Attitudes, Intentions, and Behavior: A Study of Women's Participation in Collective Action

Attitudes, Intentions, and Behavior: A Study of Women’s Participation in Collective Action

CAROLINE KELLY’ AND SARA BREINLINGER University of London, England

The present study tests the theories of reasoned action and planned behavior in the context of women’s participation in collective action. Participants were 387 women who completed two questionnaires with an interval of 1 year. In the first questionnaire, participants were asked to provide measures of attitudinal, normative, and control factors, as well as measures of intention to participate in 4 group-related activities over the coming year. One year later in the second questionnaire, the same women provided measures of the degree to which they had actually participated in these behaviors during the course of the year. Findings showed strong relationships between attitudinal factors and intentions, and between intentions and behavior. The addition of perceived behavioral control, as specified by the theory of planned behavior, made little difference in regression analyses. Further analyses focused on the mediating role of identification as an activist. This revealed that attitudinal considerations were only important in the prediction of intention for those individuals with a weaker sense of themselves as activists. It is suggested that expectancy-value calculations may be less important in predicting the intentions of strongly committed individuals to engage in group-relevant acts.

The attitude-behavior relationship is widely viewed as an important area of inquiry across the social sciences. Most recent studies have examined this relationship within the framework of the theory of reasoned action and its successor, the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980; Ajzen & Madden, 1986; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). These theories have been the most influential and popular models of the attitude-behavior relationship (see Sheppard, Hartwick, & Warshaw, 1988, for a meta-analysis of past research on the theory of reasoned action).

According to the theory of reasoned action, the most immediate determi- nant of behavior is a person’s intention to perform (or not perform) the behavior. The stronger a person’s intention, the more the person is expected to be motivated to try to perform the behavior. Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) divided

‘Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Caroline Kelly, Department of Psychology, Birkbeck College, University of London, Malet Street, London WClE 7HX, England.

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Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 1995, 25, 16, pp. 1430-1445. Copyright 0 1995 by V. H. Winston 8 Son, Inc. All rights reserved.

WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN COLLECTIVE ACTION 1431

the beliefs determining behavioral intentions into two conceptually distinct sets: attitudinal and normative. Each set comprises the expectation that the behavior will be associated with certain outcomes multiplied by the value attached to those outcomes. Attitudinal beliefs concern the possible positive or negative outcomes of performing the behavior. Normative beliefs refer to social pressures (from significant others) to perform or not perform the behavior. Attitudinal and normative factors are assumed jointly to determine behavioral intention though the relative importance of these factors will vary according to the context (e.g., Fishbein et al., 1992, 1993).

However, favorable general attitudes do not necessarily correlate strongly with participation in specific behaviors. In their review of research into the attitude-behavior relationship, Ajzen and Fishbein (1 977) formulated a “principle of compatibility.” According to this principle, two indicators of a given disposition are said to be compatible with one another to the extent that their target, action, context, and time elements are assessed at identical levels of generality and specificity.

Even when attitudinal and behavioral measures are compatible, however, the correlation between the two is likely to be less than perfect because the conditions which facilitate or make the behavior possible are also important; for example, lack of opportunity may prevent behavior even though positive intentions exist. The theory of planned behavior is an extension of the theory of reasoned action which incorporates control-related elements as a further variable. Although Ajzen (1985) concedes that it may be difficult to assess actual control prior to behavior, the theory of planned behavior asserts that perceived behavioral control-the person’s beliefs about how easy or difficult the performance of the behavior is likely to be -can be measured. Incorporating perceptions of behavioral control is a way of taking into account some of the realistic constraints that may prevent intentions being translated into actual behavior (Ajzen, 1988, 1991; Ajzen & Madden, 1986). A behavior is said to be completely under a person’s control if the person can decide at will to perform it or not to perform it. The more a behavior is contingent on internal or external resources, the less the behavior is said to be under volitional control.

Ajzen and Madden (1986) propose two versions of this approach. The first version assumes that the effect of perceived behavioral control on behavior is completely mediated by behavioral intention and that behavioral intention is the immediate antecedent of behavior. The second version indicates a direct effect from perceived behavioral control to behavior, as well as an effect via behavioral intentions. The direct effect of perceived behavioral control on behavior is expected only when the behavior is not under the individual’s complete volitional control (e.g., in the case of addictive

1432 KELLY AND BRElNLlNGER

behaviors), and indeed only when the individual’s perception of behavioral control accurately reflects the actual control the individual has over the performance of a behavior.

By incorporating control-related variables, the theory of planned behavior expands the boundary conditions of the theory of reasoned action to behavior which takes place under conditions of imperfect control. If, however, the behavior is under complete volitional control, then the theory of reasoned action should be adequate in predicting behavior. Confirming their hypothesis, Ajzen and Madden (1986) found that the incorporation of the behavioral control component allowed for a more accurate prediction of behavior in a study of students’ class attendance and course achievement, compared with the original version of the theory of reasoned action. Further studies have also indicated that perceptions of control are most important when attempting behaviors which are not completely under volitional control (Kimiecik, 1992; Madden, Ellen, & Ajzen, 1992; Netemeyer & Burton, 1990; Theodarkis, 1992).

In addition to the amount of control associated with a particular behavior, Bagozzi, Yi, and Baumgartner (1990) hypothesize that the manner in which attitudes influence behavior is also moderated by the level of effort required to perform a behavior. Their findings, based on an experiment which manipulated the difficulty of access to reading material, suggested that when behavior required substantial effort, the mediating role of intentions was strong, and attitudes only had indirect effects on behavior. Conversely, when behavior required little effort, attitudes had a significant effect on behavior, and the mediating role of intentions was reduced.

So far, two variables have been described which affect the impact of attitudinal and normative factors on behavior, namely amount of control and level of effort associated with the behavior. In addition, there may be characteristics of the individual which are important in applying these theories. One possibility is the degree to which an individual identifies with a social group implicated in the behavior. Thus, Kelly and Kelly (1 992) argued that the sort of individual calculations which lie at the heart of expectancy-value models of behavior may be less relevant to individuals who identify strongly with their social group, for whom involvement in group-relevant actions is a way of reinforcing and promoting a valued social identity. Similarly, applying the theory of planned behavior to the context of voting behavior, Granberg and Holmberg (1990) investigated the impact of self-identity on intentions and behavior. They found that among weak party identifiers, self-identity (as a Liberal, Conservative, etc.) exerted only an indirect effect on behavior through intention, whereas for strong party identifiers, self-identity exerted a strong direct effect on behavior. Indeed, among this latter group, self-identity proved


the strongest predictor of voting behavior (see also Biddle, Bank, & Slavings, 1987; Charng, Piliavin, & Callero, 1988; Sparks & Shepherd, 1992).

The present study had two aims. The first was to test the theories of reasoned action and planned behavior in the context of women’s participation in political groups and campaigns aiming to promote the position of women in society. Recent years have seen an increase in the number and scope of such groups in Britain. Examples are those linked to professions, such as Women in Management, Women in Medicine, as well as women’s sections of political parties and trade unions and single-issue groups, such as Justice for Women and Women for Safe Transport. The behavior under investigation here was a highly involving activity, requiring a relatively high level of effort, motivation, and commitment. Consequently, we expected to find, in line with Bagozzi et al. (l990), that intentions play a major role in predicting behavior.

The second aim of the present study was to investigate the possible moder- ating role of identification as an activist. It was hypothesized that attitudinal and normative factors would be more important for those individuals who have a weaker sense of themselves as activists, compared with those who have a strong sense of activist identity (Granberg & Holmberg, 1990; Kelly & Kelly, 1992).

Method

Participants

The study was based on a questionnaire survey administered at two points in time with an interval of 1 year. In order to reach women who were likely to be actively involved in gender-related issues, questionnaires were distributed through over 120 different women’s groups and campaigns. Groups were selected which, according to their stated aims and objectives, were committed to achieving some social change for women as a group, although the precise context and scope of that change varied widely. The majority of the groups were concerned with promoting gender issues in the contexts of work and employment, party politics, and healthkhildbirth. Some were single-issue groups while others had very broad aims. Some group goals were explicitly political, working toward the removal of discrimination and encouraging the effective participation of women in public life, while others were less out- spokenly political, combining support needs with an attempt to bring about some social change. Groups were contacted by letter and phone, and the aims of the study were discussed in group committee meetings before questionnaires were distributed, sometimes along with regular mailings.

To reach a less politically active sample, questionnaires were also distrib-

1434 KELLY AND BREINLINGER

uted to women enrolled in a variety of primarily postgraduate courses, where students tended to be from professional occupational groups seeking further qualifications, who would provide a good demographic match with our more active group. More and less active groups were matched on educational and occupational status, ethnicity, general political orientation (on a left-right spectrum), and whether or not they had children. We also sought to ensure that they came from a similar population in terms of general gender-related attitudes. A single item on the questionnaire was used to eliminate from the total sample any women who disagreed with the statement, “There is still a lot of prejudice and discrimination which prevents women achieving their full poten- tial.” Sixteen respondents were excluded on this basis. This step ensured that nonactivism could not be explained as simply arising from a different, possibly more traditional, set of gender-related attitudes and allowed us to address the question, given that all of our sample shared a general belief that women suffer prejudice and discrimination as a group, what are the specific beliefs which lead some to get involved in action to try to change things?

All questionnaires were accompanied by a cover letter which was explicit about the aims of the research. Respondents were told that we were interested in why some women get involved in groups and campaigns aiming to promote women’s issues while others choose not to do so. Questionnaires were returned directly to the researchers in stamped, addressed envelopes, and it was made clear that responses were confidential. Respondents willing to participate in the second stage of the study provided their names and addresses so that they could be contacted 1 year later.

At Time 1 ,6 10 completed questionnaires were returned in total of the 1220 distributed, representing a response rate of exactly 50%. At Time 2, 387 completed questionnaires were returned from those 459 women who had indicated that they wished to be involved in the follow-up, representing a response rate of 84.3%. Response rates were similar from our more and less active samples. Our final sample could actually be divided roughly into thirds, such that 33.9% reported that they were not currently involved in any groups or campaigns; 32.8% reported sporadic involvement, spending no more than an hour or so a week on group-related activities; and 32.3% could be described as being highly active, spending at least several hours a week on group-related activities.

Regarding the demographic characteristics of our sample, the average age was 35-44 years, and nearly all (90%) described their ethnic origin as white/British. In terms of occupational status, they were predominantly (67.6%) drawn from professional and white-collar categories, and two thirds of them (66.9%) had beyond high school. Whether or not this reflects the pro- file of activists as a whole in this context is difficult to say, although it has


been suggested that white, middle-class, university-educated women are over- represented in women’s groups and campaigns, and in feminism as a movement (Randall, 1987; Spelman, 1988).

Questionnaires

Participants completed questionnaires at two points in time with an interval of 1 year. All items were measured on 5-point scales.

The first questionnaire contained items relating to attitudinal, normative, and control factors, as well as intentions to participate in four group-related activities over the coming year. The activities were: (a) attending women’s meetings, conferences, or workshops; (b) spending time working for a women’s campaign (e.g., fund-raising); (c) attending rallies, protests, or demonstrations about women’s issues; and (d) acting as spokeswoman for a particular women’s issue. These activities covered “conventional” formal organizational behaviors and “unconventional” protest behaviors and were derived from previous research into political participation (e.g., Parry, Moyser, & Day, 1992) and from pilot interviews.

Attitudinal factors were measured in relation to two possible outcomes of group participation. These were derived from consideration of previous research (e.g., Klandermans, 1984) and from interviews with 30 activists where they emerged as important perceived outcomes of participation. These factors can thus be taken to reflect salient beliefs among the target population. They were, first, getting to know many other like-minded women; and, second, doing something positive to help bring about change for women. In each case, respondents were asked to assess the expectation that group participation would be associated with this outcome and to assess the value attached to that outcome. The two products from these ratings were averaged to provide the attitudinal component. The normative component comprised the expected reactions of, first, friends and, second, family to participation in a women’s group or campaign by the respondent multiplied in each case by the values attached to those reactions. These two products were averaged to produce the normative component. Perceived behavioral control was measured by the single item, “Women’s meetings are often too difficult to get to,” which emerged from pilot interviews as a common way in which control beliefs were expressed. Attendance at group meetings was seen as central to involvement, and the item also covers a range of possible practical impediments, such as lack of time, transport, and child-care facilities, which would inhibit any involvement. Finally, the questionnaire also contained a measure of identification as an activist, “Would you describe yourself as someone who is actively involved in promoting women’s issues?”


One year later, respondents completed a second questionnaire in which they were asked to report on their actual involvement in each of the four behaviors listed at Time 1. Ratings of behavior were in identical format to previous ratings of intention. Scores on these four ratings were averaged to provide the measures of behavior.

Results

Mean scores and standard deviations for all variables are displayed in Table 1. Mean scores for intentions (Time 1) and reported behavior (Time 2) for each of the four activities are broken down in Table 2.

In order to test the theories of reasoned action and planned behavior, regression analysis was employed where attitudinal, normative, and control factors were used to predict intention, and then intention and control were used to predict behavior. Table 3 shows the results of hierarchical regression analysis for the prediction of intention. In this analysis, attitude and subjective norm were entered in the first step as specified by the theory of reasoned action. The attitudinal component was very strongly related to intention, while the normative component made a much weaker contribution to the equation, only just achieving statistical significance. In the second step, perceived behavioral control was incorporated into the equation as specified by the theory of planned behavior. As can be seen in Table 3, the contributions of the attitudinal and normative factors were largely unchanged, and perceived behavioral control made a small contribution to the equation which was comparable to that of the normative component. The value of R2 was unchanged. In a third step,

Table I

Mean Scores and Standard Deviations for all Variables (Total Sample)

M SD

Attitudinal componenta Normative componenta Perceived behavioral controlb Intentionb Reported behaviorb Identification as activistb

18.51 14.37 3.21 3.26 2.22 4.07

4.80 4.79

.93 1.09 1.06 1.16

aRange = 5-25. bRange = 1-5.


Table 2

Intentions and Reported Behaviors for Four Group-Related Activities: Mean Scores and Standard Deviations

Reported Intentions behavior (Time 1) (Time 2)

Attending women’s meetings, conferences, or

Attending rallies, protests, or demonstrations

Spending time working for a women’s campaign

Acting as a spokeswoman for a particular

workshops 4.05 (1.24) 2.89 (1.33)

about women’s issues 2.68 (1.37) 1.56 ( .99)

(e.g., fund-raising) 3.05 (1.38) 2.13 (1.41)

women’s issue 3.24 (1.43) 2.29 (1.45)

Note. Range = 1-5.

Table 3

Prediction of Intention (Whole Sample): Multiple Regression

Step 1 (Theory of reasoned action), F(2,369) = 82.58**

Attitude Subjective norm

.55** .52**

.26** .09* .3 1

Step 2 (Theory of planned behavior), F(3,368) = 57.46**

Attitude .51**

Perceived behavioral control .15** .lo* .3 1 Subjective norm .09*

*p < .05. **p < .01.


Table 4

Prediction of Behavior (Whole Sample): Multiple Regression

r P R2

Step 1 (Theory of reasoned action), F(1, 372) = 435.27**

Intention .74** .74** .54

Step 2 (Theory of planned behavior), F(2,371) = 223.21**

Intention .71** Perceived behavioral control .19** .08* .54

*p < .05. **p < .01.

Table 5

Differences Between Weak and Strong Identifiers: Mean Scores, Standard Deviations, and F Statistics

Weak identifiers Strong identifiers ( n = 193) (n = 190) F

Attitudinal componenta 16.31 (4.79) 20.73 (3.65) 101.96** Normative componenta 13.43 (4.34) 15.32 (5.04) 15.28** Perceived behavioral

controlb 3.13 (.89) 3.30 (.96) 3.21 ns Intentionb 2.51 (.85) 4.02 (.72) 349.06** Reported behaviorb 1.61 (.72) 2.85 (.99) 195.41**

aRange = 5-25. bRange = 1-5. **p < .01.

interaction terms were entered into the equation (attitudinal with control and normative with control). However, there was no evidence for any significant interaction effects.

Table 4 shows the results of hierarchical regression analysis for the predic-

WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN COLLECTIVE ACTION 1439

Table 6

Prediction of Intention for Weak and Strong Identifiers: Multiple Regression

Step 1 (Theory of reasoned action) Weak identifiers: F(2, 186) = 29.41** Strong identifiers: F(2, 180) = 3.67*

Attitude .47** (.19**) .45** (.15) Subjective norm .24** (.13) . I1 (.09) .23 (.03)

Step 2 (Theory of planned behavior) Weak identifiers: F(3, 185) = 20.78** Strong identifiers: F(3, 179) = 3.00*

Attitude .45** (.13) Subjective norm .09 (.11) Perceived behavioral control .14 (.11) . l l (.lo) .24 (.03)

Note. Figures outside parentheses refer to weak identifiers; figures inside parentheses refer to strong identifiers. *p < .05. **p < .01.

tion of behavior. In this analysis intention was entered in the first step in accordance with the theory of reasoned action and perceived behavioral control in the second step in accordance with the theory of planned behavior. Results show a strong relationship between intention and behavior and a much weaker (though still just significant) relationship between control and behavior. The addition of the control variable made no difference to the overall R2 value. Again, there was no evidence for interaction effects with control. (To provide some check on the stability of the control variable over the year, the same measure was repeated at Time 2 and analyses predicting behavior using this subsequent measure showed similar findings.)

Following this analysis, the sample was divided according to strength of identification as an activist using a median split. This provided groups of weak (n = 193) and strong (n = 190) identifiers. Table 5 displays the differences in scores between these two subgroups, which shows that the strong identifiers registered somewhat higher scores on all variables, except perceived


Table 7

Prediction of Behavior for Weak and Strong Identifiers: Multiple Regression

r P R2

Step 1 (Theory of reasoned action) Weak identifiers: F(1, 187) = 88.48** Strong identifiers: F(1, 183) = 102.73**

Intention .57** (.60**) .57** (.60**) .32 (.36)

Step 2 (Theory of planned behavior) Weak identifiers: F(2, 186) = 45.69** Strong identifiers: F(2, 182) = 54.08**

Intention .55** (.59**) Perceived behavioral control .17* (.18*) .09 (.12) .32 (.37)

Note. Figures outside parentheses refer to weak identifiers; figures inside parentheses refer to strong identifiers. *p < .05. **p < .01.

behavioral control where there was no significant difference in scores. Stand- ard deviations were comparable across the two subgroups.

Regression analyses were repeated on each subgroup separately. Results for the prediction of intention are shown in Table 6 . Results for the weak identifiers show that the attitudinal component was significantly associated with intention, although the normative component was not, and that the addition of perceived behavioral control in Step 2 made little difference to the pattern of relationships or to the overall R* values. The pattern for strong identifiers was rather different. None of the variables in Steps 1 or 2 showed a significant relationship with intention, and, consequently, the overall R2 value was much lower than for the weak identifiers. There was no evidence, for either group, of any significant interaction effects with control. Thus, it appears that the contribution of the attitudinal component in the equation for the whole sample (Table 3) can be accounted for largely by the responses from the weak identifiers.

Turning to the prediction of behavior, Table 7 shows the results of hierarchical regression analysis for the two subgroups. The results here were very


similar for the two subgroups. In both cases, intention was very strongly associated with behavior, and the addition of the control factor made hardly any difference to the overall R2 values. There was no direct relationship between control and behavior for either group. Interactions with control entered in a third step of analysis showed no significant associations.

Discussion

Findings from the present study show support for the theory of reasoned action in this context. Despite the fact that all participants in the present study shared a general perception of the position of women as a group in society, they differed in their ratings of specific attitudinal and normative considerations related to participation. It is these specific perceptions-and particularly those related to the attitudinal component-which are useful in predicting behavioral intention. These results suggest that whether or not women intend to participate in groups and campaigns around gender issues is due in large part to attitudinal factors-the expectation that various rewards will be associated with participation and the values attached to those rewards. Expected reactions of significant others play a more minor role. The addition of perceived behavioral control, as specified by the theory of planned behavior, added little to regression equa- tions, suggesting that the type of behavior under consideration here is under high volitional control. Although ratings of perceived control were significantly related to intentions and behavior, these relationships were relatively weak by comparison with predictor variables from the theory of reasoned action, and R2 values were unchanged by the incorporation of perceived control.

Also in accordance with the theory of reasoned action was a strong relationship between intentions and behavior. This strong association is all the more striking when one considers that there was an interval of a whole year between the two measures. This interval is considerably greater than that used in previous research in this area, which is more typically an interval of a few weeks at most. The strength of this association may be related to Bagozzi et al.’s (1990) suggestion that a strong link will be found for contexts, such as the present one, where the behavior requires considerable effort and motivation on the part of individuals. In line with Ajzen and Madden’s (1986) findings, there was no evidence for interaction effects with control in the prediction of either intention or behavior.

Despite the strong association between intention and behavior, it is notable that levels of reported behavior were in all cases lower than intentions. Peo- ple’s good intentions to participate at Time 1 were not fully realized for any of the four behaviors in question. Since this cannot be explained by the role of


perceived control, how can it be explained? One possibility concerns the impact of the surrounding political context. Many respondents commented that the period over which the research took place (1992-1993) was not a time of great national political activity over gender issues in Britain. Perhaps these issues were less salient than respondents had anticipated at Time 1 and their involvement was correspondingly less than intended. Cultural context may help to explain why intentions to participate in collective action were not fully acted upon.

In the second part of the analysis, respondents were divided according to their degree of identification as activists. A comparison of these two subgroups in regression analysis revealed an interesting difference; namely, that attitudinal factors were much more important in predicting intention among weak than among strong identifiers. While attitudinal factors were strongly associated with intentions for the weak identifiers, neither attitudinal nor normative factors were significant for strong identifiers, and the R2 value for this latter group was consequently substantially lower.

Relevant findings are discussed by Schlegel and DiTecco (1 982), who carried out a study predicting intention and behavior in marijuana smoking. Their results supported the theory of reasoned action for a group of nonusers and initial users, for whom attitude was the only relevant predictor of intention and behavior, while for a group of occasional and regular users, the attitude became a minor predictor of intention and behavior. These researchers argue that this latter group had formed an attitude structure that was too differentiated to be integrated into a single attitude, although specific beliefs could be used to predict intention and behavior (see also Doll & Orth, 1993). Although the present attitudinal component did comprise specific beliefs, it is still possible that these beliefs were more complex for strongly identified activists and less amenable to simple rating scales, and therefore of less predictive value.

An alternative interpretation derives from Kelly and Kelly’s (1 992) suggestion that the sort of individual calculations which underlie expectancy-value models of behavior are most relevant when personal rather than social identity is salient (see Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987, for a discussion of the salience of social categories). When social identity is salient-in the present case, as an activist-cost-benefit calculations will be less important than group norms. Here, the expression of renewed intentions to participate in collective action reflects the appropriate norm of behavior for people who see themselves as activists. A similar point is made by Charng et al. (1988), who argue that repeated behaviors influence a person’s self-concept, which then in turn has an independent effect on subsequent behavior. Thus, political activism becomes part of a personal repertoire of behavior and is undertaken to reinforce

WOMEN'S PARTICIPATION IN COLLECTIVE ACTION 1443

a valued social identity (Andrews, 1991). By contrast to the findings regarding intention, in the prediction of behavior, the pattern of results for strong and weak identifiers was very similar, showing strong associations between intentions and behavior for both subgroups.

To conclude, the present findings showed that the theory of reasoned action provides a useful model for predicting participation in collective action and that the addition of perceived behavioral control, as specified by the theory of planned behavior, did little to improve the prediction of intention or behavior (although it should be remembered that a single measure of control was used here, and future research should make use of a more complex measure). The research also showed that the value of the theory of reasoned action varies with the subject population. For individuals who are highly committed to action, seeing themselves more strongly as activists, calculations based on the attitudinal and normative factors embodied in this approach were insufficient to predict intentions. By contrast, for weak identifiers, attitudinal factors were strongly associated with intentions to act. Thus, while previous research has drawn attention to features of the behavior which may affect the relevance of these theories (levels of control, effort involved), the present findings show that individual characteristics, such as level of group identification, should also be incorporated into theoretical models of the attitude-behavior relationship.

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Attitudes, Intentions, and Behavior: A Study of Women's Participation in Collective Action