is in the countries of the Third World, where the

effects of Modernism’s break with the past have

been compounded by a drastically speeded-up rate

of development, that regionalism has a special

meaning.’ (Abel, 1986.) Khan argued that

‘perhaps regionalism, in cultural and technological

terms, is stronger in the Third World because the

latter has not yet reached the “advanced” stages

of the West in terms of political stability, communi-

cations or technology, all of which permit greater

universality.’ (Khan, 1987.)On the other hand, the concept of critical region-

alism has been challenged by many critics, particu-

larly those who question its relevance for more

advanced economies. The concept of regionality

depends on it being possible to correlate cultural

codes with geographical regions. ‘In modern

societies these regional differences are largely

obliterated, or as I would add, hybridised. ’(Lim,

2004.) It overlooks fundamental differences and

neglects important factors underlying the postcolo-

nial development of architecture in these countriesand superimposes a rather static and narrow

notion of local versus universal, traditional versus

modern concepts. As an analytical approach it

seems inadequate to capture the products of ‘local

architecture’ and their perception by theorists and

the general public (Tzonis et al., 2003). Specifically,

it does not reflect the diverse and dynamic nature

of the emergence of local identities. In many devel-

oping countries identities can hardly be localised and

many places show composite patterns with more

than one identity. In addition, the works of architects

labeled as contributions to promoting ‘local identity’

seem to have more in common with developments

in other countries than with the characteristics of

the place where they have been erected.

Method of inquiry

This study focuses on the views of architects contri-

buting to the production of cultural identity in archi-

tecture in Kuwait and analyses examples of their

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identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub



projects. For the purpose of this study, a sample of

eighteen architects was selected from a group of

Kuwaiti architects expressing cultural identity in

their projects. The methods used for data collectionincluded: a survey using a standardised question-

naire; focused interviews; and the analysis of

examples of contemporary Kuwaiti architecture

that represent the expression of cultural identity.

The questionnaire contained several sections

covering different enquiries including: the views of

architects producing this architecture in order to

understand how they perceive what they are

doing, what are their references, and how they

are influenced by the client, the context and the

history of the country. An interview guide wasused to shape the in-depth interviews with selected

architects.

Findings

The questionnaire responses were statistically

analysed and the in-depth interviews were themati-

cally analysed to reveal the commonalities and

differences in the views of the Kuwaiti architects.

The questionnaire analysis produced the following

results (Fig. 2).

. Regarding Kuwaiti architectural identity, 88% of

the respondents agreed that there is currently

no identity in Kuwaiti architecture, while 12%

agreed that there is an identity expressed in con-

temporary Kuwaiti architecture. 94% believed

that there should be an identity in Kuwaiti archi-

tecture and 6% disagreed. 94% of the respon-

dents believed that there is a need to develop

building regulations to impose Kuwaiti identity

on architecture. 32% of the respondents agreed

that there was a clear architectural identity

before 1950, while 5% of the respondents

believed that there is identity in Kuwaiti architec-ture after 2000.

. The factors that affect the generation of identity

in architecture were perceived as: climatic

conditions 94%, culture of the society 88%,

building codes and regulations 87%, client

81%, and building technology 47%. 100% of

the respondents believed that traditional Kuwaiti

architecture should be the source, desert architec-

ture 94%, Arab architecture 92%, Gulf architec-

ture 88%, Islamic architecture 87% and, lastly,

International architecture 71%. 100% of therespondents agreed that climate, region and

culture should be the sources of identity, while

75% agreed that religion is a source of architec-

ture identity.

. As for the elements of Kuwaiti architecture, 94%

of the respondents believed that al-housh (the

courtyard) and traditional colours should be

used to reflect Kuwaiti identity in architecture,

88% believed that the dareehz (the entrance),

the diwaniyah (the men’s receiving room), and

the liwan (the colonnade) should be used to

reflect Kuwaiti identity, and only 50% of the

respondents believed that columns should be

used to reflect identity. 81% of the respondents

believed that more than one traditional element

should be used at the same time to reflect a

cultural identity in architecture (Fig. 3).

. 69% of the respondents believed that Kuwaiti

architects are contributing positively to identity

in Kuwaiti architecture, while 73% believed that

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Kuwait Municipality was contributing negatively.

94% believed that local consulting offices and

the awareness of society will contribute positively

in the future to Kuwaiti identity. 100% of the

respondents believed that public buildings

should reflect Kuwaiti identity, while 94%

believed that governmental buildings and private

villas should reflect cultural identity. 94% believed

that the new Seif Palace, Souq Al-Mubarkiah and

Souq Al-Zul Wa Al-Bishut reflect Kuwaiti identity.

Only 13% believed that the Liberation Tower

reflected Kuwaiti cultural identity, and only 40%

believed that Kuwait Towers — the national

symbol of Kuwait — reflects Kuwaiti identity.

. The respondents selected the most important

examples representing Kuwaiti architecture from

172



identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub

Figure 2. Question-

naire responses analysis.

(# the Author.)



traditional and contemporary. Traditional

examples included: the old Seif Palace, old houses,

diwaniyas, schools, mosques, neighbourhoods,

and souqs. Contemporary examples included:

water towers, Kuwait Towers, Parliament build-

ings, Souq Sharq, Souq Al-Zul Wa Al-Bishut, the

Arab Organisations Headquarters, and the New

Seif palace (Fig. 4).

The interviews were useful for gaining in-depth

understanding of the views of Kuwaiti architects.

While there were many common themes between

the views of the architects, each architect

emphasised a particular factor. Collectively, the

interviews represented a wide range of strategies

and approaches to the subject. Due to the absence

of architectural education in Kuwait until 1996, all

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Figure 3. Elements of

traditional Kuwaiti

architecture.

(Photographs by the

Author.)a. Entrance (dahreez ).

b. Courtyard (housh).

c. Men’s reception

(diwaniya).

d. Sitting bench

(mastaba).

e. Colonnade (liwan).

f. Wooden roof

(chandal ).



the architects graduated from schools of architec-

ture in the USA during the 1980s. All of them

were employed in governmental agencies for

several years before starting their private pro-

fessional practice (Fig. 5). Below are thematic por-

traits representing the views of some of the

Kuwaiti architects interviewed for the purpose of

this study followed by a common themes analysis.

Muhamad Al-Khedr graduated from Wisconsin

School of Architecture, USA, in 1985. He practised

as an architect in the Kuwait Ministry of Public

Works, then worked in private architectural firms.

He established his own architectural practice,

MAC, in 1999. He stated that ‘before oil was discov-

ered buildings were constructed using local

materials and workers, depending mainly on family

needs. After oil was discovered, architecture

reflected individualism, architecture made by

foreign architects with high-quality construction

methods and materials.’

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identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub

Figure 4. Examples of

contemporary Kuwaiti

architecture.

a. The Great Mosque.

(Photograph from:http://www.islamic

architecture.org/

architecture/i/

mosques/kuwait/

i107.jpg)

b. Seif Palace.

(Photograph from

Abdullah Qabazard,

architect.)

c. Chamber of

Commerce.

(Photograph by the

Author.)d. Souq Sharq.

(Photograph by the

Author.)



For him, the expression of family needs in archi-

tecture is an important element in the reflection

of local identity. He asserts that ‘traditional desert

architecture, characterised by its courtyards and

adobe-style construction, should be the source

of architectural identity in Kuwait. The impact of

climatic conditions is another factor that reflects a

true architectural identity. The harsh weather

conditions during the long summer months is an

important driving force.’ He recognises that ‘there

is some interest towards reflecting traditional

architecture by the public, but for the purpose of

being individual only.’ He believes that:

There are some attempts to express identity

in Kuwaiti architecture, but no present structure

is available that clearly represents the

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Figure 5. Attempts by

Kuwaiti architects to

express cultural identit

in architecture.

a. Salah Al-Farisi Villa bMuhamad Al-Khedr.

(Photograph from

M. Al-Khedr, architect

b. Al-Najjar House by

Fareed Abdal.

(Photograph from

F. Abdal, architect.)

c. Salmeya Palace by

Saleh Al-Mutawa.

(Photograph by the

Author.)

d. Al-Farisi Villa by Jam

Al-Hajji. (Photographfrom Jamal Al-Hajji,

architect.)



distinctive architectural identity of Kuwait. Kuwait

Municipality should have an important role in

educating the public and organizing some

regulation for general architectural style, butunfortunately the municipality is concerned

more about commercial regulations than archi-

tectural concerns.

Fareed Abdal received his MArch from the University

of Wisconsin, USA, in 1983. He has worked in gov-

ernmental, military, and private sectors. He has pub-

lished several studies and papers on architecture in

Kuwait. He thinks that there is no special architec-

tural identity in Kuwait because many buildings

follow the international style. He also thinks that

there should not necessarily be an identity butinstead there should be an ‘environmental response’

to the climate, thus emphasising the significance of

the region as a whole. He believes that ‘the only time

when Kuwait had an identity was during the pre-oil

period; the 1950s and before, when architecture

represented the society’s environment and its social

identity.’ In his opinion the factors that affect

Kuwaiti architectural identity are natural, cultural,

behavioural, economical, material, and technical.

He believes that ‘Arab culture is a response to the

desert climate and nature; and also architecture

should represent the environment and our values.’

In his opinion ‘Islam is also an important factor

because it is an innate and inborn religion that is

related to nature, and is in harmony with nature in

its best form.’ He thinks that ‘the more we assume

environmental solutions, the more we come closer

to our identity.’ He believes that:

Obligatory guidance restrictions should be given

so as to maintain a special architectural identity,

but not laws that are too limiting and restricting

to allow room for creativity.

Saleh Al-Mutawa received his BArch from the Uni-

versity of Miami, Florida, in 1980 and his MArch insolar passive cooling and heating and architectural

renovation in 1982. Saleh published his book,

‘History of Architecture in Old Kuwait City’, in

1994 (Al-Mutawa, 1994). In 1994 His Highness the

Ameer of Kuwait awarded him a prize for his distin-

guished work on preserving traditional Kuwait

Architecture. In 1997 Godfrey Goodwin wrote a

book about him entitled ‘Saleh Al-Mutawa: A new

Vision in Kuwait’ (Goodwin, 1997). When asked if

there is an identity in Kuwaiti architecture today,

he replied ‘No, it’s lost, but I am trying to follow itin all of my projects in order to revive it.’ He believes

that having an identity in Kuwaiti architecture is

like having a ‘character and soul of the country

which should not be denied or changed.’ He

considers that the era that represents Kuwaiti

architecture was before 1940 and that the

principles affecting Kuwaiti architectural identity

are: vocabularies, proportion, and materials. For

him the sources of Kuwaiti architecture are ‘Islamic

architecture and desert architecture.’ He believes

that ‘there should be some incentive for those

who try to do Kuwaiti architecture, such as more

FAR, etc.’

Jamal Al-Hajji graduated in the USA in 1991. He

has worked in governmental and private agencies.

He believes that ‘Kuwait really had its identity

before 1960 and this began to disappear from

1950, the year of the demolition of the old Kuwait

Wall. Currently, Kuwait really doesn’t have any iden-

tity.’ In his opinion:

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Yasser Mahgoub



Kuwait identity is more than the elements used in

old Kuwaiti houses, which are used by some archi-

tects today in an attempt to reach an identity.

Nobody denies that the elements have a greateffect in creating identity, but the real essence of

Kuwait identity lies in the architecture of the tra-

ditional city. It is primarily an experience of

spaces defined by continuous walls of buildings

which are arranged in a way that emphasises

the building volumes.

He believes that ‘we are going through the figural

buildings stage. They are functionally successful,

yet they waste energy and cause pollution in a

very bad way. We are very connected to these build-

ings because of our ideology that these buildings arethe symbol of Kuwait modernity.’ From his practical

experience, the first pressure on the architect is the

client: ‘Very rarely do you find a client who has an

appreciation for identity. There is a group of clients

that have a wrong understanding of identity and it

needs many sessions to put the client in the right

track.’ He thinks that every situation in every

project is different from one to another in its

approach to local identity.

Tariq Al-Saqabi graduated in the USA in 1984 with

a BSc in Architectural Engineering. He worked in

several government agencies before becoming a

member of the academic staff in the department

of architecture at Kuwait University. In his opinion,

‘there is nothing identifiable as Kuwaiti architecture.

What we have is Gulf architecture, which is a

mixture of Egyptian, Roman, Babylonian and other

architectures. What is called Kuwaiti architecture is

existing architecture influenced by traditions and

cultures. So there is no Kuwaiti architecture but

there are architectural elements.’ When asked if

there should be an identity for a Kuwaiti architec-

ture, he replied ‘it is not necessary to have an

identity that is applied to every building.’ He believesthat ‘there is no specific period of time that had a

Kuwaiti architectural identity. Yes, there is Najdi,

Hijazii, Iraqi architecture, but in Kuwait there is a

mixture of these architectures.’ In his opinion, the

factors that affect the identity of Kuwaiti architec-

ture are environmental, religious and social, and

what should be the source of Kuwaiti architecture

are traditional Kuwaiti architecture, Islamic, Gulf,

but not desert and Arabic architecture.‘ He agrees

that ‘there should be building codes that help in

finding a Kuwaiti architecture.’

Outcomes

The study revealed that there are commonalities

and differences between the views of Kuwaiti

architects regarding the sources of Kuwaiti cultural

identity. There is a general agreement that the

climate and the environment have a major influ-

ence on the culture of the people and the identity

of architecture. Environmental response to the

climate is a key factor in reflecting the identity of

the country. Located in a harsh desert region,

Kuwait suffers from long hot summers that domi-

nate the image of the weather of the country,

overshadowing the moderate weather of the

winter months.

Kuwait’s location on the tip of the Arabian Gulf

makes it a representative of Gulf architecture. Its

history of sea trading, pearl harvesting and fishing

is part of its traditional cultural identity. Many

architects employ simplistic metaphors of pearl

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shells and fishing boats in their buildings. The impact

of religion on culture is very significant, and essential

for understanding the needs of the individual for

privacy, family interaction, and space configurationand orientation. These needs are currently being

modified under the influence of higher economic

standards and global consumerist trends. Religion

is also viewed as a unifying force that integrates

the individual with nature and society, a notion

opposite to the current trend towards individualism

and the display of wealth.

There is an agreement among architects that

there are elements, vocabularies, proportions, and

materials that distinguish traditional Kuwaiti

architecture, but there is no agreement onwhether they should be used again or not. Some

architects think that the reuse of these elements

and vocabulary is essential to achieve a distinctive

Kuwaiti architectural identity that relates contem-

porary architecture to traditional architecture.

Others believe that it is not necessary to use these

elements and vocabularies but it is essential to

respond to climatic conditions and to the specific

needs of Kuwaitis.

There is recognition among Kuwaiti architects

that buildings alone are not sufficient to convey

cultural identity. The context of architecture pro-

vides an important background against which

architecture is understood. Traditional city spaces

provided an important dimension to experience

and provided a meaningful reading of traditional

architecture. When located amongst modern

streets and buildings, traditional elements and

vocabularies read more like Disney World than

authentic architecture.

Discussion

The analysis of several examples of Kuwaiti architects’

projects concluded that there are several strategies

employed by Kuwaiti architects to express a Kuwaiticultural identity in their work. A three-dimensional

matrix was developed to illustrate the relationship

between the ranges of these strategies, use of pre-

cedent and building types. The matrix utilises the

four design strategies suggested by Broadbent to cat-

egorise the examples (Broadbent, 1973). They are

identified as pragmatic, iconic, analogical and

canonic. Two more strategies were added to com-

plete the range of the identified strategies; symbolic

and metaphoric. They are utilised in the matrix

according to the following definitions.

1. Pragmatic design strategy utilises the inherited

features of traditional architecture and strives to

reproduce them as they were in the past. It

applies direct copy and paste practices to use

complete examples or elements from traditional

architecture.

2. Iconic design strategy strives to reproduce the

image of traditional architecture by using its

elements and vocabularies to produce new build-

ing types and functions.

3. Analogic design strategy aims to produce archi-

tecture that resembles traditional architecture

without direct copying and pasting of its

elements.

4. Canonic design strategy endeavours to form cul-

tural identity by applying the principles of tra-

ditional architecture without copying its

elements and shapes.

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identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub



5. Symbolic design strategy focuses on reinterpret-

ing the principles and elements of traditional

architecture and avoids any copying and

pasting of elements and shapes.

6. Metaphoric design strategy attempts intention-

ally to depart from being associated with tra-

ditional architecture and to create dramatic

experiences of contemporary cultural identity.

The matrix (Fig. 6) represents the relationship

between these design strategies, sources of identity

and building types and scales. Several examples are

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The Journal

of Architecture

Volume 12

Number 2

Figure 6. A matrix

illustrating strategies o

expressing cultural

identity in architecture

(#the Author.)



used to illustrate the commonalities and differences

between strategies. The results of this study support

Greig Crysler’s view that ‘a paradigm shift is under-

way, in which discourses that define traditionalenvironments as socially and geographically isolated,

non-urban, pre-modern spaces (and often located in

the so-called Third World) are giving way to those

which constitute “tradition” as a contested site of

power relations in a global context.’ He suggests that

this represents an important shift of emphasis

away from idealist conceptions of tradition, to

those which explore how it is grounded in asym-

metrical relations of power that shape, and are

shaped by, among others, the state, the global

economy, the built environment professions, andwriting on tradition itself (Crysler, 2000).

Applicability to field and further research

So this search for identity could give us a much

greater sensitivity not only to our environment,

but to ourselves and to the society in which we

live. It is a by-product of looking at our real pro-

blems, rather than self-consciously trying to find

identity as an end in itself, without worrying

about the issues we face. (Correa, 1983.)

This study investigated the views of Kuwaiti archi-

tects who attempted to produce cultural identity in

their architecture. It analysed examples of their

work, developing a matrix to relate their work to

each other’s and to sources of cultural identity. The

case of Kuwait is relevant to understanding the

same phenomenon recognisable in other parts of

the world that share many aspects of this experi-

ence. It helps us to understand the contradictory

relationship between globalisation and identity as

practised in Kuwait. Future research could investi-

gate the same phenomenon by applying the same

method in different countries and comparing the

results systematically. Additionally, research couldfocus on the comparison between developing and

industrialised countries in terms of architects’ views

regarding the representation of cultural identity in

architecture.

The matrix developed by this study is useful for

practitioners and observers of contemporary

architecture in Kuwait for understanding the

current trend towards achieving a cultural identity

in architecture. Further research could include

expatriate architects currently practising in Kuwait,

to compare their views with those of local Kuwaitiarchitects. It is important to recognise that this is a

new trend that is just starting and is changing,

with more and more Kuwaiti architects joining this

movement and new building types being con-

structed. As in the case of Singapore,

local architects now have better opportunities to

produce original innovative work, and to actively

contribute towards Singapore’s architectural

manifestation and new directions in the evolving

urban environment. Their intellectual energy

must range beyond the restrictive boundaries of

architecture and urbanism to include participating

in the theoretical discourse of cultural studies,

which has now recognized the essentiality of

meaningful local inputs to achieve viable globali-

zation. (Lim, 2004.)

The expression of cultural identity is manifested in

many ways. Neil Leach challenged the whole

notion of identity as some fixed and stable con-

dition: ‘identities must be perceived in the plural,

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identity in Kuwait

Yasser Mahgoub



as multiple and often seemingly contradictory

modes of personal expression.’ (Leach, 2003,

p. 78.) There are those who express cultural iden-

tity by borrowing from traditional architecture,believing that the sources of cultural identity are

derived from the past, and there are those who

express a cultural identity that relates to today’s

prosperity and future ambitions. Identity is always

pluralistic, fluid and unstable. It is continuously

constructed and reproduced by the collective

imagination of the community.

The study suggests the following starting points

for action.

.

Building codes and regulations should be revisedand incorporate lessons from the traditional archi-

tecture of the country.

. Architectural education should include in its curri-

culum approaches to understanding globalisation

and localisation processes.

. Professional practice should encourage architects

who express cultural identity in their work

through competitions and awards.

. Public awareness should be fostered by public lec-

tures, professional writings and the media.

. Sustainable architecture and urban development

responsive to and expressive of the geographical

and climatic situation should be encouraged and

become common practice.

. The quest for identity should be applied on all

levels. As Silva states ‘it is usually the whole build-

ing fabric, rather than individual buildings that

matters most to the identity of a setting. The char-

acter of a town resides in the sum of its multiple

and often fragmented inter-relationships in space

between buildings themselves, the social mix of

people, its activities and events, and the wider geo-

graphical setting of the town.’ (Silva, 2001.)

There is always a cultural identity expressedin archi-

tecture. The expression might differ from one archi-

tect to the other and from one building to the

other. The collective image of these identities

conveys the degree of agreement or disagreement,

commonalities and differences, harmony and contrast

between the members of the society at any given

period of time. It reflects the shared or non-shared

view of the past, present and future of the world.

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Documents

Architecture and the Expression of Cultural Identity in Kuwait