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Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis
in Western Catalan Clitics
Jesús Jiménez
(Universitat de València)
Workshop on Ibero-Romance
Phonology and Morphology,
UCL, London, 18 March 2014
2
«The system of pronominal (anaphoric) clitics is possibly the most complex
element of Catalan grammar. »
(Wheeler 2005: 341)
3
I. Contextual variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/:
em passa ‘s/he passes me’ m’ataca ‘s/he attacks me’ me la passa ‘s/he passes it FEM to
me’
passa’ls ‘pass them ACC MASC’ passar-los ‘to pass them ACC
MASC’ passa-mos-els ‘pass them ACC MASC to
us’
Main difficult issues
4
II. Dialectal variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/:
em ~ me passa m’ataca me la passa
passa’ls ~ -los passar-los passa-mos-els ~ -mos-los ~ -mo’ls …
Main difficult issues
5
III. Polysemic forms: Valencian els /l+z/:
els passa cada dia
them ACC MASC
‘s/he passes them every day’
els passa la sal
them DAT
‘s/he passes them the salt’
Main difficult issues
6
IV. Non-transparent –syncretic– forms, even in Valencian (mostly compositional):
Standard Valencian: els els passa ‘to them them ACC MASC’
Alternate outcomes (only Valencian ones):
li ‘ls passa lit. ‘to him/her them ACC MASC’
els ho passa lit. ‘to them that’
li ho passa lit. ‘to him/her that ’
li ho’s passa lit. ‘to him/her that PL’
…
Main difficult issues
7
«M’he passat la nit somiant
amb els pronoms febles. »
(Martí, Poble Nou, 1994)
«Last night I had a thousand nigthmares...
about weak pronouns!»
Problems learning pronouns? No wonder
8
I. Contextual variation
&
II. Dialectal variation
&
The ‘choice’ of epenthetic vowels
Main focus of this talk: Variation
9
The syllabification of pronominal clitics obeys the Economy Principle:
E.g. epenthetic vowels are only inserted when necessary & where necessary.
A variation OT can deal with
10
Previously studied in a derivational model: Wheeler (1979), Viaplana (1980), Colomina (1985), Mascaró (1986), DeCesaris (1987), Todolí (1988, 1992, 1994), Bonet (1991, 1993), Morales & Prieto (1992), Lloret & Viaplana (1996), Bonet & Lloret (1998a)...
A variation OT can deal with
11
Profusion of OT works: Bonet & Lloret (1995, 1996, 1998b, 2002, 2005), Colina (1995), Jiménez & Todolí (1995), Palmada & Serra (1995), Serra (1996), Jiménez (1997, 1999), Campmany (2008)...
A variation OT can deal with
12
Why are clitics so appealing to OT?
syllable structure
/m/
13
Why are clitics so appealing to OT?
phonological well-formedness conditionssyllable structure
/m/
14
Why are clitics so appealing to OT?
phonological well-formedness conditionssyllable structure
/m/
morphological integrity(contiguity)
15
Why are clitics so appealing to OT?
phonological well-formedness conditionssyllable structure
/m/
morphological integrity(contiguity)
faithfulness
16
Why are clitics so appealing to OT?
phonological well-formedness conditionssyllable structure
paradigmatic pressure
/m/
morphological integrity(contiguity)
faithfulness
17
Why are clitics so appealing to OT?
phonological well-formedness conditionssyllable structure
paradigmatic pressure
/m/ formal iconicity
morphological integrity(contiguity)
faithfulness
18
Why are clitics so appealing to OT?
phonological well-formedness conditionssyllable structure
paradigmatic pressure
. . . /m/ formal iconicity
morphological integrity(contiguity)
faithfulness
19
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics (basics) as a conflict between markedness & contiguity constraints
II. Underlying representation of clitics
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
IV. (Morpho)phonologically conditioned allomorph selection
Outline of the presentation
20
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
/m#pasa/
21
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
/m#pasa/
a. me pása
b. em pása
22
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
1. Syllabic well-formedness constraints:
*PEAK/CONS & OTHERS (*σ-STRUC)
ONSET
*CODA
*COMPLEXCODA
...
23
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
2. Faithfulness constraints:
DEP-V
MAX
REALIZE-MORPHEME
...
24
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
3. Contiguity constraints:
CONTIGUITYSTEM: /stɔp/
CONTIGUITYSTEM/AFFIX: /stɔp+z/, /l+z/
CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC: /m#pasa/, /pasa#m//l#pasa/, /pasa#l//l+z#pasa/, /pasa#l+z/
CONTIGUITYCLITIC/CLITIC: /m#l+a#pasa/
25
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
Contiguity over markedness 1: relevant ranking: CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V, ONSET, *CODA
/m#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA
a. me pása *! *
√ b. em pása * * *
/m#ataka/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA
√ a. m atáka
b. me atáka *! * *
c. em atáka * *
26
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
Contiguity over markedness 2: ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> *COMPLEX CODA, *CODA
/l#pasa/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL *COMPCODA
*CODA
a. le pása *!
√ b. el pása *
/lz#pasa/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL *COMPCODA
CODA
a. les pása *! *
√ b. els pása * *
27
I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
The emergency of the unmarked: relevant ranking: CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC >> ONSET, *CODA >> CONTIGUITYCLITIC/CLITIC
/m#pasa/ CONTHOST/
CL
ONSET *CODA CONTCL/CL
a. me pása *!
√ b. em pása * *
/m#l+a#pasa/ CONTHOST/
CL
ONSET *CODA CONTCL/CL
√ a. me la pása * *
b. em la pása * *! *!
28
II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):
1. Option 1: [e] are the product of a phonological process of epenthesis → the 1st person clitic:
- has a single underlying form, /m/,
&
- different outputs are derived through the application of processes or constraints.
29
II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):
1. Option 1): The results in m’ataca [m atáka], em passa [em
pása] & me la passa [me la pása] can be derived from the ranking of well-founded principles.
The epenthetic vowel [e] & its peripheral position are the same as the vowels appearing:
in patrimonial words:
centre ‘center’ /sentɾ/ [sentɾe]
batre ‘to hit’ /bat+ɾ/ [batɾe] in loanwords: stop /stɔp/ [estɔO p]
30
II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):
2. Option 2: [e] are present underlyingly →
1st person clitic:
- has 3 different allomorphs: /m/, /em/ & /me/
- which are a) either chosen by mere stipulation or b) derived from independently needed constraints.
31
II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):
2. Option 2b): Markedness constraints *CODA & ONSET
favor the winning candidates m’ataca [m atáka] or me la passa [me la pása].
32
II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):
2. Option 2b): In a form such as em passa [em pása]…
...it’s not possible to resort to syllabification for the choice of the allomorph /em/ nor to ground the choice on contiguity constraints, since the vowel of /me/ is now part of the clitic.
/{m, em, me}#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA
√ a. me pása
b. em pása *! *!
33
II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):
2. Option 2:
Hence, at least in some cases, “the choice of one allomorph over another would have to be a mere stipulation” (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 45).
For all these reasons, forms such as /m/ or /l+z/, without the allegedly epenthetic vowels, have been posited as underlying forms for pronominal clitics (cf. Wheeler 1979, Viaplana 1980, Mascaró 1986, Bonet 2002).
34
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Choice based on:1. Segmental markedness (Palmada 1994):
a) Eastern Catalan: featureless vowel, [ə]
b) Western Catalan: two vowels, [e] & sometimes [a]
2. Positional markedness (Lloret & Jiménez 2008, Jiménez & Lloret 2013).
35
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
[i] [u]
[e] [o]
[ə]
[ɛ] [ɔ]
[a]
36
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
[i]
[e]
[a]
37
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
Peak
hierarchy
[i]
[e]
[a]
38
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
Peak
hierarchy
[i] *PEAK[i]
[e] *PEAK[e]
[a] *PEAK[a]
39
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
Peak Unstressed
hierarchy peak hierarchy
[i] *PEAK[i]
[e] *PEAK[e]
[a] *PEAK[a]
40
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
Peak Unstressed
hierarchy peak hierarchy
[i] *PEAK[i] *UNSTRPK[a]
[e] *PEAK[e] *UNSTRPK[e]
[a] *PEAK[a] *UNSTRPK[i]
41
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
Peak & Unstressed
hierarchy peak hierarchy
[i] *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPK[a]
[e] *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPK[e]
[a] *PEAK[a], *UNSTRPK[i]
42
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Variety I: Standard Valencian
43
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word-level…
Word-initially: [e]stop [e]spaguetis
Elsewhere: centr[e] (cf. centr-al) batr[e] (cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)
44
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word-level… & in the clitic group:
Proclisis: [e]m passa m[e]l passa
Enclisis: passar-m[e] passa-m[e]l
45
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Ranking: *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPK[a] >> *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPK[e]
/m#pasa/ *PEAK[i]
*UNSTRPK[a]
*PEAK[e]
*UNSTRPK[e]
a. am pása *!
√ b. em pása * *
c. im pása *!
46
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian
(Garcia & Beltran 1994, Beltran 2005)
47
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Epenthetic vowel: at the word-level…
[a] word-initially: [a]stop [a]spaguetis
[e] elsewhere: centr[e] (cf. centr-al) batr[e] (cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)
48
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Epenthetic vowel: in the clitic group…
[a] in proclisis: [a]m passa m[a]l passa
[e] in enclisis: passar-m[e] passa-m[e]l
49
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Among unstressed syllables, initial syllables are considered prominent (i.e. peaks)
We can split the *UNSTRPK[α] ranking in two, depending on the site of the epenthesis, i.e. in proclisis or in enclisis: Proclisis:
*UNSTRPKPR[a] >> *UNSTRPKPR[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[i]
Enclisis:*UNSTRPKEN[a] >> *UNSTRPKEN[e] >> *UNSTRPKEN[i]
And order these sub-hierarchies in different ways w.r.t. the general *PEAK[α] ranking.
50
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Enclitic forms; relevant ranking: *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPKEN[a] >> *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPKEN[e]
/pasáɾ#m/ *PEAK[i]
*UNSTRPKEN[a]
*PEAK[e]
*UNSTRPKEN[e]
a. pasáɾ ma *!
√ b. pasáɾ me * *
c. pasáɾ mi *!
51
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Proclitic forms; relevant ranking: IDENT[low], *PEAK[i] >> *PEAK[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[a]
/m#pása/ *IDENT[low] *PEAK[i] *PEAK[e]
*UNSTRPKPR[a]
√ a. am pása *
b. em pása *!
c. im pása *!
52
III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Proclitic forms, with underlying vowels; relevant ranking: IDENT[low], *PEAK[i] >> *PEAK[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[a]
/lez#pása/ *IDENT[low] *PEAK[i] *PEAK[e]
*UNSTRPKPR[a]
a. las pása *! *
√ b. les pása *
c. lis pása *!
53
IV. Allomorph selection
Case study:
Plural masculine accusative
54
IV. Allomorph selection
Data (Standard Valencian):
Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: els porta, vos els porta
Enclisis:
[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls
[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los
[els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els
55
IV. Allomorph selection
Formal interpretation: the clitic pronoun els has two allomorphs (Mascaró 1986; Todolí 1988, 1992; Jiménez 1997):
/l+z/ ~ /l+o+z/
/o/ is a gender morph → not an epenthetic vowel
56
IV. Allomorph selection
Following Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró (2007), we assume both allomorphs (/l+z/ & /l+o+z/) are ordered in the lexical entry:
Accusative plural: {/l+z/ > /l+o+z/}
The selection of the first form is enhanced by the PRIORITY constraint, which «demands faithfulness to this ordering, i.e. favors the choice of the unmarked allomorph» (Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró 2007: 906)
57
IV. Allomorph selection
Variety I: Standard Valencian
PRIORITY ({l+z > l+o+z}) >> DEP-V
58
IV. Allomorph selection
Data (Standard Valencian):
Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: els porta, vos els porta
Enclisis:
[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls
[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los
[els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els
59
IV. Allomorph selection
Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z}) >> DEP-V/pasa#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V
√ a. pása ls
b. pása los *!
c. pása les *! *
/pasaɾ#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V
a. pasáɾ els *! *
√ b. pasáɾ los *
c. pasáɾ les *! *
60
IV. Allomorph selection
Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z}) >> DEP-V/pasaɾ#m#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V
√ a. pasáɾ me ls * *
b. pasáɾ me los * *! *
/pasaɾ#voz#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V
√ a. pasáɾ voz els * *
b. pasáɾ voz los * *!
61
IV. Allomorph selection
Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian
DEP-V >> PRIORITY ({l+z > l+o+z})
62
IV. Allomorph selection
Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z})/pasa#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
√ a. pása ls
b. pása los *!
/pasaɾ#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pasáɾ els *! *
√ b. pasáɾ los *
63
IV. Allomorph selection
Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z})/pasa#m#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
√ a. pásaɾ me ls * *
b. pásaɾ me los * * *!
/pasaɾ#voz#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pásaɾ voz els * *!
√ b. pásaɾ voz los * *
64
IV. Allomorph selection
Data (Pedreguer Valencian):
Enclisis:
[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after a clitic ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls
[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los
(cf. standard portar-vos-els)
Intermediate extension of /l+o+z/
65
IV. Allomorph selection
Variety III: Palmera Valencian
PRIORITY inversion
({l+o+z > l+z}) in enclisis
66
IV. Allomorph selection
Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V, PRIORITY({L+O+Z > L+Z})/pasa#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pása ls *!
√ b. pása los
/pasaɾ#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pásaɾ els *! * *
√ b. pásaɾ los
67
IV. Allomorph selection
Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V, PRIORITY({L+O+Z > L+Z})/pasa#m#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pasáɾ me ls * * *!
√ b. pasáɾ me los * *
/pasaɾ#voz#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pasáɾ voz els * *! *
√ b. pasáɾ voz los *
68
IV. Allomorph selection
Data (Palmera Valencian):
Enclisis:
[los] after a host ending in V: porta-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in (epenth.) V: portar-me-los [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los
Maximal extension of /l+o+z/
69
V. Final remarks
In the process of grammaticalization, pronominal clitics tend to become regular affixes & reduce their form to the minimum:
… Independent words
Palmera Valencian
Pedreguer Valencian
Standard Valencian
… Affixes
70
V. Final remarks
Hence, as regular affixes, they tend to add the default epenthetic vowel:
[e] in Western Catalan
[ə] in Eastern Catalan
Although sometimes the support segments are chosen on positional markedness or on morphophonological grounds: cf., respectively, Pedreguer Valencian [a]ls porta & portar-l[o]s.
71
V. Final remarks
With regard to the last exceptions to the general pattern, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:
On the one hand, whereas proclitic forms tend to maximally reduce, resorting, if needed, to an epenthetic vowel (cf. Standard Val. [e]ls porta), enclitic forms can retain part of their primordial morphosyntactic independence with the presence of specific gender markers (cf. Standard Val. portar-l[o]s).
72
V. Final remarks
With regard to these exceptions to the general rule, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:
On the other hand, only proclitic forms usually take vowels whose segmental features replicate the phonological prominence of the initial position, as in Pedreguer Val. m[a]ls porta vs. porta-m[e]ls.
73
VI. References ALDERETE, John (1995): Faithfulness to prosodic heads. Ms., University of
Massachusetts, Amherst. BARNES, Jonathan (2002): The phonetics and phonology of positional
neutralization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. Published as Strength and weakness at the interface: Positional neutralization in phonetics and phonology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2006.
BELTRAN, Vicent (2005): El parlar de la Marina Alta. 2 vols. Alacant: Departament de Filologia Catalana, Universitat d’Alacant.
BONET, Eulàlia (1991): La morfologia dels clítics pronominals en català i en altres llengües romàniques. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
BONET, Eulàlia (1993): «3rd Person Pronominal Clitics in Dialects of Catalan». Catalan Working Papers in Linguistics 3-1: 85-111.
BONET, Eulàlia (2002): «Cliticització». In: Joan Solà; Maria-Rosa Lloret; Joan Mascaró & Manuel Pérez Saldanya (dir.) Gramàtica del català contemporani. Vol. 1. Barcelona: Empúries, 933-989.
BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1995): Cliticització i sil·labificació. I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).
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VI. References BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1996): Variació dialectal i optimitat.
Epèntesi en el grup clític. 6è Col·loqui de Gramàtica generativa, València. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1998a): Fonologia catalana.
Barcelona: Ariel. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1998b): La sil·labificació del grup
clític en català. Novè Col·loqui de la NACS, Barcelona. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2002): «OCP effects in Catalan cliticization». Catalan Journal of Linguistics 1: 19-39.
BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2005): «More on alignment as an alternative to domains: the syllabification of Catalan clitics». Probus 17.1: 37-78.
BONET, Eulàlia, Maria-Rosa LLORET & Joan MASCARÓ (2007): «Allomorph selection and lexical preferences: Two case studies». Lingua 117: 903-927.
CAMPMANY, Elisenda (2008): Diferències fonològiques entre diversos estils de parla al català central septentrional. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Barcelona.
COLINA, Sonia (1995): A Constraint-based Analysis of Syllabification in Spanish, Catalan, and Galician. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana.
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VI. References COLOMINA, Jordi (1985): L'alacantí. Un estudi sobre la variació lingüística.
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Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA. Published in London / New York: Routledge, 2001. DECESARIS, Janet A. (1987): «Epenthesis in Catalan». In: Carol Neidle &
Rafael A. Núñez (ed.) Studies in Romance Languages: Proceedings if the 15th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. Dordrecht: Foris, 79-92.
GARCIA, Josepa & Vicent BELTRAN (1994): El parlar de Pedreguer. Pedreguer: Ajuntament de Pedreguer, Institut d’Estudis Comarcals de la Marina Alta.
JIMÉNEZ, Jesús (1997): L’estructura siŀlàbica del dialecte valencià. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de València.
JIMÉNEZ, Jesús (1999): L’estructura siŀlàbica del català. València, Barcelona: IIFV, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat.
JIMÉNEZ, Jesús & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2013): «Vocalic adjustments under positional markedness in Catalan and other Romance languages». In: Victoria Camacho-Taboada; Ángel L Jiménez-Fernández; Javier Martín-González & Mariano Reyes-Tejedor (ed.) Information Structure and Agreement. (Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 197). Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 319-336.
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VI. References
JIMÉNEZ, Jesús & Júlia TODOLÍ (1995): «La forma dels pronoms clítics catalans: condicions sil·làbiques i alineament morfològic». In: Carlos Martín Vide (ed.) Actes del XIè Congrés de Llenguatges Naturals i Llenguatges Formals. Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 429-437.
LLORET, Maria-Rosa & Jesús JIMÉNEZ (1998): «Marcatge posicional i prominència en el vocalisme àton». Caplletra 45: 55-91. LLORET, Maria-Rosa & Joaquim VIAPLANA (1996): «Els clítics pronominals singulars del català oriental: una aproximació interdialectal». Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes XXXII: 273-309.
MASCARÓ, Joan (1986): Morfologia. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana. MORALES, Alfonso & Pilar PRIETO (1992): «Processos d'epèntesi en grups
de clítics en tortosí». In: Actes del Sisè Col·loqui d'Estudis Catalans a Nord-Amèrica (Vancouver, 1990). Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 131-142.
PALMADA, Blanca (1994): La fonologia del català. Els principis actius i la variació. Bellaterra: Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
PALMADA, Blanca & Pep SERRA (1995): La sil·labificació òptima del clítics. Treball presentat al I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).
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VI. References
SERRA, Pep (1996): La fonologia prosòdica del català. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Girona.
TODOLÍ, Júlia (1988): Estat actual de la combinació binària de pronoms febles al País Valencià. Master’s Thesis, Universitat de València.
TODOLÍ, Júlia (1992): «Variants dels pronoms febles de 3a persona al País Valencià: regles fonosintàctiques i morfològiques». Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 5: 137-160.
TODOLÍ, Júlia (1994): «Els clítics pronominals de 3a persona a les comarques d'Alacant: interferència lingüística del castellà?». Actes del IXè Col·loqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes, vol. 3. Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 197-209.
VIAPLANA, Joaquim (1980): «Algunes consideracions sobre les formes pronominals del barceloní». Anuario de Filología 6: 459-483.
WHEELER, Max (1979): Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Blackwell. WHEELER, Max (2005): The Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
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Thank you for your attention
Jesús Jiménez ([email protected])
Research funded by the Spanish MINECO and the FEDER (FFI2010-22181-C03-02) and by the Generalitat de Catalunya (2009SGR521)
Presentation soon available at: http://www.ub.edu/GEVAD/