Architecture, Urbanism Design and Behaviour a Brief Review

8/12/2019 Architecture, Urbanism Design and Behaviour a Brief Review

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Architecture, urbanism, design and behaviour:

a brief review12 September, 2011 34 Comments

by Dan Lockton

Continuing the meta-auto-behaviour-change effort started here, Im publishing a few extracts

from myPhD thesisas I write it up (mostly from the literature review, and before any rigorous

editing) as blog posts over the next few months. The idea of how architecture can be used to

influence behaviourwas central to this blog when it started, and so its pleasing to revisit it,

even if makes me realise how little I still know.

There is no doubt whatever about the influence of architecture and structure

upon human character and action. We make our buildings and afterwards they

make us. They regulate the course of our lives.

Winston Churchill, addressing the English Architectural Association, 1924

In designing and constructing environments in which people live and work, architects and

planners are necessarily involved in influencing human behaviour. While Sommer (1969, p.3)

asserted that the architect in his training and practice, learns to look at buildings without people

in them,it is clear that from, for example, HowardsGarden Cities of To-morrow(1902),

through Le Corbusiers Ville ContemporaineandLa Ville radieuse , to the Smithsons Streets in


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the sky, there has been a long-standing thread of recognition that the way people live their lives

is directly linked to the designed environments in which they live. Whether the explicit intention

to influence behaviour drives the design processarchitectural determinism (Broady, 1966: see

future blog post POSIWID and determinism)or whether the behaviour consequences of

design decisions are only revealed and considered as part of a post-occupancy evaluation (e.g.

Zeisel, 2006) or by social scientists or psychologists studying the impact of a development, thereare links between the design of the built environment and our behaviour, both individually and

socially.

Where there is an explicit intention to influence behaviour, the intended behaviours could relate

(for example) to directing people for strategic reasons, or providing a particular experience, or

for health and safety reasons, but they are often focused on influencingsocial interaction. Hillier

et al (1987, p.233) find that spatial layout in itself generates a field of probabilistic encounter,

with structural properties that vary with the syntax of the layout.Ittelson et al (1974, p.358)

suggest that All buildings imply at least some form of social activity stemming from both their

intended function and the random encounters they may generate. The arrangement of partitions,

rooms, doors, windows, and hallways serves to encourage or hinder communication and, to this

extent, affects social interaction. This can occur at any number of levels and the designer is

clearly in control to the degree that he plans the contact points and lanes of access where people

come together. He might also, although with perhaps less assurance, decide on the desirability of

such contact.

Designers often aspire to do more than simply create buildings that are new, functional and

attractivethey promise that a new environment will change behaviours and attitudes(Marmot,

2002, p.252). Where architects expressly announce their intentions and ability to influence

behaviour, such as in Danish firm 3XNs exhibition and book Mind Your Behaviour(3XN,

2010), the behaviours intended and techniques used can range from broad, high-level aspirationalstrategies such as communal areas creating the potential for involvement, interaction and

knowledge sharingin a workplace (3XN, 2010) to specific tactics, such as Frank Lloyd

Wrights occasional use of very confining corridorsfor people to walk alongso that when

they entered an open space the openness and light would enhance their experience(Ittelson et al,

1974, p.346). An appreciation of both broad strategies and specific tactics is valuable: from the

perspective of a designer whose agency may only extend to redesign of certain elements of a

space, product or interface, it is the specific tactical techniques which are likely to be the most

immediately applicable, but the broader guiding strategies can help set the vision in the first

place. For example, the conditions for city diversity outlined by Jacobs (1961)broad

strategies for understanding aspects of urban behaviourhave influenced generations of

urbanists.

Following the influence of Christopher Alexander (Alexander et al, 1975, 1977; Alexander,

1979), such strategies and tactics may be expressed architecturally in terms of patterns, which

describe a problem which occurs over and over again in our environment, and then describes the

core of the solution to that problem, in such a way that you can use this solution a million times

over, without ever doing it the same way twice(Alexander et al, 1977). The concept of patterns,


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thesis extract, for their form, philosophy and impact, but, as an example, it is worth drawing out a

few of the patterns which actually address directly influencing behaviour architecturally (Table

1). Among others, Frederick (2007) and Day (2002) both also outline a range of architectural

patterns, some with similarities to Alexander et als, including some specifically relating to

influencing behaviour.

Two examples of pattern 53? Chepstow, Monmouthshire (restored 1524) and Philips High TechCampus, Eindhoven (c.2000)


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Table 1. Summaries of a few of Alexander et als patterns (1977) which specifically addressinfluencing behaviour, simplified into ends and means.

Title End Means

30 Activity nodes To create concentrations ofpeople in a community

Facilities must be grouped densely round very small public

squares which can function as nodeswith all pedestrian

movement in the community organized to pass through these

nodes

53 Main gateways To influence inhabitants ofa part of a town to identify it

as a distinct entity

Mark every boundary in the city which has important human

meaningthe boundary of a building cluster, a neighborhood, a

precinctby great gateways where the major entering paths

cross the boundary

68 Connected play To support the formation

of spontaneous play groups

for children

Lay out common land, paths, gardens and bridges so that

groups of at least 64 households are connected by a swath ofland that does not cross traffic. Establish this land as the

connected play space for the children in these households

139 Farmhouse kitchen To help all the members ofthe familyto accept,

fully, the fact that taking

care of themselves by

cookingis as much a part of

life as taking care of

themselves by eating

Make the kitchen bigger than usual, big enough to include the

family room space, and place it near the center of the

commons, not so far back in the house as an ordinary kitchen.

Make it large enough to hold a good table and chairs, some soft

and some hard, with counters and stove and sink around the

edge of the room; and make it a bright and comfortable room

151 Small meeting

rooms

To encourage smaller group

meetings, which encouragepeople to contribute and

make their point of view

heard

Make at least 70 per cent of all meeting rooms really

smallfor 12 people or less. Locate them in the most publicparts of the building, evenly scattered among the workplaces

Layout of physical elements

Practically, most architectural patterns for influencing behaviour involve, in one way or another,

the physical arrangement of building elementsinside or outsideor a change in material

properties. In each case, there is the possibility of changing peoples perceptions of what

behaviour is possible or appropriate, and the possibility of actually forcing some behaviour to

occur or not occur (see future article Affordances, constraints and choice architecture). These

are not independent alternatives: the perception that some behaviour is possible or impossible

can be a result of learning the hard way in the past.


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Barrier on the London Underground (Baker Street, from memory), preventing people runningdown stairs directly onto the track. Most stairs dont open straight onto the platform like this.

The physical arrangement of elements can be broken down into different aspects of positioning

and layoutputting elements in particular places to encourage or discourage peoples interaction

with them, putting them in peoples way to prevent access to somewhere, putting them either side

of people to channel or direct them in a particular way (e.g. staggered pedestrian crossings which

aim to direct pedestrians to face oncoming traffic; Department for Transport, 1995), hiding them

to remove the perception that they are there, splitting elements up or combining them so that they

can be used by different numbers of people at once, or angling them so that some actions are

easier than others (termed slanty design by Beale (2007), both physically and in metaphorical

application in interfaces). Urbanists such as Whyte (1980) have catalogued, in colourful, intricatedetail the effects that the layouts and features of built environments have on peoples

behaviourwhy some areas become popular, others not so, with whom, and why, with

recommendations for how to improve things, in contrast to work such as Goffman (1963) which

focuses on the social contexts of public behaviour in urban environments.

The layouts of shops, hotels, casinos and theme parks, especially larger developments where


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there is scope to plan more ambitiously, can also make use of multiple aspects of positioning and

layout to influence and control shoppers pathsStenebo (2010) discusses IKEAs carefully

planned (and continually refined) fairyland of adventureswhich routes visitors through the

store; Shearing and Stenning (1984) examine how Disney World embeds [c]ontrol strategies in

both environmental features and structural relations,many to do with positioning of physical

features; while Underhill (1999, 2004), formerly one of Whytes students, describes how hiscompany, Envirosell, uses observation approach to understand and redesign shopping behaviour

across a wide range of store types and shopping malls themselves, much of which comes down to

intelligently repositioning elements such as mirrors, basket stacks, signage and seating.

Poundstone (2010) cites a study by Sorensen Associates which used active RFID tags fitted to

shopping trolleys to determine that US shoppers taking an anticlockwise route around

supermarkets spend on average $2.00 more per trip; the suggestion is that stores with the

entrance on the right will be more likely to prompt this anticlockwise movement.

Changes in material properties can involve drawing attention to particular behaviour (e.g. rumble

strips on a road to encourage drivers to slow down: Harvey, 1992), or making it more or less

comfortable to do an activity (e.g., as Katyal (2002, p.1043) notes, fast food restaurants use hardchairs that quickly grow uncomfortable so that customers rapidly turn over). The application of

some of these physical positioning and layout and material property ideas to a particular social

issue is described in the blog post Towards a Design with Intent method v.0.1from 2008.

Often combining positioning and material properties, the effect of different seating types and

layouts on behaviour comprises a significant area of study in itself, with, for example, work by

Steinzor (1950), Hearn (1957), Sommer (1969) and Koneya (1976) helping to establish patterns


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of likely interaction between people occurring with arrangements of chairs around tables, and

overall room layouts in classrooms and mental hospitals. Sommers design intervention in the

dayroom of an elderly ladies ward at a state hospital in Canadaby reducing the number of

couches around the walls and adding tables and chairs in the centre of the room, with flowers and

magazinesled to major increases in the amount of conversation and interaction between

residents.

Osmond (1959) introduced the termssociofugalandsociopetalto describe spaces which drive

people apart and together, respectively; Sommer (1969, 1974) notes that airports are often among

the most sociofugal spaces, largely because of the fixed, single-direction seating and sterile

decor: Many other buildingssuch as mental hospitals and jails, also discourage contact

between people, but none does this as effectively as the airportIn practice the long corridorsand the cold, bare waiting areas of the typical airport are more sociofugal than the isolation wing

of the state penitentiary.(Sommer, 1974: p.72). Halls concept of proxemics (e.g. Hall, 1966)

provides a treatment of personal space, its effects on behaviour, and its significance in different

physical spaces as well as in different cultures. The different distance zones identified by

Hallintimate, personal, social and publichave implications for the design process: If one

looks at human beings in the way that the early slave traders did, conceiving of their space

requirements simply in terms of the limits of the body, one pays very little attention to the effects

of crowding. If, however, one sees man surrounded by a series of invisible bubbles which have

measurable dimensions, architecture can be seen in a new light. It is then possible to conceive

that people can be cramped by the spaces in which they have to live and work. They may find

themselves forced into behavior, relationships or emotional outlets that are overly stressful(Hall, 1966, p.129).


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Emergence, desire lines and predicting behaviour

All buildings are predictions. All predictions are wrong.Stewart Brand, How Buildings Learn, 1994, p. 178.

I built skyscrapers for people to live in there and now they messed them

updisgusting.

Ern Goldfinger, commenting on tabloid reports of violent crime in the Trellick

Tower, above (quoted in Open University, 2001)

InHow Buildings Learn, Stewart Brand (1994) contrasts Low Road architecture designed to

permit adaptation by users, with visionary High Road architectural plans which seek to define

at the design stage the future behaviour and lifestyles of buildings users. High Road plans often

fail in this sense, unable to anticipate future needs or usage patterns (as Ittelson et al (1974, p.

357) put it, we are all living in the relics of the past), while Low Road architecture can cope

with changing requirements, appropriation (Salovaara, 2008) and emergent behaviour. The

stereotype of architect as a High Road plannerperhaps living in the penthouse at the top of

the tower block he has designedresonates in both fact (e.g. Ern Goldfingers comment quoted

above) and fiction (e.g. Anthony Royal in J.G. BallardsHigh Rise(1975).*


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The parallels of the the High/Low Road approaches with the design and use of other systemsin

particular software, but perhaps also economic and political systems in generalare evident

throughout Brands book, although never explicitly stated as such; there are also parallels in

planning at a level above that of buildings themselves, such as the clash in New York (Flint,

2009) between the bottom-up approach to urbanism favoured by Jacobs (1961) and the top-down

approach of Robert Moses. While it will unfortunately not be considered in detail in this thesis,the emerging power of ubiquitous computing, when integrated intelligently into physical

spacecity as operating system(Gittins, 2007)could permit a kind of Low Road read/write

urbanism (Greenfield & Shepard, 2007) in which the city users themselves are able to augment

and alter the meanings, affordances and even fabrics of their surroundings.

A desire path or cowpath is forming across this grass area in the John Crank memorial garden,

Brunel University

One emergent behaviour-related concept arising from architecture and planning which has also

found application in human-computer interaction is the idea of desire lines, desire paths or

cowpaths. The usual current use of the term (often attributed, although apparently in error, to

Bachelards The Poetics of Space(1964)) is to describe paths worn by pedestrians across spaces

such as parks, between buildings or to avoid obstaclesthe foot-worn paths that sometimes

appear in a landscape over time(Mathes, 2004) and which become self-reinforcing as

subsequent generations of pedestrians follow what becomes an obvious path. Throgmorton &

Eckstein (2000) also discuss Chicago transportation engineers use of desire lines to describe

maps of straight-line origin-to-destination journeys across the city, in the process revealing

assumptions about the publics desire to undertake these journeys. In either sense, desire lines

(along with use-marks (Burns, 2007)) could perhaps, using economic terminology, be seen as a

form of revealed user preference (Beshears et al, 2008) or at least revealed choice, with a


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substantial normative quality.

As such, there is potential for observing the formation of desire lines and then codifying them

in order to provide paths that users actually need, rather than what is assumed they will need. As

Myhill (2004) puts it, [a]n optimal way to design pathways in accordance with natural human

behaviour, is to not design them at all. Simply plant grass seed and let the erosion inform youabout where the paths need to be. Stories abound of university campuses being constructed

without any pathways to them.Myhill goes on to suggest that companies which apply this idea

in the design of goods and services, designing systems to permit desire lines to emerge and then

paying attention to them, will succeed in a process of Normanian Natural Selection (after Don

Normans work).

whereas this one has been paved after pedestrians wore a definite path.

In human-computer interaction, this principle has become known as Pave the cowpathslook

where the paths are already being formed by behavior and then formalize them, rather than

creating some kind of idealized path structure that ignores history and tradition and human nature

and geometry and ergonomics and common sense(Crumlish & Malone, 2009, p.17).

Particularly with websites, analytics software can take the place of the worn grass, and in the

process reveal extra data such as demographic information about users, and more about theiractual desires or intention in engaging in the process (e.g. Google is a database of intentions,

according to Battelle (2003)). This allows clustering of behaviour paths and even investigation of

users mental models of site structure. The counter-argument is that blindly paving cowpaths can

enshrine inefficient behaviours in the longer-term, locking users and organisations into particular

ways of doing things which were never optimal in the first place (Arace, 2006)form freezing

function, to paraphrase Stewart Brand (1994, p.157).


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From the point of view of influencing behaviour rather than simply reflecting it, the principle of

paving the cowpaths could be applied strategically: identify the desire lines and paths of

particular usersperhaps a group which is already performing the desired behaviourand then,

by formalising this, making it easier or more salient or in some way obviously normative,

encourage other users to follow suit.

*It is worth differentiating, though, between a visionary approach which considers human

behaviour and sets out to change it, and the approach attributed to some other treatments of the

visionary architect personality, in which human behaviour is simply ignored or relegated as

being secondary to the vision of the building itself. In fiction, Ayn Rands Howard Roark (in The

Fountainhead, 1943) is perhaps an archetype; Sommers architect who learns to look at

buildings without people in themquoted above is perhaps based on real instances of this

approach.

The ticket hall of Stratford City railway station, London, with Westfield logo and the Olympic

Athletes Village under construction in the background, March 2010

The politics of architecture, power and control

I was aware that I could be watched from aboveand that it was possible to

go much higher

to become one of the watchers

but I didnt see how it couldbe done. The architecture embodied a political message: There are people

higher than you, and they can watch you, follow youand, theoretically, you

can join them, become one of them. Unfortunately you dont know how.

Geoff Manaugh, The BLDG BLOG Book (2009, p.17)

Architecture can serve as a regulatory force (Shah and Kesan, 2007) and has been used to


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influence and control public behaviour through embodying power in a number of ways. Direct

use of architecture to change the economic or demographic make-up of areas ranges from

policies of shopping centres and Business Improvement Districts to shift the social class of

visitors to an area* (Minton, 2009), to Depression-era Tennessee Valley Authoritys mandate to

revitalise impoverished areas through massive development programmes (Culvahouse, 2007), to

government-driven use of settlements to occupy or colonise territories. In this latter context,Segal and Weizman (2003, p. 19), referring to Israel, comment that [i]n an environment where

architecture and planning are systematically instrumentalizedplanning decisions do not often

follow criteria of economic sustainability, ecology or efficiency of services, but are rather

employed to serve strategic and political agendas.

Vale (2008) discusses Pierre Charles LEnfants 1791 layout of Washington, DC, often seen as

physically reifying the separation of powers principle contained in the US Constitution, by

separating the buildings housing the branches of government, although Vale notes that LEnfant

does not explicitly mention this as his intention. Along perhaps similar lines, Stewart Brand

(1994, p.3) mentions Churchills 1943 request that the bomb-damaged Parliament be rebuilt

exactly as it was beforeIt was to the good, he insisted, that the [House of Commons] Chamberwas too small to seat all the members (so great occasions were standing-room occasions), and

that its shape forced members to sit on either one side or the other, unambiguously of one party

or the other.Indeed, Churchills crossing the floor in 1904 (and again in the 1920s) perhaps

relied on the physical layout of the chamber for its impact. Ittelson et al (1974, p.139) also note

that [t]he eight months of deliberations in 1969, preceding the Paris Peace Talks, were largely

centered on the issue of the shape of the table to be used in the negotiations.

Internal building layouts are analysed for their power implications by Dovey (2008), who uses a

system of space syntax analysis developed by Hillier and Hanson (1984) to examine diverse

buildings such as Albert Speers Berlin Chancellery, the Forbidden City of Beijing, and theMetro Centre shopping mall in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. One recurring pattern in political buildings

is the intentional use of something similar to what Alexander et al (1977, p.610), in a different

context, call intimacy of gradienta diplomatic promenade(Dovey, 2008, p. 65) selectively

revealing a sequence of anterooms to visitors, their permitted progress through the structure (the

deepest level being the president or monarchs private study) calculated both to reflect their

status and instil the requisite level of awe. Nicoletta (2003) looks at the use of architecture to

exert social control in Shaker dwelling houses, e.g. the use of separate entrances and staircases

for men and women, and the lack of routes through the house which did not result in observation

by other members of the family.

City layouts have been used strategically to try to prevent disorder and make it easier to putdown. Baron Georges-Eugne Haussmanns militaristically planned Paris(Hatherley, 2008, p.

11), remodelled for Louis Napolon (later Napolon III) after 1848, had [t]he true goal

ofsecur[ing] the city against civil war. He wanted to make the erection of barricades in Paris

impossible for all timeWidening the streets is designed to make the erection of barricades

impossible, and new streets are to furnish the shortest route between the barracks and the

workers districts.(Benjamin, 1935/1999, p. 12). The Haussmann project also involvedthe


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planning of straight avenues as a method of crowd control (artillery could fire down them at

barricaded masses)(Rykwert, 2000, p.91). Scott (1998, p.59) likens thelogic behind the

reconstruction of Paristo the process of transforming old-growth forests intoscientific forests

designed for unitary fiscal managementpart of which involves, as Scott emphasies throughout

his book Seeing Like a State, the idea of making a space (and the people in it) legibleto whoever

is in power by removing or simplifying inconsistencies, anomalies and local practices to tamepotentially dangerous ceintures sauvages. Legibility affords measurement and standardisation,

and these (fromDomesday Bookto the standardisation of surnames, to biometric IDs) afford

modelling, regulation and control. Drawing on Hacking (1990), Scott (1998, p.92) suggests that

it is but a small step from a simplified description of society to a design and manipulation of

society, with improvement in mind. If one could reshape nature to design a more suitable forest,

why not reshape society to create a more suitable population?

Returning to the specifics of architectural schemes, New York master builder Robert Moses

low parkway bridges on Long Island are often mentioned in a similar vein to Haussmanns Paris

(Caro, 1975; Winner, 1986). These had the effect of preventing buses (and by implication poorer

people, often minorities) using the parkways to visit the Jones Beach State Parkanother ofMoses projects. However, Joerges (1999) questions details of the intentionality involved,

suggesting that the story as presented by Winner is more of a parable (Gillespie, 2007, p. 72)

about the embodiment of politics in artefactsan exhortation to recognise that specific features

in the design or arrangement of a device or system could provide a convenient means of

establishing patterns of power and authority in a given setting,(Winner, 1986)than a real

example of architecture being used intentionally to discriminate against certain groups (see also

the forthcoming blog post POSIWID and determinism). Nevertheless, Flint (2009, p.44)

suggests in his book on Jane Jacobs battles with Moses over New York planning, that, at least in

his earlier years, Moses strove to model himself after Baron Haussmann.

*Minton (2009, p.45) interviews a Business Improvement District manager in the UK who tells

her explicitly that High margins come with ABC1s, low margins with C2DEs. My job is to

create an environment which will bring in more ABC1s.


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Pig ear skate stoppers near City Hall, London

Disciplinary architecture and design against crime

Where the homeless are ejected from business and retail areas by such

measures as curved bus benches, window-ledge spikes and doorway sprinkler

systems, so skaters encounter rough-textured surfaces, spikes and bumps added

to handrails, blocks of concrete placed at the foot of banks, chains across

ditches and steps, and new, unridable surfaces such as gravel and sand.

Iain Borden, Skateboarding, Space and the City (2001, p.254)

Perhaps difficult to extract from the political dimension of architecture is the notion of

disciplinary architecture, covering everything from designed measures such as anti-homeless

park benches to prison design, via Jeremy BenthamsPanopticon(1787) and Foucaults

technologies of punishment (1977). Howell (2001) notes that this is often framed as

defending the general public against undesirable behaviour by other members of the

publicin this particular case again, measures to make skateboarding more difficult. Similar


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different types of crime in different settingsfor example, 4.7 Access to rear of house: There

should be no open access from the front to the rear of a house. Access might be restricted to full-

height locked gates,addresses burglary and break-ins. Many of Poyners patterns make use of

the principle of natural surveillance, described in Oscar Newmans influential bookDefensible

Space: People and Design in the Violent City* (1972). Natural surveillance implies designing

spaces to afford surveillance opportunities for residents and their agents(Newman, 1972, p.78)effectively, designing environments so that building users are able to observe others

activities when outside the home, and feel observed themselves (a concept which, applied in the

wider context of digital communications and social media, might be termedpeerveillance**).

There should be parallels with Jacobs (1961) concept of eyes on the streetalthough as

Minton (2009) points out, implementing natural surveillance via enclosed, gated communities

where strangers will necessarily stand out means that the residents can become isolated, targets

even for burglars who know that it is unlikely there will be any passers-by (or even passing

police) to see their activities.

Katyal (2002) provides a comprehensive academic review of Architecture as Crime Control,

addressed to a legal and social policy-maker audience, but also interesting because of a follow-uparticle taking the same approach to examine digital architecture (see future article). One point to

which Katyal repeatedly returns is the concept of architectural solutions as entities which subtly

reinforce or embody social norms (desirable ones, from the point of view of law enforcement)

rather than necessarily enforce them: Even the best social codes are quite useless if it is

impossible to observe whether people comply with them. Architecture, by facilitating interaction

and monitoring by members of a community, permits social norms to have greater impact. In this

way, the power of architecture to influence social norms can even eclipse that of law, for law

faces obvious difficulties when it attempts to regulate social interaction directly(Katyal, 2002,

p. 1075).

*Defensible space covers restructur[ing] the physical layout of communities to allow

residents to control the areas around their homes.(Newman, 1996)

**The author used Peerveillance for a pattern based on this concept in DwI v.1.0, at the time

(March 2010) finding only one previous use of the term, on Twitter, by Alex Halavais. As of May

2011, the tweet is no longer findable via either Twitter or Google searches.

Implications for designers

Designed environments influence peoples behaviour in a variety of ways,

and some have been designed expressly with this intention, often for political orcrime prevention reasons

This can range from high-level visions of influencing wider social or

community behaviours, to very specific techniques applied to influence

particular behaviours in a particular context; the use of patterns facilitates re-


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use of techniques wherever a similar problem recurs

Most patterns involve either the physical arrangement of building

elementspositioning, angling, splitting up, hiding, etcor a change in

material properties, either to change peoples perceptions of what behaviour ispossible or appropriate, perhaps by reinforcing or embodying social norms, or

to force certain behaviour to occur or not occur

There are also patterns around aspects of surveillancedesigning layouts

which facilitate or prevent visibility of activity between groups of people

In practice, patterns may be applied in combination to create different kinds

of space with different effects on behaviour

There is potential for paving the cowpaths strategically through design,

identifying the paths of particular usersperhaps a group which is already

performing the desired behaviourand then, by formalising this, making it

easier or more salient or in some way obviously normative, encourage other

users to follow suit

By affecting so completely the way in which people spend their lives, political

or police attempts to control behaviour through the design of environments can

be controversial

Some concepts related to influencing behaviour in the built environment may

be transposed to other designed systems and contexts

References

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Alexander, C., Silverstein, M., Angel, S., Ishikawa, S. and Abrams, D. (1975)The Oregon

Experiment. Oxford University Press.

Alexander, C., Ishikawa, S., Silverstein, M., Jacobson, M., Fiksdahl-King, I. and Angel, S.(1977)A Pattern Language. Oxford University Press.

Arace, M. (2006) Dont Pave the Cowpaths. Available at http://mikeomatic.net/?p=59

Bachelard, G. (1964)The Poetics of Space. Orion Press.


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Ballard, J.G. (1975)High Rise. Jonathan Cape.

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Reminiscent of a scene from Ballards Super-Cannes, the Philips High Tech Campus also

includes this lake and boardwalk, perhaps affording breakout meetings and secret discussionsaway from the earshot of office colleagues, although in full view of the surrounding buildings