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Augustus' Divine Authority and Vergil's "Aeneid"Author(s): SABINE GREBEReviewed work(s):Source: Vergilius (1959-), Vol. 50 (2004), pp. 35-62Published by: The Vergilian SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41587284 .

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Augustus' Divine Authority andVergil's AeneidSABINE GREBEI. Introduction.s is well known, Vergil's Aeneid contains a political message.Scholars have interpreted his message in two opposing directions,often labeled as "anti-Augustan" and "pro-Augustan." RalphJohnson calls them "the pessimistic Harvard school" and "theoptimistic European school" whereas, more recently, MichaelPutnam speaks of "loyalist and subversive ways of understanding


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so that it remained binding for all futuregenerations. By ruling inaccordance with the procedural requisites of authority,those inauthority augmented the foundation of the Urbs. As HannahArendt writes in her influentialessay, "All authorityderives fromthis foundation,binding every act back to the sacred beginning ofRoman history, adding, as it were, to every single moment thewhole weight of the past."5 Authoritywas derived from a deeplyrooted past. Hence, the deeds of the ancestors (maiores ) played aneminent role in Roman thinking and politics. The ancestorsexhibited a model for rulers. Their institutions and acts boundfuture generations. The actions of Roman politicians wereevaluated in terms of the intent of the ancestors. A Roman officialhad to act within the boundary of authority established by theancestors. The official had to justify his decisions and deeds interms of the past. In sum, a Roman politician derived his authorityin a backward-looking process that could be traced to the veryfirstbeginnings of Roman history.It was inconceivable that an officialwould act without authority (and tradition). The trinity ofauthority, radition, nd religion permeated Roman politics.6How do these reflections about the Roman concept ofauctoritas impact Augustus and the Aeneii To answer thisquestion we must examine, first,Augustus' divine authority asdescribed by Vergil in the Aeneid, and, second, the sources forAugustus' divine authority. According to the Aeneid , it is the wishof the Olympian gods that Roman historyculminate in Augustus.Thus, Vergil's epic is a piece of propaganda, though a verysophisticated one, in that it reinforces the divine foundation of theEmperor's auctoritas. The Aeneid offerstwo ultimate sources forthe Emperor's auctoritas- the mythic origins of Rome and of theRoman people, on one hand, and the divine sphere on the other. To5 HannahArendt,What sAuthority?"n: HannahArendt,etween ast andFuture. ix Exercises nPoliticalThoughtLondon1 6 1 9 1 1 1 esp. 23.Arendt,20-125.For a recent iscussion fauthorityn thecontext f thehistoryf Westernegal thoughtee William E. Conklin,The InvisibleOrigins f Legal Positivism. Re-reading fa TraditionDordrechtndBoston 001) (Law andPhilosophyibrary 2),esp.57-61.

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Augustus' ivineAuthorityndVergil'sAeneid 37

this end, Vergil traces Augustus' political position not merely toRomulus, the mythic founder of Rome, but even furtherback inRoman historyto Aeneas, the founder of the Roman people. Itwasthe mythic origins of Rome and of the Roman people whichauthorized Augustus to act as primus interpares, the firstamongequals. It is best for us to understand the Aeneid as an efforttoexplain the extraordinary significance of the very first and divinebeginning of the Romans as the ultimate source for the Emperor'sauctoritas. This aspect of the Aeneid has not yet been fullyanalyzed in the research literature on Vergil and Augustus. Thepurpose of this essay is to show that Vergil's epic did supportAugustus' regime by the retrieval of the veryfirstdivine beginningof Rome and her people. Exploiting the Roman concept ofauctoritas by tracing an official's position backward in historytothe origins as described above, Vergil was able to link theprincipte with the mythic origins of Rome. I shall argue thatVergil interprets Augustus as the rightfulheir of Aeneas and ofRomulus and thus presents the principte as an integral part ofRoman political and legal culture in the Aeneid. Vergil'sinterpretation f his contemporary historyis made possible by theRoman concept of auctoritas, a theme which scholars have not yetfullyaddressed.Despite this positive interpretationof the gods and RomanhistoryI am aware of the fact that forVergil neither the gods norRome's history were per se good or beyond doubt. AlthoughAeneas is supported by Jupiterand Venus, he experiences divinehostility . 2. 257: fatisque deum [...] iniquis). Venus knows that"the gods' harshness" (Aen.2.602: divum inclementia caused thedestruction of Troy, and Vergil himself, in despair andcommiseration, exclaims about the civil war between Trojans andLatins: tantonplacuit concurreremotu,

Iuppiter,aeterna gentis in pace futuras? (Aen. 12.503-4)



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Was ityour will, Jupiter,thatpeoples who were to live atpeace for all time should clash so violently n war?7Throughout theAeneid, Juno is hostile toward Aeneas and theTrojans. Only in the last book is she finally willing to allow theTrojans to settle down in Italy (Aen. 12.807-841). In addition,Rome's prehistoryand early historyare marked by the destruction

of Troy, the fratricidecommitted by Romulus, and the rape of theSabine women.8 Yet in the end, this dark side of history eads to apositive outcome. There would be no Rome, no Romans, and noAugustus without these appalling events. Apparently, in Vergil'sview, violence, destruction and death are necessary for theestablishment of something new and stable. In fact, the ambitiousundertaking to create order implies a preceding state of disorderwith which to compare and privilege the order. Thus, Vergil'sreference to violence, destruction and death does not necessarilymean that the Aeneid presents a negative view of history.Aeneas,furthermore, ad to fight against the Latins in order to fulfill hisdivine mission, namely, the foundation of a new city and a newpeople. Similarly, Augustus had to undertake the civil wars,initially against Caesar's assassins and then against Mark Antony,in order to create the principte. Both Aeneas and Augustusfounded political and cultural order out of disorder. They broughtback stability and security after a period of war and destruction.Aeneas was able to establish a new home for his Trojan followerswith the help of the gods. Vergil's likening of Augustus to Aeneassuggests thatAugustus, too, can create order out of disorder,withdivine support this is thepositive message of the Aeneid.

1 All translationsrebyDavid West ed.), Virgil: heAeneid: New ProseTranslationLondon1991).Ananonymousefereefthis apermademe aware fthese roblems.



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II. The Problematic Of Augustus' Unlimited Powera) The Problem of the Legitimacy of Monarchy in Rome

Why was it important for Augustus' government to betraceable to a divine foundation? To respond to this question wemustbrieflyexamine themonarchy and the Republic in the Romantheoryof politics.The Romans had an ambivalent attitude towards kingship.9Onthe one hand, theywere conscious of the Greek idea of kingship asthe best form of rule. They were aware of the philosophicaljustifications of themonarchy.10Most Roman kings were generallyportrayedas good rulers: they were considered moral role modelsand the founders of important institutions (for instance, thedivision of the citizenry into tribes and the organization of themajor priesthoods and the calendar). Many kings were praised in

literature nd historyand honored with statues on theCapitol."On the otherhand, monarchy was linked to tyranny, ppressionand the usurpation of power after the Romans expelled the Tarqunkings in 510 . The last king, Tarquinius Superbus, wasdescribed as a tyrant who had illegally usurped authority.12Kingship and freedom were considered exclusive of each other,with kingship associated with tyranny, ts philosophical opposite.13It was not the popular view but rather aristocratic ideology thatperpetratedthese associations. During the Republic the aristocraticruling class was extremely suspicious of any charismatic individualwho rose to power, particularly if the individual had popularsupport. In this context,the hostilitytowards kingship served as anexcellent means of propaganda in daily political battles. Thus it is9 ElizabethRawson, Caesar'sHeritage: ellenistic ings nd TheirRomanEquals," JRS 65 (1975) 148-159,esp. 151. FrancisCairns, Virgil'sAugustan pic CambridgendNew York1989)6-7.Rawson, 51.Rawson, 52f." Cic. Rep.2.44-46;Liv. 1.49.1-1.60.3esp. 1.49.1-7);Dion. Hal. Ant.Rom.4.41.1-4.85.4esp.4.41.1-4).Rawson, 49-152.



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not surprising that the king-like pretensions of Julius Caesarstartled the Roman elite. Eventually the elite, fearful of amonarchy, conspired to assassinate Caesar in 44 .As a consequence of the negative experience Romansassociated with their last king, republican ideology subordinatedthe individual to overriding legal boundaries of power withinwhich the individual had to make decisions. Three characteristicfeatures of the Roman magistrates manifested these jurisdictionalboundaries: the magistrateswere elected, they exercised authorityonly temporarily, and they were organized into hierarchicalcolleges. Augustus' newly introduced autocratic rule, however,defined a new hierarchic relationship between individual andcommunity. Augustus, however, acquired the authority that hadformerly been distributed among many magistrates during therepublican period. By 29 , no Roman enjoyed as muchauctoritas as Octavian did, and, by the time he was Emperor hewas pre-eminentamong his fellow Romans.b) The Problem of the Legitimacy of MilitaryPowerThrough his military and political achievements, Augustusacquires potestas. Vergil predicts the extraordinary spread of theRoman Empire under Augustus, who will "mark the boundaries ofthe empire with Ocean" (located at the edge of the earth)(imprium Oceano.. .terminei,Aen. 1.287). In Anchises' prophecyto Aeneas about how far the Roman rule will extend throughoutthe world (.6.794-805), it is said that Augustus will takeRome's power beyond the known bounds of the world: his empirewill include even more lands than those seen by Hercules andBacchus (both of whom had traveled to many distant parts of theworld). Vergil also depicts Octavian celebrating a triumphovermany defeated peoples: in the South, the Nomads and Africans; inthe East, the Leleges, Geloni, Parthians, and Dahae; in the West,the Gauls; and in the North, the Germans {Aen. 8.724-728). Themilitary conquests provide evidence of the grand size of Augustus'empire. Augustus completes all civil and foreignwars and, forthisreason, closes the Temple of Janus, the symbol of complete peace



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(Aen 1.29 1-296). 14Vergil compares this peaceful situation withthe Golden Age, which Augustus will reestablish in Italy {Aen.6.792f.: aurea saecula). Re-establishing a Golden Age implies thatfor some period of time it has not existed. This, however, does notnecessarily mean that Vergil has a negative view of Romanhistory.Rather,he seems to claim that t is possible to bringback aheavenly state after a disaster. Further,he says thatAugustus is theman who is able to restore Rome from ts current,devastating stateof disorder. Augustus' militaryvictories culminate in the defeat ofAntony and Cleopatra in the Battle of Actium (31 ). Vergilglorifies this crucial victory on several occasions: Augustus is"laden with the booty of the Orient" (Aen. 1.289: spoliis Orientisonustus), and "the troubled mouth of the sevenfold Nile is inconfusion" (Aen. 6.800: septemgemini turbant trepida ostia Nili).He gives a detailed description of the Battle of Actium in Aen.8.671-728, a passage to which I shall soon return.In sum, Vergil praises themilitarysuccess which contributed toAugustus' power. But was his military and political powerlegitimate, and if so, in what way? Vergil's Aeneid sets out toexplain why Augustus' potes tas was authoritative, and thereforelegitimate.c) Unlimited PowerThere was another facet of the need to legitimize Augustus'power: Augustus had learned from Caesar's assassination howdeeply rooted in the culture of the Roman aristocracy wererepublican ideas. With this in view, Octavian formallyturned overthe res publica to the "Senate and people of Rome" (senatuspopulusque Romanus) on January 13, 27 . He believed that ifhis supreme power were identified with auctoritas, he couldguarantee order as well as his own powerful position in the state,and this confidence led him make this gesture of returning he res14 The closingof the Temple of Janus n timesof completepeace hadhappened nderNuma, n235 , three imesunderAugustus,nd offand onduringhe mperial eriod.



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publica and his extraordinary power to the Senate and people ofRome.15 He pretended to adopt the republican system byreinstating the magistrates, Senate, and the people in their oldconstitutional roles. Thus, Augustus' republican form ofgovernment concealed his de facto imperial power. In return, heSenate granted him the position of imprium proconsulare. Hereceived numerous honors, including the title "Augustus," a nameetymologically connected with auctoritas. Augustus also receivedthe golden shield (clupeus aureus) which celebrated his virtues:courage, clemency, justice, and piety. Although Augustus claimedto have restored the res publica and to have become only primusinterpares, he effectivelycentralized unusual power in his ownperson. For example, he retained the consulship each year from 31to 23 . He enjoyed the tribunician sacrosanctity(sacrosanctitas ). As the "son of a god" (divifilius) and the memberof the fourmajor priesthoods, including the augurate, he gained anexceptional religious authority (augur, too, is etymologicallylinked to auctoritas . In addition, the militarily most powerfulprovinces (Spain, Gaul, Syria, Cilicia, Cyprus, and Egypt) weregranted to Augustus. He was very popular among soldiers,veterans,new citizens, provincials, and theplebs urbana. In effect,his reignmanifested a covert absolutism.d) Political InsecurityDespite his military and political power, Augustus' positionremained politically insecure, as the princeps faced politicalopposition. The first risis of the principte took place between 27and 23 .16 In 27 , M. Licinius Crassus, a grandson of thetriumvir, hallenged Octavian' s authority by claiming to celebratea triumphand by dedicating the spolia opima, spoils offeredby a

15 KarlGalinsky, ugustan ulture:n InterpretativentroductionPrinceton1996)17f.I confinemyself nly o thefirstrisisbecause this s theonlyonewhichhappened uring ergil's ifetime. ater riseshappened, or xample,n18 and 2 (bothnvolvingonspiraciesgainstAugustus'ife).



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Roman general who had killed an enemy leader in single combat,to Jupiter Feretrius. Octavian rejected the latter claim on thegrounds that only the commander of the army was entitled to thespolia opima. In the same year Augustus had to sacrifice C.Cornelius Gallus, one of his closest associates. Octavian hadappointed Gallus to be the firstpraefectus of the new province ofEgypt. Gallus, however, exhibited excessive pride in his powerfulposition, considering himself successor to the pharaohs1 and thedynastyof the Ptolemies. When Augustus withdrew his favor andfriendship, Gallus committed suicide. In the following year,Messala Corvinus was made urbis praefectus, but resigned afterfive days on the grounds of his incapacity to exercise the power ofthis office (. 1). Moreover, Augustus' steady effort tokeep the loyalty of the plebs urbana, particularly after 27 ,offers further vidence of his uncertaintythat their loyalty wouldpersist.Another sign of the continual political insecurity of theprincipte was the case of M. Primus, proconsul of Macedonia (23). When Primus was accused of having waged war on theThracian Odrysians without the permission of the Senate, Primusclaimed to have acted with the consent of Augustus and theprinceps ' son-in-law. Marcellus. Augustus, however, denied thathe had given such instructions and thereuponwithdrew his supportfrom M. Primus. Also in 23 , A. Terentius Varro Murena,Augustus' co-consul in 23, conspired against the Emperor. Thisconspiracy was uncovered in time, but the conspirators had beenforewarned and, consequently were able to flee from Rome -Maecenas had reportedthe affair to his wife, Terentia, and Terentiahad informed her brother, Varro Murena. In the same year,Augustus became seriously ill and the question of successionarose. There was a rumor that the princeps had designated asuccessor, thereby bypassing the Senate. In this tense situation17 Werner ck, TheAge ofAugustusOxford 003, withnew material ySaroltaA. Takcs)[= Augustusnd eineZeit,Munich 998. TranslatedyDeborah ucasSchneider]2f.



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Augustus resigned from the consulship which he had held withoutinterruptionsince 31 .18 His successor as consul was thesenator L. Sestius, an old republican, who had formerlyfoughtonthe side of Brutus. In return,Augustus received the total power,although not the authoritative office, of a tribune of the people(tribunicia potestas ). This de facto power was manifested inlegislative initiatives, including the prerogative to convene theSenate. Augustus' resignation from the consulship was an attemptto reconcile the new regime with republican opposition among thesenators.19Although Augustus was repeatedly urged to hold othermagistracies, he rejected such proposals. His refusal to accept suchmagistracies was one of the hallmarks of his reign (RG 5-6).Legally speaking, he was a private citizen (privatus during mostof his reign but a private citizen withexceptional powers.III. Meanings of the Roman Concept of Authority20Auctoritas is derived from the Latin verb augere, meaning "toincrease, to augment." The root of auctoritas, auctor, means'author, creator,' or 'founder.' One of the early meanings of auctorgoes back to the Twelve Tables (c.450 ) and persisted in latertimes. Originally a seller would guarantee to the would-be buyerthat the sold item really belonged to him and the seller guaranteedthat,if this should prove not to be the case, he would compensatebuyer and pay him an additional fine. Then it came to signify aguardian guaranteeing his warden's action and, by doing so,making the action legally binding. Finally, in thepolitical sphere, itsignified the authority of the Senate (auctoritas senatus) inapproving resolutions of the popular assemblies before they could18 After 3 , Augustus eld he onsulshipnly womore imes,n5 and2 .DietmarKienast,Augustus: rinzepsund MonarchDarmstadt 982) 67-92.See RichardHeinze, "Auctoritas,"ermes60 (1925) 348-366.LeonhardKrieger,Authority,"n:Philip . Wienered.), Dictionary ftheHistory fIdeas: Studies fSelected ivotal deas (NewYork1973-1974)1, 141-162,esp. 142-146.Galinsky,2f.



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become law.21 In these three contexts, the auctor is a person who,"in an authoritativeand effectiveway, approves the action which isto be undertaken by another person (or, which is the same,approves the intention to undertake the action); 'authoritative'involves that a certain degree of responsibility is taken on by theapprover".22 The auctor achieved his auctoritas by a specialinsight. Accordingly, his auctoritas has so much weight that theperson asking the auctor for advice will almost certainlyfollow it.According to Jean Branger, the imperial auctoritas had amoral character: "the ultimate power of the emperor is on anotherlevel: the moral level."23 Auctoritas was not an unchangeableattribute of an individual's personality, social status or politicalposition. Rather, auctoritas was recognized by one's fellowcitizens. If the latter judged an individual's achievementslegitimate, one was granted auctoritas . Hence, there was arecognition by the ruled that the ruler possessed auctoritas .Auctoritas "presupposes the approbation and voluntary adherence21 This idea of auctoritaswas applied o executive fficials,uchas consulsandmilitaryeaders, o theSenate, nd to theprinceps.During he aterRepublic,he uthorityftheSenatemeant rescriptiveonsultation.nthiscontext,uctoritaswas "mehr ls ein Rathschlag ndweniger ls einBefehl, inRathschlag,essenBefolgungman ich nicht iglichentziehenkann ("morethan n advice and less than command; n advicewhichone cannotproperlygnore."TheodorMommsen, misches taatsrecht(Leipzig 1887) [Handbuch er rmischen lterthiimer,1 vol. 3, 1034)."Der Willensactder Gemeinde,dem Irren und Fehlgreifen bensoausgesetztwie der Willensactdes unmndigen naben, bedarfder'Mehrungund derBesttigungurchden Rathder Alten" "thewill andthe ctof thepeople, ikethewilland the ct ofunderage oys reexposedto errors nd mistakes nd needthe augmentation'nd confirmationf thecouncil f elders."Mommsen,ol.3, 1038f.)."die von einem nderen uszufhrendeandlungoder,was aufdasselbehinauskommt,enEntschlu azu)mageblich ndwirkungsvollutheit;das 'mageblich enthltzugleich in sich, da dabei eine gewisseVerantwortungomGutheiendenbernommenird. Heinze, 51."la toute-puissancee l'empereure situe sur un autreplan: le planmoral" JeanBranger,Recherchesur 'aspect dologique uprincipt,"inSchweizerischeeitrgeurAltertumswissenschaft. Basel 1953:1 5.



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to those on whom it is exerted."24 Auctoritas was achieved bymeritratherthan by inheritance,although, if one was a member ofan influential family, one had, of course, an advantage in theacquisition of auctoritas .25Auctoritas meant "the kind of substance0f%on which real influence is based." Power was exercised throughauctoritas.Because authority is attributed to someone who commandssomeone who obeys the command, authority is often wronglyunderstood as a kind of power or violence.27 But auctoritas mustsharply be separated frompotestas. A crucial document for thisdistinction is chapter 34 of Augustus' Res Gestae, where hedescribes his position after27 , when he formallyrestored theres publica and when he was given in returnthe title "Augustus,"among other honors. Augustus writes: "After this time, I excelledall in authority auctoritas), although I possessed no more officialpower (potestas) than others who were my colleagues in theseveral magistracies."28 Augustus himself considered auctoritas,"authority,"the center of his rule. All other aspects of power andinfluence were secondary to this concept.29IV. Augustus' Divine Authorityin the AeneidThe Aeneid reinforces that idea Augustus, as the telos ofRoman historyand as the ultimate head of the secular authority,signifies the gods' will. Although Augustus is mentioned onlythree times in the Aeneid,- in Jupiter's prophecy (1.286-296), in

24 "suppose 'approbationt l'adhsionvolontaire e ceux surlesquelselles exerce. JosephHellegouarc'h,e vocabulaire atindes relations t despartis olitiquesous a rpublique. aris1972, nded.: 302.Galinsky,4;28f.Galinsky,5.27 Arendt,2f.RG 34.3: post id tempus uctoritatemnibus raestiti, otestatis utemnihilo mpliushabuiquamceteri ui mihi uoque inmagistratuonlegaefuerunt.heEnglish ranslations drawn rom eterA. Brunt J.M.Moore(eds.),Res GestaeDiviAugustiOxford 967).29 Cf.Galinsky, 2.



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Anchises' revelation of Rome's future (6.791-805), and in thedescription of Aeneas' shield (8.671-728) - Augustus is present inthe subtext in many passages. In the three mentioned passagesVergil elevates Roman historyand Augustus to the divine level.a) Explicit ReferencesThe first imeAugustus is mentioned in the Aeneid is in the contextof Jupiter's prophecy of the future fame of Rome (1.257-296).There Jupiter nnounces Aeneas' future victories in battle and hisfoundation of Lavinium, Ascanius' foundation of and reign inAlbaLonga, the birth of Romulus and foundation of Rome, and theRoman rule of the world which will be unlimited in space andtime. Finally, Jupiterprophesies that Augustus (or Caesar?) willenjoy endless glory, be deified, complete all wars, and establishpeace:

nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar,impriumOceano, famam qui terminet stris,Iulius, a magno demissum nomen lulo.hune tu olim celo spoliis Orientis onustumaccipies secura; vocabitur hie quoque votis.aspera tumpositis mitescent saecula bellis:cana Fides et Vesta, Remo cum fratreQuirinusiura dabunt; dirae ferroet compagibus artisclaudentur Belli portae; Furor impius intussaeva sedens super arma et centum vinctus anispost tergumnodis fremei horridus ore cruento.(Aen 1.286-296).From this noble stock there will be born a Trojan Caesar tobound his empire by Oceanus at the limitsoftheworld, and hisfame by the stars. He will be called Julius, a name passeddown to himfrom the great lulus. In time to come, have nofear, you will receive him in thesky, aden with thespoils of theEast. He too will be called upon in prayer. Then wars will belaid aside and theyears ofbitterness will be over. Silver-hairedTruth and Vesta, and Romulus Quirinus with his brotherRemus, will sit dispensing justice. The dread Gates of War with



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their tight astenings of steel will then be closed, and godlessStrife will sit inside them on his murderous armour roaringhideously from bloody mouth, hands shackled behind his backwith a hundred bands ofbronze.This text links Augustus with the divine sphere. Jupiterprophesies to Venus that Augustus will be deified and worshiped

by mortals, and that Vesta and Quirinus will legislate laws duringAugustus' reign. Vesta, whose cult represented and guaranteedRome's permanence over time,was the goddess of the hearth-fire.Quirinus, an ancient god of whom not much is known, wasassimilated with the deified Romulus. Vergil thus presents anAugustus closely connected with the gods. The corollary is that theprinceps is particularlyfavoredby the gods.Vergil's Augustus represents the culmination of Romanhistory. Augustus is said to stand in one line with Aeneas,Ascanius, and Romulus, each of whom had founded a city: Aeneasfounded Lavinium, Ascanius Alba Longa, Romulus Rome, andAugustus re-founded Rome through the establishment of peace,law and order after Rome had been dominated, for a century,bywar, chaos, and disorder. Each of the mythic figuresruled alone asking. His foundation of a city and the monarchic form of ruleconnect Augustus with his ancestors. Here Vergil selects onlykings. Vergil omits the famous Romans of the republican periodwho, however, are mentioned in the two other prophecies ofRoman history in the pageant of heroes in Aen. 6.756-886 and inthe description of Aeneas' shield in Aen. 8.626-728). Jupiterdetermines that Augustus will establish the monarchy. Vergilclearly emphasizes that the prophecy is the explicit desire andirrevocable decision of Jupiter,the supreme god: "no argumentchanges my mind" (1.260: neque me sententia vertit),"on them Iimpose no limits either in space or in time: I have given them anempire without an end" (1.278f.: his ego metas rerum tempora pono: / impriumsine fine dedi), "so it has been decreed"(1 .283: sic placitum .



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Vergil presents Augustus' monarchy as an indispensable andnatural part of both Roman historyand Jupiter'swill. That is, theprincipte is justified and legitimized by a long tradition of Romankingship as well as by the plan of the highestgod. Thus, Augustus'new form of government has a double foundation: history anddivine providence. Jupiter's prophecy and Augustus' role inRoman history appear at the beginning of the Aeneid, whereVergil's words serve as a programmatic statement from thebeginning of the epic.But to whom does Jupiter's prophecy refer to Julius Caesaror Augustus? Who is meant by Caesar in line 286 and Iulius inline 288?30 Karl Galinsky rightly points out that "Vergil isdeliberately blurring the line between the two."31 Augustus, asCaesar's son by adoption, cultivated his ties to Caesar. Vergil'stext is consistent with Augustus' own attitude towards Caesar.Vergil's ambiguity is more deeply rooted, however. The poet giveshistorical and divine reasons forthe contemporaryestablishmentofthe monarchy. After all, the monarchy was the very kind of rulewhich the Roman aristocracy had feared from Caesar. Caesar hadpaid for his political ambition and overzealous haste with his life.Vergil seems to infer that Caesar's assassination ought to beinterpreted s an historical errorand, even worse, as a violation ofJupiter's will. Hence, Vergil's ambiguous language implies thatCaesar was moving in the rightdirection and thatAugustus is nowcontinuingthis direction in history.30 Vergil's ambiguous anguagehas puzzled manyscholars. A detaileddiscussionndbibliographyan be found n R. Dobbin, Julius aesar inJupiter'srophecy,eneidBook ,"CIAnt 4 1995) 5-41.Galinsky,51Galinsky,5 1 .



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The firm establishment of Augustus' monarchy in Romanhistory also becomes clear in the pageant of heroes in the sixthbook. Anchises shows Aeneas the futureRoman heroes. Anchises'order of theheroes differsfromthe chronological order:Chronological Order: Anchises' Order:( 1 Alban kings ( 1 Alban kings(2) Roman kings (2) Roman kings (I)(2. 1 Romulus (2.1) Romulus(4) Caesar(5) Augustus(2) Roman kings (II)(2.2) Numa (2.2) Numa(2.3) Tullus (2.3) Tullus(2.4) Ancus (2.4) Ancus(2.5) Tarquinian kings (2.5) Tarquinian kings(3) Republican heroes (3) Republican heroes(4) Caesar(5) AugustusIn the historical order, Caesar and Augustus conclude the longlist of Roman heroes. However, Anchises, or ratherVergil, insertsboth among the kings of Rome. According to Eduard Norden, theposition of Augustus between Romulus and Numa shows that theprinceps is both a second Romulus (as renewer of the city ofRome) and a second Numa (as renewer of Roman religion).33Francis Cairns points out that the distortion of the chronologicalorderbrings Caesar and Augustus next to Romulus, the founder ofRome, and gives both the divine aura of Romulus-Quirinus.34Michael von Albrecht counts the lines Vergil uses for thedescription of the kings and discovers that the length of thepassages increases with the importance of the monarchs. He writes:

33 EduardNorden, . Vergilius aro: eneisBuch VI 4th d. Stuttgart957)327.Caims,60f.



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"Virgil proportionally enlarges its (sc. the catalogue's) parts to suitthe meaning: ... The order is dictated by function and importancerather than by chronology. Virgil is not interested in cataloguingfacts, but in showing how they grew out of one another and howthey may be related to each other typologically."35 But we mustpress furtherthan Norden, Cairns, and von Albrecht do. Vergilpresents Caesar and Augustus as the rightfulheirs of the Romankings, i.e., as an integral part of Roman monarchy, therebyproviding an additional, historical basis for Augustus' monarchywhich had been rejuvenated under Caesar.To sum up: two of the most splendid passages in the Aeneidlegitimize Augustus' authority by tracing him to several mythickings in Roman history,thus linking the principte with the verybeginning of Rome. Since Augustus' political and cultural programsought to restore the past, and since the monarchy arose from thevery beginning of Roman history, Augustus' restoration of themonarchy was the logical consequence of his politics. Themonarchy thereby became an integral part not only of Romanhistorybut also of Augustus' restorativepolitical program.What does Anchises say about Augustus in the sixth book?hic vir,hic est, tibi quem promitti aepius audis,Augustus Caesar, divi genus, aurea condetsaecula qui rursus Latio regnata per arvaSaturno quondam, super et Garamantas et Indosproferet mprium; iacet extra sidera tellus,extra anni solisque vias, ubi caelifer Atlasaxem umero torquetstellis ardentibus aptum.huius in adventm iam nunc et Caspia regnaresponsis horrentdivum et Maeotia tellus,et septemgemini turbant repida ostia Nili.nec vero Alcides tantum tellurisobivit,fixerit eripedem cervam licet, aut Erymanthi35 MichaelvonAlbrecht,omanEpic: an InterpretativentroductionLeiden1999) 111. Thattypology ather han hronologys crucialfor he wholecatalogue f heroes s shown npp.1 7-1 9.



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pacarit nemora et Lernam tremefecerit rcu;nec qui pampineis victor iuga flectithabenisLiber, agens celso Nysae de vertice tigris.(Aen. 6.791-805).Here is the man whose coming you so often hearprophesied, here he is, Augustus Caesar, son of a god, the manwho will bring back the golden years to thefields of Latiumonce ruled over by Saturn, and extend Rome 's empire beyondthe Indians and the Garamantes to a land beyond the stars,beyond the yearly path of the sun, where Atlas holds on hisshoulder the sky all studded withburningstars and turns it onits axis. The kingdoms round the Caspian sea and LakeMaeotis are even now quaking at theprophecies ofhis coming.The seven mouths of the Nile are in turmoil and alarm.Hercules himselfdid not make his way to so many lands thoughhis arrow pierced the hind with hooves of bronze, though hegave peace to the woods of Eurymanthus and made Lernatremble at his bow. Nor did triumphingBacchus ride so farwhen he drove his tiger-drawn chariot down from the highpeak of Nysa, and the reins that guided the yoke were thetendrilsof the vine.36As in Jupiter's prophecy in the firstbook of theAeneid, Vergil

again associates Augustus with the gods. Augustus is the son of agod, namely the deified Caesar, and is also a second Saturnus,since Augustus will re-establish the Golden Age.37 According todivine oracles, Augustus will defeat many peoples in the East. Theprinceps is not only equal to other gods: Augustus will evensurpass them. For Augustus' empire will comprise more countriesthan Hercules and Dionysus had seen. Hercules had gone tonumerous countries throughoutthe world in order to performhis36 TheEnglishranslationsdrawn romWest note above).However,Augustus'GoldenAge will be quitedifferentrom aturnus'GoldenAge. Contraryo the atterhe former ill be connected otwithleisure utwith oil nd effort.



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cycle of Labors; Dionysus, according to the legendary tradition,had been raised in India, a country which, for the ancients, waslocated at the edge of the world. Vergil's comparison of Augustuswith both gods is not accidental. Both gods played an eminent rolein the Hellenistic ruler cult and theywere interpreted s the sourceof civilization. Both were considered redeemers of men becausethey had brought blessings to humankind. As Brooks Otis pointsout, in Vergil's pageant of heroes, Augustus is identified as atheios aner, a divine man, who, like Hercules and Romulus, willachieve divinity throughhis deeds.The description of Aeneas' shield contains another text whereAugustus is associated with the gods (Aen. 8.671-728). WhileJupiter's and Anchises' prophecies praise Augustus in generalterms, in this passage Vergil here concentrates upon the Battle ofActium (31 ) and Augustus' Triple Triumph (29 ). Onceagain, Augustus is traced back to the gods. The shield is made byVulcan, the god of fire,on the request of Venus, Vulcan's wife andAeneas' mother. The divine creator is mentioned three timeswithin the description of the shield (628; 710; 724). The shieldfunctions as a divine weapon. Because the gods are believedultimatelyto tell the truth, he shield's predictions are true.The Battle of Actium described in the center of the shield is notonly a struggle between Augustus on one side and Mark Antonyand Cleopatra on the other. Rather, the battle is also a strugglebetween the Roman gods and the Egyptian gods. Philip Hardieanalyzes the Gigantomachie aspects of the Battle of Actium inVergil's description of Aeneas' shield.39Augustus is supported bythe Penates, the gods of the household and of the state, and by thegreat gods (679: penatibus et magnis dis). The latter refer toNeptune, Venus, Minerva (699), and Apollo (704). Neptune's aid

38 BrooksOtis,Virgil: Studyn Civilized oetryOxford 963)302.PhilipHardie,Virgil'sAeneid: Cosmos nd ImperiumOxford 986) 336-376.



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of Augustus is surprising for several reasons.40 First, Augustusdescends from the Trojan Aeneas. In Homer, Neptune was hostiletowards the Trojans and towards Odysseus, the model for theVergilian Aeneas. Second, Caesar's and Augustus' enemies had aclose relationship with Neptune.41 Although Octavian's lineagecould be traced to the Trojans, Octavian was now reconciled withNeptune. This is evident from a coin which shows theprinceps asNeptune (ca . 31-28 ).42 The reconciliation between Octavianand the god is made clear here.43 Venus is the mother of Aeneasand, thus also the divine mother of Augustus. When Vergilmentions Venus as having intervened on Octavian's behalf in theBattle of Actium, the poet not only elevates the struggle itself to adivine level, but also alludes to Augustus' divine origin. Minerva,the third of the gods named in 699-704, is a member of theCapitoline Triad along with Jupiter nd Juno and for this reason isone of the highest gods in Rome. Apollo, finally,had a sanctuarynear Actium and was accordingly said to have helped Octavianagainst Mark Antony and Cleopatra. The god was Augustus'"divine alter ego"44 and was honored with a temple next to theprinceps ' house on the Palatine.Vulcan, Neptune, Venus, Minerva, and Apollo are the highestOlympian gods in the Greco-Roman world. They stand in stark

40 Neptunelso supports eneas nthebeginningftheAeneidwhere hegodintervenesn Aeneas' behalf nd calms thesea which s churned p byAeolus 1.124-156).Neptune ppears n one of the denarii fCaesar'smurderers,rutus ndCasca. SextusPompey,who hadsupreme ower n the ea until is defeatin 36 , andAntonyoth dentifiedhemselves ithNeptune.42 Galinsky,2f.Octavian's econciliationithNeptunes also evident rom en.l.148-156which shall nalyse ater. f.Galinsky,2f.Galinsky, 88. For Augustus' pecial associationwithApollo see mostrecently aria JosStrazzulla,l principato iApollo:mito propagandanelle astre Campana' dal tempio i ApolloPalatino Rome 1990).PaulZanker, ugustusnddie Machtder BilderMunich1987 = ThePowerofImages in theAge of Augustus,Ann Arbor 1988. Translated y AlanShapiro]) 7-61.Galinsky,15-219;277-299.



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contrast to the monsters fightingon the side of Mark Antony andCleopatra. Vergil calls them "every kind of monstrous gods" (698:omnigenumque deum monstra but singles out only Anubis, thedivine guardian of the dead in Egypt. Anubis was representedwitha dog's head. The Egyptian monsters are associated with agrotesque and wicked sphere. They represent the strange "other"who must be defeated. Vergil describes the Battle of Actium inopposing terms as a struggle between light (Apollo is the god ofthe sun) and darkness (Anubis as lord of the dead), between goodand evil, between order and disorder.45 This black and whitepicture elevates Octavian and humbles his enemies. Vergil'sdescription of the shield demonstrates that it was the will of thehighest gods that Octavian would defeat Mark Antony andCleopatra. The poet offers divine justification for Octavian'svictory.This victory historically led to his autocracy.46

After the Battle of Actium, Octavian shows his gratefulnesstowards the gods by sacrifices (718f.; 72 If.) and by the dedicationof three hundred temples to them (7 16), the most famous of whichis the temple for Apollo (720). The sacrifices and the dedicationdemonstrate Octavian's piety (pietas). Piety was a condition for theexistence and welfare of the Roman Empire. Vergil thus links the45 Hardie, 7-1 0.

According o RobertA. Gurval,Actium nd Augustus: he Politics andEmotions fCivil War AnnArbor 995)246, "Vergilgave Augustusndhis regimewhat Actium had previously acked, not simply poeticexpressionnd epic grandeur...utpolitical nterpretation,eaning, ndimport." n the amepageGurval nterpretsheAeneid s "a politicalmythofAugustusndActium." owever,MichaelC.J.Putnam,TheAmbiguityof Art nVirgil'sAeneid,"PAPS 145 (2001) 162-183, sp.183 points utthe hidden ode in the ast ines of theekphrasisf Aeneas' shield 728:pontem ndignatusraxes: "where,nplaceofclimax,we might xpectfinal limpse f the mperorn all hisglorywe findnstead river ridgedby Rome but objecting o the loss of dignitasthatsuch subjugationimplies...The hield nseveral enses ontains heprowess fRome, nd tssynecdoche, aesar's bridge, ontrols he elemental orceswithin hatjurisdiction. ut here... ature s onlyapparently ominated y culture.Bridgesare ultimately ashedaway whennature's nnateforcefulnessprevails." f.also Putnam1995,note above)3; 247.



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outcome of the battle and the celebrations after the battle with thedivine.b) Implicit ReferencesHaving examined the passages where Augustus is mentioned, Ishall now analyze those texts which implicitly refer to theprinceps. First, in book one, Juno and Aeolus cause a storm whichchurnsup the sea, which Neptune then calms. Vergil compares thegod's action in the sea with a statesman's action in a civil revolt(Aen 1.148-156). The statesman appeases the infuriated masseswith his authority pietate gravem meritis...virm, 1.151-2). Hisauthority is based on his piety, merit, and ability as a speaker.Galinsky rightlypoints out that the statesman of this simile refersto Augustus, who had ended the civil wars.47 A cameo from thelate 30s shows Octavian as Neptune. He holds the tridentmentioned by Vergil in 1.145 (tridenti and steers his quadrigadrawn by horses (1.156) over an enemy who drowns in the wavesand who can be identified either with Sextus Pompeius or, morelikely, with Mark Antony.48 Marie-Louise Vollenweider aptlyinterpretsthis cameo as a metaphor which describes the contrastbetween the vehemence and chaos of the civil wars in the 30s, on the one hand, and law and order embodied by the uprightstandingcharioteer,on the other.49According to Feeney, the similein the firstbook of the Aeneid expresses one of the main topics ofthe epic, the "correlation of divine power in the cosmos and humanpower in history."50

47 Galinsky,1.4S Galinsky,1.Marie-LouiseVollenweider,ie Steinschneidekunstnd ihreKnstlernsptrepublikanischernd augusteischer eit (Baden-Baden1966) 51f.Galinsky,95f.n.48 also refersoGeorg. .512-5 4,writtennthe haosofthe 30s. HereVergilworries hatOctavian, hecharioteer, ay ose thecontrol ver he hariot ndthehorses.Denis C. Feeney,The Gods in Epic Poets and Critics f the ClassicalTraditionOxford 991)137.



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Second, Vergil associates Augustus with the divine sphere bysaying thatAugustus lies in a lineage thatbegins with Aeneas, theson of Venus, and Hercules, the son of Jupiter.Both Aeneas andHercules prefigure Augustus. Each of them created order fromdisorder. Aeneas had fled from the destroyed Troy to Italy and hadto fight against Mezentius and Turnus before he could foundLavinium and a new people by unifying the Trojans with theLatins. Hercules is known as the great savior in ancient myth. Heredeemed humankind from terrifying monsters and therebybrought blessings, culture, and civilization to humankind. Vergilmentions some of Hercules' labors and narrates in detail his killingof Cacus, a savage, fire-breathingmonster which had lived in acave on the Aventine51 and had terrified he local inhabitants. Afterthe killing of Cacus, the locals set up an altar for Hercules andcelebrated their rescue with hymns honoring and praising theirsavior (Aen 8.184-305) and established a religious cult. Like hispredecessors-Aeneas and Hercules-Augustus, too, had to fightagainst chaos before he could restore law and order. Thus Aeneas,Hercules, and Augustus had to use violence to dominate chaos. Inthe end, this violence led to death but was necessary in order tofound a new life in safety and happiness. Furthermore,each ofthem combines the divine and human sphere within themselves,since each is of semi-divine origin: Aeneas' mother is Venus,Hercules' father s Jupiter, nd Augustus' fatherby adoption is thedeified Caesar. Through Aeneas (the son of Venus), Caesar andAugustus are descended from Venus. And they all join thecompany of the gods after their death. Finally, Aeneas and51 According o Vergil,Aen. 8.231. But the Scalae Caci on the Palatineimplies hat acus had ivedon thePalatine.AccordingoOtis,335,Vergilaltered he Cacus storynorder o lift tto a heroic, ivine evel. For theinterpretationf thefight etweenHercules nd Cacus as describedntheAeneid ee MichaelC.J.Putnam,hePoetry ftheAeneid:Four Studies nImaginative nitynd Design (Cambridge,MA and London1965) 130-134; Hardie,110-118;Putnam1995, note 2 above) 30. On pp.256-258Putnam1995, note 2 above) has a criticalview of Hercules,whosecharacteristicsnthe ighthookoftheAeneid repride ndanger.



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Augustus share a common quality, pietas, devotion to the gods andtheircountry.Augustus' claim to be closely related to the gods raises a thirdimplicit connection. Not only was he connected to Venus (throughAeneas), and the deified Julius Caesar, but also to Mars (throughRomulus). Throughout the Aeneid, Vergil emphasizes Augustus'descent from Venus and Mars throughhis association with Aeneasand with Romulus (in Jupiter's prophecy in book one and inAnchises' speech in book six). The passages referring o Romuluswere examined above. In Aen. 6.792, divi genus refers toAugustus' descent from the deified Julius Caesar, and in Aen.8.681 (patrium sidus). Augustus eagerly showed the world hisspecial relationship with Julius Caesar. Thus the princeps took"Caesar" as his family name, which is often mentioned in theAeneid. 1.286 (Caesar), 6.792 (Augustus Caesar ), 8.678 (AugustusCaesar), 8.714 (Caesar). Consequently, Vergil makes it absolutelyclear thatAugustus considered himself to be, and in factwas, thelegitimate heir of Julius Caesar.52Finally, let us examine the title "Augustus" which Vergil usesin Aen. 6.792 and 8.678. The Senate gave the name 'Augustus' toOctavian on January 13, 27 when Octavian had returned theres publica to "the Senate and people of Rome." and the name,thus, refersto the divine sphere. According to Dio (53.16.8), thisname signified that someone "was more than human; for all themost precious and sacred objects are termed augusta."53 Oviddiscusses the divine aspect of the title in detail in Fast. 1.607-6 16:"the name is allied to the highest Jupiter"54 nd "the fathers call

52 Augustuscultivatedhis special relationship ith Julius Caesar: Theprincepswas very nterestedn Caesar's cult,founded templefortheDivus JuliusntheForum omanmn 29 , and ethimselfepresentedwith the Hftmantelan attribute f Caesar and emblematic f hisdeification,n theAugustustatue romrima orta. f.Galinsky,51 .The English ranslations drawnfrom: arnestCary ed.), Dio s RomanHistory.With n EnglishTranslation,ol.6 LondonandCambridge, A1968). .Fast. 1 608:socium ummoum ovenomen.



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'august' what is holy, 'august' are called the temples that areduly consecrated by the hand of the priests."55 Ovid mentionsthe common etymological origin of Augustus, augurium("prediction"), and augere ("to increase") and ends with the punthat Jupiter may increase (augeat ) the reign and years of theprinceps. Finally, the name "Augustus" reminded thecontemporaries of the augustum augurium, the twelve vultures thathad appeared when Romulus had founded Rome (Enn.^n.fr.l55Skutsch) and again appeared when Octavian assumed his firstconsulate on August (still called Sextilis 19, 43 (Suet.Aug.95). 56 All these things contributed to the divine aura of thetitle"Augustus".Vergil offers numerous examples which legitimize Augustus'divine authorityand which demonstrate thattheprinceps was in aprivileged position to increase his auctoritas. According to Vergil,Augustus' monarchy is the result of Jupiter's irrevocable decision.The gods therefore supported Octavian in the Battle of Actium.Augustus' close relationship with the gods is evident from his titleand from his association with Neptune and the hero-gods, Aeneasand Hercules. Moreover, Augustus himself is of divine origin andwill be deified. The gods particularlyfavor theprinceps.Having considered these explicit and implicit references toAugustus' divine authorityin the Aeneid, we must now examinethe sources for his auctoritas.V. Sources forAugustus' AuthorityAugustus' political power rose from his military victories, hisexpansion of the Roman Empire, and his restoration of peace, lawand order after he ended all civil and foreign wars. Further,hispolitical position, religious offices, and the numerous honorsbestowed upon him by the Senate, including the title "Augustus"and the golden shield, contributed to Augustus' power. But55 Oy. ast.1609 .: sancta vocant "augusta" patres, "augusta" vocanturtemplaacerdotumite icatamanu.50 Galinsky,15-317.



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Augustus' power was neither self-defining nor self-sustaining.Augustus' power needed to be authorized by a prior source. Onceone appreciates that Vergil's Aeneid seeks to explain whyAugustus' military and political power are grounded in anauthoritative source deep within the mythic and divine origins ofRome and the Roman people, one can better understand why theAeneid is "pro-Augustan" rather than "anti-Augustan". Theultimate sources forAugustus' authority, s opposed to his power,were his relationship to the divine and the legitimizing trace ofAugustus to themythico-historicalorigins of Rome and the Romanpeople.Both the divine and historic origins of authority played aneminentrole in the political and cultural program which Augustusinitiated. The Statue of Augustus from Prima Porta, the GemmaAugustea, the Ara Pads, and the temples dedicated to Apollo,Mars Ultor, and Divus Julius,all associated theprinceps with boththe gods and with the Roman past. Art and architecture madeAugustus' propagandistic ideas visible to everyone and were anextremely importantfactor in a society where the majority of thepopulace was illiterate.Literature also played an eminent role in this context. Theprinceps may have tried to encourage the poets, such as Horace,Propertius,Tibullus, Vergil, and later Ovid, to write poems whichwould support him and his new regime by endorsing the valueswhich the principte fostered. Poets were supposed to be inspiredby Apollo and the Muses and hence to have access to divineknowledge. The central term for the Augustan poet was vates,meaning "prophet, seer." It was assumed that the poet had accessto divine knowledge, and, for this reason, was a reliable source oftruth.

Among the Augustan poets, Vergil is most significant,for helinks Augustus' authority to two ultimate sources- Augustus'relationship with the divine and with his ancestral credentials;these would include his lineage from Aeneas, Romulus, and thedeified Caesar; his sacred title in his priesthoods; and the conceptthat the gods wished Augustus to occupy the inexorable summit



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and final telos of Roman history.The Aeneid reinforces these ideasin a very sophisticated way. The association of the divine with theprinceps runs throughoutthe epic on different evels. It containsdirect referencesto the divine background of the principte and theprinceps, such as the above three passages in the first, ixth, andeighth books. But Augustus' divine aura is also present in thesubtext in metaphors, comparisons, learned allusions, and thelike. Vergil's emphasis on Augustus' divine authority s not crudeand obtrusive, but subtle and sophisticated. The description ofAugustus' divine aura is part of the praise associated with theruler-cult but also gives a strong authoritative basis to Augustus'rule, for Vergil makes it clear that a ruler who is as loved andhonored by the gods must be a good and legitimate ruler.VI. ConclusionAuthority in Roman times was derived from mythico-historicalorigins that carried divine pretensions. Accordingly, Augustus andVergil had to reach back into Roman historyand tradition to locatethe auctoritas of Augustus' military and political power.Alexandre Grandazzi speaks of "a nostalgia for origins"57 thatpermeated the last century of the Roman Republic and thePrincipte of Augustus. The princeps participated in this retrievalof the past with his political program of the restoration of theRoman state and society. His politics were particularly concernedwith the strengtheningof the family and religion as theyhad beenin early days of Rome. He wished to improve the morals whichhad been corrupted during the chaos of the last century of theRoman Republic. It was believed that those public and privatemorals had a higher standard in the past. The past, however, wasnot only a model for a supposedly better life but also providedAugustus with the auctoritas that he needed forpolitical power.5857 Alexandre randazzi, heFoundationsfRome:MythndHistoryIthaca-London1 97 [= Lafondation e Rome.Rflexionur histoire,aris 1 91TranslatedyJaneMarieTodd])34.Augustus e-establishedies with he Rome's origins ythededicatingchapelto Vesta on the Romulean ill,for nearlyRome theVestalswere



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Whereas Augustus referred to an undeterminate past, Vergilturned to Aeneas, at a time preceding the very firstbeginnings ofRome- and Romulus. The Aeneid connects Augustus withAeneas,the legendary founder of the Romans, and then with Romulus, thelegendary founder of Rome. Vergil thus associates the princepswith the earliest possible days of Roman history, describingAugustus as a second Aeneas as well as as a second Romulus. Thisis why Vergil wrote an Aeneid rather than an Augusteid,59 ecallingthe mythic and divine origins which would provide the ultimatesource forAugustus' authority.

COLGATE UNIVERSITY

consideredaughtersf theking, nd thehearthheyhonoredwas that ftheking's esidence. f. Grandazzi 167.AccordingoGalinsky,0,Vergilwas more nterestednthebeginningsfRome and theformationftheRomanpeoplethan n theAugustan omeand tspeople. He shiftedhe mphasisoendeavorndprocess atherhanachievementnd thereforerote...an eneid atherhan nAugusteid."

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Augustus Divine Authority and Vergil s Aeneid SabineGrebe-29p