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MUS IC AND IDENT ITY AMONG MAHARJAN FARMERSTHE DH IMAY S E N EGU O F KA THMANDU 1

Franck Bernde

In many ways, Newar music appears to apply metaphysical conceptsto urban order. The 32 wards (tol) of Kathmandu reflect acosmological ideal, asserting themselves as so many musicalmicrocosms. Processional music plays an important part in urbanorganisation and its role is considered to be essentially a ritual one.While concentrating on the ways musical knowledge is acquiredamong the Maharjan peasants of Kathmandu, this study emphasizesthe importance of the role held by the "language" of the drums inthe representation of these territorial identities. This study isorganised according to three axes of research: the mythicalsubstratum, ritual structure and the orientation of musical education.

To begin with, it should be noted that musical performance

among the Newar cannot really be qualified as professional;nevertheless, they occur as a parallel activity harmoniously integratedinto daily life. Most castes take part in a number of instrumental andvocal groups. Among these, the Maharjan (Jypu) have a prominentrole, whether in religious or memorial festivals. Considered by theNepalese as the first inhabitants of the valley, they are oftenpresented as the spokesmen for Newar culture. Their music comesunder the banner of a lineage divinity explicitly associated withmusic. It is through a presentation of this divinity, that we hope tointroduce a study of the dhimay drum, which as a tangible and

1 Translation: Susan Keyes. This article is among the first results of an investigationundertaken within the context of a research programme directed by G. Toffin (Pir-villesproject of the CNRS). Material was collected during three missions (July-August 1995,February-March and July-August 1996), with the support of UPR 299 of the CNRS,the Socit Franaise d'Ethnomusicologie and the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en SciencesSociales. We are most grateful to K.P. Rimal, our collaborator, as well as Dev NarayanMaharjan, our dhimay teacher. Our thanks to our musicologist and musiciancolleaguesR.K. Duwal, I. Grandin and G.M. Wegner.

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musical form of the god of music, invests its deep resonance intothe royal Nepalese cities.

NsadyNsady is the Newar god of music, dance and the arts. He

appears as an aspect of iva Mahdeva with whom he shares thenames Nevar and Nyanth. These two terms refer to his initialfunction as the lord of cosmic dance, Naarja. It is common toderive the Newar name Nsady from nsa, "charm, delight,inspiration", and dy, "god" and to link this conventional etymologyto the Nepali expression nacne devat, "dancing god"2.

Representations of Nsady are diverse and can be divided

into three principal categories: cavities (New. Nsapv),anthropomorphic forms and finally musical instruments. The cavities(New. pv) can be simple or consist of three or five cavities withdifferent geometric configurations (cf. Wegner, 1992: 126). Most ofNsady's shrines only have three symbolising the god and hisprincipal musician assistants, the bull, Nand, and the dwarf, Bhgi,(Fig. 1). The two supplementary cavities are generally associated withiva's two sons, Gaea and Kumr.

Fig. 1 Nsapv (Indra cok, Kathmandu)

2nasah = 1. charm, delight, inspiration; 2. god of music, dance and drama": NewarMusic Dictionary (Wegner, 1992: 125). According to Mahes Raj Pant (personalcommunication), the syllables n and sa are contractions respectively of the Sanscritroot NT- "to dance" and the word vara "lord"; the contraction of Sanskrit syllablesis common in monosyllabic Newari.

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In his anthropomorphic form, Nsady is principallyrepresented on the stone or metal tympanums (toraa) of temples.Generally, like Mahdeva, he is represented draped in a tiger skin,covered with ashes from pyres, adorned with snake necklaces and

endowed with a varying number of arms. He holds a number ofattributes in his hands, among which, the hour glass drum (amaru)and a necklace of skulls are the most significant for our purpose.The amaru, the archetype of all membranophones, bears someresemblance to the hakkdrum of iva Naarja. The most ancienttext referring to this god3 mentions that at the end of his dance,striking his drum 14 times, the lord of the dancers utters all theconstituent sounds of articulated language, from which, among others

things, music is born4. As for the garland of freshly cut humanheads (Skt. muaml), it indicates, as for all Tantric divinities, theacceptance of blood sacrifices. Moreover, the garland symbolises "thescience of letters", mantra vidy. Other iconic representations ofNsady are drawn on pieces of cotton (New.: dhaki) intended toveil the cavities where he resides during rituals. The god and hisassistants are represented here in a semi-abstract manner (cf. Duwaland Maharjan in this issue)5. Finally, as a tutelary divinity of music,

Nsady also manifests himself in the form of musical instruments.Among them, the dhimaydrum has a special place. It is consideredas a tangible aspect of the god, and is therefore the object ofparticular veneration.

3 The krik of Nandikevara on the Pratyhra-stra of Pini, also called ivastra(cf. Rao, 1990: 173).

4 The hymns to Naarja are characterised by their propensity to imitate drum beatingand comprise numerous alliterations of consonants and onomatopoeia evokingpercussion. Hence, there are numerous devotional hymns attributed to distinguishedpersonages like Patajali, in which the text suggests dancing and the tinkling ofjewellery. One of the most important hymns, the Tatvrya-stava, is recited after thepj at Cidambaram: it evokes the identification of iva with ka as well as hisassociation with grammar and medicine, describing him as the dancer and he who singsthe purest hymns of Smaveda. Another hymn, the Naea Cintmani, structuredaround five phonemes of his mantra, explicitly describes him as musical notespersonified, residing in the ri Cakra.5 Although Nsady is rarely depicted, the thanka in the National Art Gallery ofBhaktapur in a form with "16 arms", oasi mudra, dancing with his consort and dated1659 AD, is a remarkable example.

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Nsady is associated with a mountain called Kabilas orKapilasa, located north-west of Kathmandu in Nuwakot District. Thefirst name of this mountain, which may come from the localpronunciation of Kailas (?), is an explicit reference to the archetypal

residence of the god iva, while the second refers to the sageKapila, who according to oral tradition practised austerities long agoon the summit of this hill. There, Mahdeva and Nsady aredistinct entities and reside in different shrines. A small temple builton the hill's summit shelters Mahdeva in the form of a caturmukhalinga, while Nsady is represented by a natural niche in the wallof the mountain side, about 50 meters below. Still further down, tworaised stones are dedicated to Sarasvat and Gaea. Curiously,

Hanumn, the inseparable companion of the god of music in urbantemples appears to be absent here.

These shrines are mostly frequented by Maharjan peasants whoperform rituals including blood sacrifices every spring. It is said thateveryone must go to Mount Kabilas at least once in their lifetime.Women cannot participate in the worship of Nsady, nor evenapproach the shrine of the god. However, their presence is requiredfor the worship of Sarasvat. At this site, it is customary for the

women to offer a small hemp sack to her thereby recalling the directlinks that they maintain with the Goddess in their daily worship.

Two contrasting accounts illustrate the relationship ofNsady with this mountain. The first recounts in essence that thegod, who originally resided in Bhaktapur, fled to Kabilas riding awhite cock, as he found the town too dirty. For the farmers ofKathmandu, the journey is reversed: it is said that Nsady,coming from Kabilas one night, stopped at the northern entrance of

the capital (Thamel tol) before settling early in the morning in eachward. Another version, from Rjopdhyya priests in Patan, leads oneto understand that Nsady could have been the name of a realisedbeing (siddha), deified following his numerous feats.

Principally associated with skill, talent, perfection, eloquenceand right action, Nsady is above all venerated for the powers(siddhi) which he confers on his devotees and without which nocreation is possible. If his favours are principally sought by artists(musicians, singers and dancers), they are equally solicited by all

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Newar for other reasons. Thus, it is common to present the new-born to the god in order, it is said, to avoid malformations,especially mental. Various legends associated with the god shouldallow us to better define the nature of the ties uniting him with

music and dance.

Legend 1

"The demon Bsmsur, eager for power, accomplished difficult acts of

austerities. One day he was gratified by a visit from Mahdev, who to

recompense him for his asceticism, asked him what he would like.

Bsmsur asked for the power to reduce to ashes all that he touched.

The great god agreed to his request, and Bsmsur wishing to verify his

new powers, rushed headlong at Mahdev, who was frightened and fled.

The demon followed him without respite and Mahdev had no other

choice but to take refuge in the semi-obscurity of a rocky cavity. Risking

great misfortune, the gods united and put together a plan to stop the

rampaging demon. Making him think that iva's powers were not so

great, he convinced him to test them on himself. Credulous and naive,

Bsmasur agreed and in an instant destroyed himself".6

Legend 2

"One day, Nasa Dya gave Bhim Dya [Bhimsen] a singing lesson, but the

latter did not have much in the way of talent. When Bhim Dya was later

practicing on his own, a washerman came by who happened to be

searching for his lost donkey. Hearing the sound, the washerman thought

it was his lost animal's braying and coming upon Bhim Dya asked where

the donkey was. Bhim Dya thus realized that his singing sounded like a

donkey's cry. Just as a bad craftsman quarrels with his tools, Bhim Dya

6 Legend recounted by a Brahman from the temple of Kabilas.

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grew angry with Nasa Dya, thinking that he had been badly taught. And

so he went off to hit Nasa Dya with his club. Seeing him coming, Nasa

Dya was frightened and ran away but Bhim Dya chased after him.

Fearing for his life, Nasa Dya hid himself in a dark place among

garbage and filth. This is the reason that his shrines are located in ornear such places."7 (Lewis, 1984 : 111).

7 The same spelling and underlining rather than italics is used here, as in Lewis'translation of Prem Bahadur Kasa, Nasa Dyaya Mye, 1963.

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Legend 3

"A long time ago, Nsady in his human form, was walking towards

Mount Kabilas. On the way he saw a young woman who was cutting

grass. Deeply moved by her beauty, he courted her and made love to

her. Later, a child was born. The baby was beautiful and a source of

pride for the young mother; she took all the credit for the birth of her

son. However, Nsady was proud of his virility and claimed the same

rights. The situation created a quarrel between husband and wife and

degenerated to such a point that the god and his consort decided to

separate the fruit of their union into two parts. Nsady took all the

bones and created a skeleton named Kav, and the young woman tookthe flesh and made a being called Khy. Nsady, saddened by the

hideous creatures, sat down on a felled tree trunk and began to beat it

furiously. Suddenly, the two creatures came to life and began to dance to

the rhythm of their father. According to oral tradition, this legend is the

origin of Nepalese music and dance." (after R. Praddhan (1111 NS, p.

1).8

Legend 4

"In the beginning was the great goddess Mahmy. Alone in her glory

and wishing to be multiple, she wanted to join forces with someone;

hence she created Brhma. Frightened by the ill-omened character of this

incestuous relationship, the latter refused. The furious Mahmy instantly

destroyed him. She then created Viu who in turn refused and so met

the same fate. Beside herself with rage, the Goddess engendered

Mahevara who agreed to her request on the one condition that the

goddess change her form. Both took turns at all aspects of the creation.

At the end of this divine game, Mahmy and iva both assumed

human forms and finally united. Following this divine union, Mahmy

disappeared. Insatiable and filled with despair, Mahevara went to the

ends of the universe to look for her. He then assumed the form of

8 Translation from Newari by S. Manandhar.

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Rudra and abandoned himself to a terrible dance, tndava pykkh9. Since

then this wild, destructive dance associated with carnal desire, is called

Nsady pykkh".10

Legend 5

"One day Prvat in her angry form (krodha mrti), was performing her

wild dance when Mahdev appeared and began to dance with her, taking

on, one after the other, all the different angry rasa. The last dance, which

finally pacified and satisfied the goddess was called Nsady pykkh.

It is also called lsya nrya. Surprised and completely won over by this

dance, Prvat adopted it and made it her own. According to the local

tradition, it is the origin of the rasa adbhuta("the wonderful mood").

Legend 6

"Arrogant ilived in a forest. One day Mahdy (Mahdeva's Newar

name) decided to shatter their pride which was destroying them and hepaid them a visit. Seeing the god, the ibecame extremely angry. To

test his power, they prepared an offering on the sacrificial hearth. A wild

boar sprang forth from the fire. With a demented grunting, he rushed

towards Mahdy to devour him. In an instant, the latter dismembered

him with his finger and covered his shoulders with the animal's skin. The

i were unrelenting and started on a new sacrifice from which a

venomous serpent sprang forth. Upon seeing Mahdy, the reptile was

instantaneously pacified and delicately coiled around his neck, offering himbody as an ornament. Confused, but determinate, the iused the force of

their mantras to engender a demon dwarf. The dwarf rushed at Mahdy

to devour him. The great god knocked him out him and began to dance

wildly over the inanimate body. According to the Newar, this dance

attributed to Nsady is called tnava pykkh".11

9pykkh, "dance" in Newari.10 Legends 4 and 5 were recounted to me by a Vajrcrya dance master in Patan.11 Legend recounted by a Rjopdhyya of Patan.

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Certain characteristics which emerge from these legends allowthe predominate features of the god's personality to be established.Obviously this divine figure presents a great number of similaritieswith the dancing iva of classical Indian tradition. Legends 4 and 5illustrate the bipolarity of the tnavaand layadances, traditionallyassociated with the lord of dancers, and myth 6 is a variation ofNaarja's story related in the MahtmyaofChidambaram, the Koyilpura(cf. Rao, 1990: 174). These elements would therefore lead apriori to the assimilation of this god with iva Naarja.Nevertheless, as T. Ellingson (1990: 227) rightly remarked, thisHimalayan emanation shows considerable differences with its Indian

counterpart12. Not wishing to enter into the details of a synopticstudy of these myths for the time being, only the most recurrentaspects will be discussed, which are in some respects, the mostimportant for our purpose.

In most accounts, Nsady appears as a fearful god. Thissentiment, although affirmed in Vedic and Puranic mythology, isnevertheless paradoxical for a god. It is obviously not a trait ofcharacter. The divinity's fear is generally linked to the need toescape from hostility caused by ignorance. The classic story of Indraand Vtra in the Pacavia Brhmaa (XV.11.9) is an explicitillustration of this:

"Indra, having slain Vtra and imagining that he had not killed him, went

to the remotest distance. He pushed apart the anuubh and crept into its

middle portion. This indeed is Indra's dwelling. In safety does he offer

sacrifices, in safety does he finish the sacrificial session, who, knowingthis, chants on these verses."

Within the context of Newar myths, the god, called eitherNsady or Mahdev, cannot escape from the demon Bsmsur's

12 A master of dance, Vajrcrya, explained the difference between Mahdeva andNsady, "Nsady concedes the siddhi "powers", and Mahdev, completelyintoxicated with cannabis and drunk with the perfume of the dhatura flower, grants allthat one asks . . . "

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powerful asceticism and is forced to grant him what he wants. He isthen compelled to flee from Bsmsur, who intoxicated with his newpower, only dreams of destroying the one who has bestowed thesepowers on him13. In legend 2, it is the absence of Bhimsen's talent

for music which is at the origin of his blind hostility and leadsNsady to hide in the cavities14. Nsady's characteristic ofinvisibility is in keeping with the two meanings of the Sanskrit rootNA- which can perhaps link the name of Nsady: "to bend", onone hand, and "to become invisible", on the other15.

The account of the birth of Nsady's child (Legend 3)appears as another noteworthy difference between Nsady andNaarja. The division of this child into two entities, Khy and

Kav16, resulting from matrimonial discord, is of the greatest interest.It should be pointed out in advance that for the Newar, these twobeings are intimately associated with nocturnal terrors, in particular,those of children. They are sometimes considered as inveteratemischief-makers, sometimes feared. It is said that one of their"favourite games" consists in pressing down on sleeping people.Although it is not specified in the myth, their representations in theform of a skeleton and a pile of flesh recalls the heterogeneity of

the constituent of the organism, divided into "hard" and "soft" partsassociated respectively with the male and female.

13 In the Nirukta ofYska, one of the six auxiliaries (vedga) of the Veda, it is said that

Knowledge personified seeks refuge in a being whose function is precisely to be thetrustee, the receptacle of Knowledge par excellence which is the Vedic Word, "Verily,knowledge approached Brhmaa, 'Protect me, I am thy treasure. Do not expound me tothe scornful, nor the unstraightforward, nor the one who has no self-control; thus I shallgrow powerful'." [Nir. 2.4].14 It should be noted that Bhmasena is the name of one of the five Pava brothers inthe Mahbhrata and of Deva Gandharva (Renou, 1987: 533). It is also the name of theNewar god of commerce.15NAA I. 658, kautilye and NAAadarane IV.85 in the Dhtu-pha (appended list ofgrammatical characteristics of Pini including approximately 2000 roots which are usedto form all Sanskrit words).16 "[...] A spirit who accompanies the goddess Kli, often represented in painting as askeleton. Skt. kakla" (Manandhar, 1986: 26).

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Fig. 2 Kav and Khy

Turning towards India, one sees that this theme has been dealtwith in detail in the Caraka Sahit, the fundamental treatise onAyurvedic medicine. In his work, Caraka indeed enumerates withprecision the parts of the embryo which come respectively from themother and the father: skin, blood, flesh, fat, umbilicus, heart, lungs,

liver, kidneys, etc. are from the mother; while hair, moustache, nails,teeth, bones, channels, ligaments, vessels and sperm are from thefather (rrasthnam III: 6-7)17. This division between female andmale organs according to female mdu(soft) and male sthira"hard"characteristics is not the exclusive prerogative of the Indian world,but it exists throughout Asia. It should also be recalled that forTibetans, sha"flesh" designates the maternal family, and rus"bones",the paternal side and what remains of the corpse after cremation.

This opposition of bones and flesh is intensified by other oppositions:hard and soft, cold and hot and white and red. With the latter, thecolour white is associated with sperm and red with oitaor blood,the fertilizing element associated with the mother.

Within the musical aspect being examined here, the creation ofKav and Khy associated with the separation of gender is inkeeping with the founding constituents of musical production asexpressed in the traditional stanza of unknown origin, ruti mt

laya pit, translated as "the pitch is the mother and time is thefather"(cf.Rao,n.d: 2). The soft parts are therefore associated withSpeech (represented by the syllables, bol), and the firm or hardparts, by rhythm. As we will see, this game of oppositions which isfound in symbolism associated with musical instruments, is decisivefor the understanding of different phases of musical apprenticeships.

17 Edited and translated by M. Angot, in press.

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Lay a , T l a Sm t iIn his explicit relationship with music, Nsady is associated

with laya, a polysemous term which for the Indo-Nepalese as well asfor the Newar, means a tune or melody (Manandhar, 1986: 224).Among the Newar, the technical meaning of layais also the genericname of three musical tempi (slow, moderate and fast) used toaccompany some rituals, in accordance with the meaning of the termin classical Indian musical tradition. As a major concept, embracingcosmology, yoga and the arts, the term laya as a wide meaning asconventional translations demonstrate with the words: "dissolution","absorption", "merging" or even, "rest". P.L. Sharma (1992: 387), inhis detailed study on this theme, presents four of the most synthetic

definitions:

"The important meanings of laya are 1) dissolution or destruction

(sahra) at the cosmic level, implying the dissolution of one element

into another in the reverse order, with reference to the order of creation;

2) deep sleep or slumber (susupti) in living organisms where the merging

of the faculties of sensation and perception into consciousness is implied;

3) in hatha yoga, the state comparable to samdhi (deep meditation)spoken of by Patajali, 4) in music, the viranti or rest immediately

following each kriyor action, spoken of in the treatment of tla; taking

a cyclic view of this action, rest not only succeeds, but also precedes

each action."

With the omnipresence of Nsady within Newar society as awhole, this association with layamust be considered in a broaderperspective than its musical meaning. The existence of abundantliterature relating to worship of this divinity in the milieu of thepriesthood and the metaphysical speculation associated with it areevidence of a broader meaning18.

Within the framework of musical apprenticeships, Nsady,Hanumn, the monkey-god, and Sarasvat, Goddess of Knowledge andof Speech, form an indissociable triad. In this context, each of these

18 Bernde, forthcoming.

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divinities is endowed with a "special quality" which benefits students.It is said that Nsady grants laya; Hanumn presides over thetla19 "rhythm"; and Sarasvat confers the power of smti "memory"permitting musicians to acquire competence.

Nsady, the principal divinity of music, is present in allinstruments, nevertheless, tradition particularly associates him withmembranophones and aerophones. Hanumn, as rhythm master, isrepresented by different categories of idiophones (metal discs andcymbals). Lastly, Sarasvat is traditionally associated with stringedinstruments, in particular the v. However, among the Newar she isalso associated with the pivc fiddle, an instrument which nolonger exists today20.

The Ritual ContextAmong the caste of Maharjan peasants, Nsady is the object

of an annual cult, called Nsady guh pj, tv pj, Nsadypj or dhimay guh pj. This ceremony, during which thedhimay drum is consecrated, is divided into two major parts: thefirst consists of various offerings; the second is an animal sacrificecalled si kgu "taking the head". The description which follows,based on the observation of several ceremonies in Kathmandu,enumerates the different stages. A diagram of good omen (svastika)is first of all drawn on the ground with white and yellow powders.The divinities Gaea, Nandi, Nsady, Bhgi and Kumr are setin place one after the other from left to right. The sukundalamp islit before Gaea; the svasik is drawn in front of Nsady andthe ingredients of the pj (flowers, incense, etc.) are set before

Kumr. After these preliminaries, the cotton veil (dhaki) is stretchedout across the cavities (pv). The ceremony begins with theabhieka, "sprinkling" of the shrine. In the rituals we observed, the

19 Literally, "hand-clapping", derived from the root Tfl- "to clap" or "to beat".20 According to oral tradition, the appearance of the pivc fiddle in Nepal coincideswith the appearance of Majuri, the divinity associated with the creation of theKathmandu Valley. From ancient descriptions, the playing technique seems to resembleboth the Chinese fiddle (fixed bow) and the Indian saragi (fingers resting on thestrings). It was chiefly used to accompany a repertoire of love songs, entitled kli,"black" which were performed during marriages. This fiddle is described as one of thebest means of seduction (R.K. Duwal, personal communication).

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officiant was the clan elder, kajiand music master (dhimay guru); heinstalls three sacrificial cakes representing respectively the god andhis two musician assistants, Nand and Bhgi. Yellow and red ikare then placed on the drums, as well as on the ritual utensils. This

procedure is followed by diverse offerings, consisting of cottonthread (jajka) representing the gift of precious clothing, flowers andsamay21. After having thrown the rice in eight directions, the incenseand lights are presented to the god and his assistants, then the ikmark of Nsady (New. mvaani sina)22 is placed on the foreheadof each participant. Recitations of the mantras follow; after which,the master of ceremony is empowered to give instructions or tomake remarks to his students. An offering called baup, dedicated to

the bhut-pret and picsa concludes the first part of the ceremony.The baupoffering is composed of beaten rice, ginger, black soyseeds, black seeds, pieces of raw meat and salt. Intended to pacifythe spirits of the dead, it is an indispensable preliminary to thesacrifice which follows.

The second part, the animal sacrifice, begins with theconsecration of the sacrificial knife (New. ny cupi, "the butcher'sknife") and the victim, which may be a cock, a young goat or as inthe ritual we observed, a buffalo. If the animal is a cock or ayoung goat, the officiant sprinkles it with water. It is said that if itshakes itself, this signifies that it accepts the sacrifice (maligu). Ifnot, the animal is unfit (Pradhan, 1986:234). This sprinkling is notjudged necessary for the buffalo. The throat of the animal is thencut open from top to bottom and a small piece of flesh is extractedfrom it. It is stuck to the temple's tympanum; a second piece of

flesh is then presented to the sukundalamp's flame, and placed in asaucer. Finally, the head is cut off, removed from the body andplaced on the altar of Nsady. The cotton wick of the sukundalamp is lit and placed there. It is interpreted as the sign of the re-

21 The samay is a mixture of rice, beaten rice, black soy seeds, puffed rice, ginger, roastmeat, black seed cake, boiled seeds and alcohol.22mvaani from the Sanskrit word, mohan, "illusion", and one of the names of Ka.The blackik mark is placed on the forehead of all participants during the ritual. It ismade with the soot from burning fabric mixed with mustard oil. It strongly suggests thepowers of attraction attributed to Nsady and is surrounded with immense prestige.

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absorption of the buffalo's constituents into the five elements (Skt.mahbhta). A blood ik is then placed on the drum skins. Thehead is now placed in a pot and presented to the participants whoeach in turn apply the ikmark to their foreheads. Egg whites are

offered to all the divinities as well as to Khy and Kav, thechildren of Nsady. The students return to the house of the elder(Kji ch)where he blesses them. Immediately following this, theanimal is dismembered. Its head is divided into eight parts andoffered to the elders as music masters according to a strict hierarchy:

muzzle Kaji(clan elder)

right eye first song master

left eye first instrumentalist

right ear second singer

left ear second instrumentalist

tongue third singer

right cheek fourth singer

left cheek third instrumentalist

Thus, as shown above, all left parts are reserved for theinstrumentalists (kh or dhimay guru) and the right parts, for thesingers. The horns (called "the remains of the animal", Nep. ea)are an indivisible part, offered to Nsady and hung on the top ofhis temple. We note that the ritual follows the order of ceremony ofbuffalo sacrifices as practiced by religious associations (guh) and isconceived as part of the category of rituals in honour of the groupof tutelary divinities (New. digudhy) to which Nsady belongs23.

The sacralization of musical instruments is not an isolatedphenomenon and is found throughout the Indian world. Bharata Muni(second century ?), in his famous treatise, Natyastra, described in

23 Cf. the description of the buffalo sacrifice in Pyangaon, described by G. Toffin(1976).

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detail the diverse types of drums and their divinities. Even today inIndia, some drums are the subject of codified ritualization. As anexample, the bherof southern India, within the context of the cultof Naarja, is the object of particularly elaborate procedures. The

obvious link between the dancing god of Cidambaram (Tamil Nadu)and Nsady, leads us to quote the translation of a text from theBhertdanaviddhipart of the Cidambaraketra Sarvasva(1982, vol. 1: 90). In some respects, this text is a meridional counterpart of thesequencing of Nsady's pj24.

"[...] drawing two thadila madalawith rice, one in the East and the

other in the North of the dhvajadada"flag post". Drawing a lotus figure

with eight petals in one of the said thadilaand placing the bherin it.

Placing the astrarja "iva's holy trident" in the other. Both of these

things are honoured with dhupa"incense", dpa"holy oil lamp", naividya

(cooked food, with fruit, etc.). Then the bher is honoured by offering

flowers, etc. [then] Worshipping 'Rudra' at the centre [of the bher], sapta

i, "the seven sages" at the root [bottom of the bher], nava graha"nine

planets" at the holes (?), Vasuki "abyssal serpent" at the black [centre of

the bher], anukhe (the god ubramaya ?) on the beating stick (or

sides of the stick, on the top ?) [then] adorning the bherwith a piece of

silken cloth, flowers, etc. [then] elevating the wind on the ka (sky)with hakrameditating on Mahdeva as having (in) 'bindu' form and

vyonkra(permeating the whole ka), [then] either the priest (of the

festival) or his assistant beats bher (thrice by reciting the following

mantras):

1. Brahmajajnam + asataca viva - first beating.

2. Ida vi urvicakrame + pau sure- second beating.

3. Tryonbeka yajmahe + m mtt- third beating.

After beating the bherby the cryapriest or assistant, the ritual is over,

the regular bher player is called to the place and is sprinkled with

24 We warmly thank Pandit ivarja Dikitar from the Institut Franais d'Indologie inPondichery, who told me of the existence of this passage and kindly agreed to translateit.

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sanctified water. He is also adorned with garlands of flowers. He too

beats the bherwith Nand tla. Other instrumentalists, at that time, play

on the important instruments like maddala, muruja, paaka (kettledrum),

v, flute, dundhubi (large kettledrum) and jhallari (cymbals). By that

meditation, all the deities and all the worlds become pleased and bestowboons upon the devotees."

With regard to the polarity of the mira type (Vedic andTantric) of the cult of Naarja in southern India, we note that is isthe Brahmans who are responsible for the sacralization of the bherdrum and this procedure does not include blood sacrifice. One of the

officiants of the temple of Cidambaram whom we met described thedifferent steps in the pj of the Newar god: "The cult of ivaNaarja is that of Beauty, nothing hideous in it." This remark takesinto account the respective typologies of the two poles of tradition.It should also be recalled that in the case of the ritual to Nsady,the ritualization of the dhimay drum, which is not codified inwriting, is performed by Jypupeasants, who consider the god ofmusic as a secret divinity (gdy) especially bound to them.

The InstrumentsTwo kinds ofdhimaydrums are found in Kathmandu: a large

one, most often called m dhimayorm dhimayand a smaller onecalled yelepv dhimayordhch dhimay. The Newar describe thefirst as an indigenous creation whose origin goes back to "the timeof the gods" (Toffin, 1994: 438). According to I. Grandin (1989:68), its existence goes back to the Licchavi period (fifth-seventhcenturies). Let us briefly recall the characteristics of these twoinstruments, organologically linked to the great family ofholdrumsscattered throughout northern India (Klver and Wegner, 1992).

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Fig. 3 m dhimay

They are cylindrical drums, with two skins, in wood or inhammered brass. Their non-standard sizes, vary respectively from 35to 42 cm in height and 23 to 27 cm in diameter for the yelepvdhimay, and from 45 to 50 cm in height and 38 to 50 cm indiameter for the m dhimay. Their manufacture is collective unitingseveral craftsmen Chunara carpenters for the wooden bodies (New.

gv) and Tamrkr/Kanskr smiths for those in brass. Thepreparation tanning, stretching the goat or buffalo skins and thefinal assemblage are the responsibility of the Kulu caste of tanners25.

Each of the drum skins is charged with different symbolism inthe three ancient royal cities. Hence, in Kathmandu the skin on theright is associated with Nsady, while that on the left representsmka (from m, "mother", and ka, "place" ?)26. In Patan thisplay of oppositions is respectively represented by the two types of

dances of iva Naarja, tava and lsya 27, and finally, inBhaktapur the skin on the right is, as in Kathmandu, associated withthe Newar god of music, while that on the left is identified with

25 For a detailed description of the different steps in the manufacture of the dhimaydrum, see G.M. Wegner (1986).26 The term mka generally seems to represent a contraction of mahkala. However,according to informants in the southern part of Kathmandu, the translation ofmkais "mother's place".27 This evokes the popular etymology of the word tla associating the syllables t withtava and la with lsya.

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To be complete, the dhimay bj requires the presence ofidiophones, which have the function of regulating the tempo (tla).According to the locality, the ward or the circumstances of theperformance, two kinds can be distinguished: large bhusy cymbals

with protuberancesand small metal discs called kepuorghau.

Traditionally made by members of the Vajrcrya and kyahigh castes from a combination of different metals whose proportionsare kept secret, the two elements form pairs ofbhusy cymbals (30cm in diameter) which like the Tibetan sbug-chal29 are not the sameas each other. The left one is heavier and is placed flat in the hand;it is held by a small thong in a V-form across the fingers andassociated with the female. The right one, male, is held by a piece

of bamboo thought of as a liga and twisted into the the strap.Their evident association with the yelepv dhimayof Kathmandu ishere theoretically outlawed with the m dhimay, at least in the lowerpart of the town (Kone).

Organologically similar, the ghau and kepu can bedistinguished by their respective pitches. The higher pitched ghau isused in the lower part of Kathmandu; it is also played in Bhaktapurand Patan. The kepu (from Newari ke, "disc" and pu, "strap forholding the instrument") is played in the upper areas of the town(Thahne)30. Today, the kepuhave nearly disappeared and are mostlyreplaced by the ghau. An honorific practice because of theirnormative function of regulating the tla, playing metal discs oftenfalls to clan elders (kaji).

The ApprenticeshipThe apprenticeship ofm dhimay (New. dhimay senegu) is a

major event in the lives of the Maharjan peasants. All young peoplein the community must learn the instrument. Although generallytaken up between the ages of 10 to 15 years, it is not uncommon

29 Cf. the detailed description of M. Helffer in her work on Tibetan musicalinstruments, Mchod-Rol, CNRS Editions, 1994: 162.30 According to R.K. Duwal (personal communication), the kepumetal disc was alsoused in Panauti, Banepa and Thimi.

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the first day of Dasa (cf. Toffin, ibid.: 439)37. Preference isgenerally given to Thursday, an auspicious day devoted to Nsadyand Bhaspati, the master of teaching in the Hindu tradition. It ispreceded by a propitiatory rite called Nas salegu, "conveying", or

dy salegu pj. This ceremony, an indispensable preliminary toteaching, is intended to transfer the god's energy from the temple ofthe ward to the khch. The music master and his students meet tomake the kisl, a substitute for the god in the form of a terra cottasaucer containing uncooked rice on which a coin with a betel nut ontop is placed (cf. Wegner, 1984: 12 and Toffin, ibid.: 441). Eachstudent keeps one in the khch and dedicates a twice-dailyworship throughout the apprenticeship. This ceremony is also intended

to receive the black mark of Nsady (mvaan sina).For approximately six weeks, the first part is devoted to the

theoretical acquisition of the repertoire, which in Kathmandu, includesabout 15 pieces. Like most percussion instruments on the Indian sub-continent, playing Newar drums is based on a corpus of syllables(bol) and on stereotyped rhythmic structures (tl) (cf. Klver andWegner, 1992). In Kathmandu, this language is based on fivephonemes: two gutturals, khoand gh (left hand), two dentals tand

n (right hand) and a compound syllable, dhy (n + gh ),corresponding to simultaneously playing with two hands. The firstguttural khoand the first dental trelate to the edge of the skin andghand nto the middle. The left is struck with a bare hand, theright is struck with a bamboo stick (New. thkutsa) whose extremityis rolled up in a spiral38. If the timbres corresponding to the dentalstand nare well contrasted in playing the m dhimay, striking theedge of the drum causes a naturally duller sound than in the centre

of the skin. However, the same dentals tend to merge in playing theyelepv dhimay, whose resonant surface is less39. As for thegutturals, khomade by the hand's pressure on the edge of the frame

37 This schedule can, however, vary according to localities. Thus, in Kirtipur, accordingto student abilities, it can by prolonged by nine months, during which the festival ofCait Dasaconcludes a short time before.38 According to L. Aubert (1988: 50) the name for this stick is derived from the Newarith, signifying serpent.39 Generally, the yelepv dhimay, whose reduced diameter of the skins restricts thepossibilities of varying the timbres using different ways of striking the drum, has a greatvirtuosity in playing techniques which have contributed to its popularity.

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produces a dull sound, while gh consists of a bounce of the palmof the hand, favouring resonance. Finally, the dhy syllable,associating nand gh, is made by simultaneously striking the centreof the two membranes. These syllables, respectively mute and

resonant, are supposed to be analogous with the type of soundproduced by the drum.

These five phonemes are arranged in a limited number ofcombinations, each constituting a unit of measure (Skt. mtr).Hence, from the matrical phonemes, 50 or so are combined,comprising two, three or four syllables (cf. Ex. 1 in appendix). Eachmusical sequence is repeated at the place, in reverse, inverted or byalternating sequences. These mnemotechnical procedures consist in

first isolating each element of the musical phrase and then inreconstructing the totality from its parts. This technique aims asmuch at establishing a metric regularity as at developing theindependence of the student's two hands. As an example, a list ofstereotyped formulas used during the apprenticeship of the yelepvdhimayis given (cf. Ex. 2 in appendix).

Far from being the exclusive prerogative of the musical world,these techniques resemble other apprenticeships which may haveinspired them. For example, one is reminded of the study of theVedic corpus in which different types of recitation appear40.Moreover, corporal participation, attitudes linked to striking thedrums, which are also found in the dance repertoire, dhimaypykkh, favour this memorization.

The memorization of the corpus is regularly controlled on twolevels: through daily recitation before the music master, and each

week, generally on Sunday evening during the collective pj, in theNsady temple. The first part of the apprenticeship ends with aritual called chema pj. According to G. Toffin (ibid.: 441), it is aceremony of pacification intended to appropriate an equivalentrelationship between the devotees and the divinity. From the musical

40 Traditionally 11 forms of the recitation of the Veda exist; they are intended to fix inthe memory of the Brahman student the phonic sequence independently from themeaning of the words.

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point of view, this rite is above all intended to solicit Nsady'sforgiveness for students' mispronunciation41.

Musical GestureThe third ceremony, b pj(b, "half" in Newari) marks the

division between the two steps in the apprenticeship. A chicken issacrificed for the occasion and the music master offers the rightwing to the best student. This pj precedes the phase ofinstrumental practice which is in fact the application of the syllabiccorpus to the instrument. In northern wards of the town, this stagealso includes the practice of acrobatics (m tnegu)42. The students

form human pyramids and learn to handle a long bamboo pole calleddhunyordhuny muny.43. According to S. and H. Wiehler (1980:92), "These poles were originally a military sign and are relics ofthe time of the Malla Kings, when the Jypu whose caste alone playthe dhimaywere taken into military service together with the Nay orKasaim". Even today, these poles, decorated with ten pennantsassociated with the ancient Malla dynasties, are perceived as a symbolof kingship, not however without some humour. One Maharjan

questioned on the significance of these poles, said, "[...] the kingmust not fall, this would be the source of great unhappiness but [...]here at least, we make him dance as we like".

The handling of the bamboo pole is elsewhere associated withthe god Hanumn, the master of the tla, represented at the top bythe tail of a white yak. With the dhimay drum, it forms aninseparable couple, the apprenticeship of the pole (dhuny senegu) isaccomplished on the basis of rhythms emitted by the instrument. This

spatialization of musical language, whose importance in pedagogyshould be underscored, is generally based on binary rhythms. Insome wards, however, it is made up of combined rhythms(binary/ternary). The example cited below, called dhuny bol,illustrates a conventional schema of word/gesture articulation. Each

41 In some localities this rite, under the jurisdiction of the master, is optional.42 According to G. Toffin (ibid.: 443), "m tnegu (short form: mt) seems to bederived from Skt. mah and New. tnegu "to join things together."43 The origin of the word dhuny is unknown to us. It may be derived from the Sanskritroot DH- "secouer, s'agiter, faire trembler" (cf. Renou, 1880: 343).

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element of the choreography of the binary rhythm (cho tl) coincideswith two mtr: / gh gh / nara / (going up) / gh / nr /(descending) / kho / tt : (turning around the waist from left toright) and gh / nr / (turning around the waist from right to

left).

// kho / tt / gh / nr /gh gh / nr / gh / nr /

kho / tt / gh gh / nr /gh / nr / gg / nr //

The apprenticeship of the m dhimayends after a first public

performance. This festivity is accompanied by a ritual calledpidanegu / piranegu pj during which the students must lead thegod's energy (in the form of the kisl) saucer from the apprenticeshiphouse to the neighbourhood temple. For them it is an occasion toreceive once again the black ikof Nsady. In some localities,for example, Panga, pirane pj is followed by a fifth ceremonycalled litanegu / litatayankigu pj"giving back". This pjplays asimilar role to that of chema in Kathmandu. These solemn

ceremonies are invariably followed by a banquet. One can easilyimagine the nature of the ties created through this apprenticeship.They once again reflect the basic parameters of Newar unity, as canbe observed in all activities of this group the principle ofseniority and ritual cohesion on the basis of ward.

Analytical parametersWe have seen that the repertoire of dhimay drums has a

relatively restricted corpus of pieces in which the circumstances ofperformance are most often linked to processions. Improvisation playspractically no part and the creation of new works is a rarephenomenon. These compositions generally follow a similar pattern inall sectors of the capital. They include three or four distinct partscalled nhy, gau, kol and tvlhygu44. This technical vocabularycan be defined as follows:

44 Cf. Ex. 4 in appendix and CD, tracks 6 and 7.

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1. nhy "to move forward in space" (Manandhar, 1986: 139).This first term which may be related to the Sanskrit root N- "todrive, to direct", express the idea of a prelude or if one prefers, an"overture". It is generally repeated eight or ten times.

2. The word gau"to change, to meet, to follow" may be derivedfrom the Sanskrit root GAM- "to go", designates what may be called"development". It is subdivided in two sub-sections of unequallength. The first gau, is very short (three mtr) and acts as the"transition" between the overture (nhy) and the second gau, whichconstitutes the real "development". The latter is repeated twice.

3. kol"to conclude". This fragment is a kind of coda introducing

the final part. Contrary to the three other sections, it seems that thisshort composition, optional and rarely played, is the exclusiveprerogative of the m dhimay.

4. tvlhygu"to finish, to cover, to close". The final part is fixedand invariable. It is played at the end of all compositions and actsas a kind of sound emblem of the ward (New. tv).

With regard to rhythmic organisation, one first of all notes thatbinary structures are common in two forms (m and yelepvdhimay), while combined rhythms (associating binary and ternary) areprincipally reserved for the ritual drum. Nevertheless, even in thecase of binary structures, the repertoire ofm dhimayproves to bemore extensive than that of the yelepv dhimay. Two contrastingtla, respectively called choand lnta, can be distinguished. The firstcomprises fourmtrapproximately corresponding to a beat of 112,while the second, played twice as slowly, comprises eight (=approximately 55) [cf. CD tracks 7 and 8 ]. Apart from thiselementary binary structure, the ritual drum's repertoire uses twoothertlcalled partland jati. Partlis made up of seven mtr(3+ 4) and jatiof 14 mtr[(3 + 4) x 2]. With the exception of thelatter which seems more to be the prerogative of the northernwards45, the first three tl are played in all wards of the capital.

45 Hence, Dev Narayan Maharjan (in Ombaha tv) never mentioned the existence of jatiduring our brief apprenticeship of the dhimay drum, and when questioned on thissubject, he responded, "Yes, jati certainly exists, but not among us."

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They are not specifically reserved for the dhimay bjand are usedin other ensembles (especially dphand d khala).

The rhythmic structure governing this repertoire seems relativelyhomogeneous throughout the urban area. In return, the sequencing offive matrical phonemes used in Kathmandu vary considerably fromward to ward. It should be remembered that each syllablecorresponds to a different strike and that each strike produces atimbre of its own. The syllabic variations are thus concomitant withvariations of timbre which whithin the same rhythmic frame arediscrete markers of the identity of each group.

RepertoireAlthough playing the yelepv dhimayis not restricted and can

be employed in all circumstances, this is not the case for the mdhimay which is required in nine specific circumstances inKathmandu:

- worship of the god of music, Nsady pj

- passing of power from the clan elder, thakli lui

- initiation of aged people, burajankv

- procession signalling the conclusion of the apprenticeship ofthe m dhimay, Swayambunth wone

- setting up the stupaand removal of the statues (murti),bhagwan bijyakigu

- festival of the cow, S pru(Nep. G jtr)46

- king's birthday, jujuya janmadi47

- full moon ofbaisakh, baisakh purnima

- concluding festivals, shiba goyagu

46 This piece includes the use of natural trumpets. On account of the limits of thisarticle, Newar aerophones will be presented in a later publication.47 On this occasion, the dhimay is associated with the nykh drum, recalling theMajrjan peasants' and the Ny butchers' service in the army during the Malladynasties.

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The repertoire of these different ceremonies is made up of acorpus classified in two distinct categories, as shown by the tablebelow: the first, under the title dhylaygu, (dy "god" andlaygu, "to speak, to express") includes five pieces, whereas in the

second category there are eight, with no particular denomination.

M dh imay dhy l h aygu

Title t l Performance circumstancesmdhy dhylhaygu48 cho

lntapartl

in the khchand in the templeof Nsady, before as well asafter any displacement

lnta dhylhaygu lnta in the khchduring the pj toNsady

tvch dhy lhaygu cho in front of temples as well aswhile moving to a chosendestination

tatakho dhy lhaygu cho

partl

arriving and leaving chosendestinations

tabhunatatadhylhaygu

cho walking to the temple towardswhich a procession is making itsway, as well as on arrival

Essentially representing musical offerings addressed to the gods,the five dhylhaygumust be differentiated. The first which is the

masterpiece of the repertoire, is a salutation soliciting Nsady'sprotection, and is the only composition in the repertoire using thethree tl of reference (cho, lnta, partl). There are 32 inKathmandu, this number refers to the 32 wards of the city, as wellas the canonical number of ritual drums49. This piece, devotedexclusively to Nsady, represents in some respects the voice ofthe god in each tolof the town. The second dhylhaygu, dedicated

48 cf example 5 in appendix.49 For further information on the number 32, see G. Toffin's article (ibid.: 435).

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in priority to Nsady and Ganedhy, can, nevertheless, be playedfor other divinities; there are 24 in Kathmandu. As for the otherthree pieces, they are used especially during the displacement of theinstruments outside the ward's borders. Among them, the last is

specifically used during the festival of the cow (S Pru)50.

Some occasions require the combined use of the first threedhylhaygu. Bearing in mind the sacralization of the instrument, oneis reminded that in some wards (especially in the lower part of thetown), the m dhimay is only played by the music master and inprinciple only leaves the apprenticeship homes (khch) to be takento Nsady's temple. The denomination ofm dhimay (from theSanskrit mla "root"), generally understood as a generic term

referring to the category of ritual drums, here designates a particulardrum in each of the "32" wards. Its displacement from the house ofapprenticeship to the temple of Nsady is the object of greatprecaution. On this occasion, the first three dhylhaygu must besuccessively interpreted: the first is played facing the altar of the godof music, the second on leaving the room and the third in crossingthe house's threshold.

In contrast to the first five pieces, which in addressingdivinities, can be understood as "bridges" between the worlds of menand that of the gods, the second series of compositions is intended toillustrate the different stages in procession itineraries. Each of thesepieces is hence associated with the necessity of displacement:ascending, descending, circumambulating, overcoming obstacles, etc.Furthermore, this musical production becomes a means of sacralizingthe ritual space which is the entire town. As the table shows, withthe exception of the second lampv, based on the combined rhythm

partl, all displacements are carried out on a binary structure (chotl); the combined rhythms are generally only played during pauses.

Title t l Performance cir cumstances

50 It should be noted that specific dhylhaygu do not exist for the other two divinities,Sarasvat and Hanumn, presiding over the apprenticeship.

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lampv 51 cho between the khch and thefirst river

dhuniypv cho crossing a river52

swantipupv partl at the shrine of Swantipvh53tampva cho during climbing

devalipv cho circumambulating the stupa

pjpv (?) during rituals

lampv partl going back down to thekhch

mahpv cho

partl

accompanying acrobatics (m

tnegu)

Lastly, the repertoire of the m dhimaycomprises a final piecewhich is not taught during the apprenticeship and which the studentsmust discover themselves. Called s ygu (s "cow" and ygu "tomake"), it is played during the festival ofS Pru(Nep. G jtr).Its existence illustrates an elementary principle which one could

qualify as pedagogic; to become a musician one must be capable ofintegrating in an autonomous manner, through simple imitation, anunknown or new composition. Here, the bolmust be appropriatelyreconstituted from direct observation, which significantly contrastswith the general scheme of musical instruction.

ConclusionThis general presentation of the apprenticeship of the dhimay

drum in Kathmandu does not aim so much at elaborating the detailsof musicological analysis as at emphasizing the underlyinginterrelations among myths, rites and music in this society. As we

51Cf. Ex. 3 in appendix.52 This composition, as its name indicates, is also associated with the bamboo poledhuny. Moreover, it is played in the following circumstances: the displacement of themurti, Shiba goyagu, Burajankv, thakli lui, Bhagwan bijyakigu, Nsady pj, aswell as during the festivals ofSeto Matsyendranth and Indra jtr.53 The famous cave at the base of the shrine of Swayambhunth.

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have seen, Indian sources have proved extremely valuable referencesfor understanding certain aspects of the complex personality of theNewar god of Music. They seem to be able to elucidate in depth anaspect of instruction to which we hope to return, this is the

important role of Sarasvat, one of the cardinal divinities presidingover learning. The direct association between Sarasvat and smti inthis context is particularly interesting. This Goddess of the Arts andKnowledge is equally personified by Speech and the associationbetween Knowledge and memory is omnipresent in Hindu tradition.This Knowledge is never conceived as extrinsic to the individual, butas something that has been forgotten. Within the Newar context,memorization of the bol syllables really constitutes the root of the

acquisition of musical knowledge. The direct association between thisgoddess and smti within the framework of an apprenticeshipresolutely centred on Speech is thus not surprising, even if in itspractical application, it is destined to become silent and to be usedto support the sound of the drum. Once these syllables areintegrated, it could be said that instrumental application is immediate.As P. Sagant (1988) understood so remarkably well with regard toLimbu children, "Savoir dire, c'est savoir faire."

The second part of the apprenticeship of the dhimay finallyappears as an exteriorization of Speech in the form of rhythm andmusical "colours". It has been shown that from a relativelyhomogeneous rhythmic effect, identity expresses itself in each wardthrough the sequencing of specific syllables associated with strikes.Hence, the tla rhythm appears as a fixed point, immovable, fromwhich the various syllables/strikes radiate. Finally, transcending thesetwo aspects of which he is the genitor, Nsady is the master of

silence, laya, silence before and after all musical creation.

U.P.R. 299, CNRS.

Refe rence s

Aubert, L .

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1988, Les musiciens dans la socit nwar, contribution lethnographie de la valle de Kathmandu, Genve, Musedethnographie.

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Danilou, A. & Bhatt, N. R.1959, Textes des Pura sur la Thorie Musicale, Pondichry, InstitutFranais d'Indologie.

Ellingson, T.1990, "Nasa:dya: Newar God of Music. A Photo Essay", Selected

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Grandin, I.1989, Music and Media in Local Life : Music Practice in a NewarNeighbourhood in Nepal, Linkping, Linkping Studies in Arts and

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Helffer, M.1994, Mchod-Rol. Les instruments de la musique tibtaine, Paris,CNRS Editions, ed. de la MSH.

Holl, A., Toffin, G. and Rimal, K.P.1993, "The thirty-Two Maharjan Tols of Kathmandu City", in G.

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Klver, U. and Wegner, G. M.1992, "The Language of the Newar Drums", in Rdiger Shumachered., Von der vielfalt Musikalischer Kultur, Festschrift Josef Kuchertz,Salzburg.

Klver, B.

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1992, "Some Examples of Syncretism in Nepal", with comments byK.P. Malla,1992, in B. Klver ed., Aspects of Nepalese Traditions[Proceedings of a Seminar held under the auspices of TribhuvanUniversity Research Division and the German Research Council,

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1992, Vc, The concept of the Word in Selected Hindu Tantras,Delhi, Sri Satguru Publications.

Pradhan, R.1986, Domestic and Cosmic Rituals among the Hindu Newars ofKathmandu, Nepal, Ph.D. diss., University of Delhi.

1991, "Dhimay bj ca dhimay pykkh" (Newari), pp. 1-3, inNepaya lok bj, Patan.

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1989, gama-Kosha,gama Encyclopaedia, vol.1 & 2, Bangalore,

Kalpatharu Research Academy.

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Renou, L. Nitti, L. and Stchoupak, N.1932, (reprint 1987), Dictionnaire Sanscrit-Franais, Paris, Librairied'Amrique et d'Orient Jean Maisonneuve.

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1998, "Le vol des connaissances", in "Himalayas", Autrement, n 28,fvrier 1998, pp. 101-109.

Sharma, P, L .1992, "Laya", in Vatsyayan, K. et Bumer, B., eds., Kaltattvakoa,a lexicon of fundamental concepts of the Indian arts, Vol. II,concepts of space and time, New Delhi, pp.385-398, Indira GandhiNational Centre for The Arts and Motilal Banarsidass.

Toffin, G."Le si k bhey, festin de la tte", Kailash, 1976, vol IV, n.4,pp.329-338.

1994, "The Farmers in the City. The Social and TerritorialOrganization of the Maharjan of Kathmandu", Anthropos 89,pp.433-459.

in print, "Le tambour et la ville. Ethnomusicologie d'un tambournwar (Npal)", to appear in L'Homme, 1998, n.154.

Wegner, G. M.1986, The Dhimaybj of Bhaktapur: Studies in Newar Drumming I,

Wiesbaden, Nepal Research Centre Publications n.12, Franz Steiner.

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Append i x

Ex. 1. List of compound syllables used in playing the dhimay drumin Kathmandu

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Ex. 2 Formulas for the apprenticeship of the yelepv dhimay

Ex.3.Lampv for the m dhimay (tl cho)

t tt kho tt t kho t ttgh nr khot tkho t gh gh n

khot tkho t tt kho tt kho ttgh nr gh nr ghn nkho t ghtkho nr gh nr gh nr khot tkhot gh ghn

[x 10]

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Ye l epv dh imay

Ex. 4. Cholti

Cholti(cho tal) is constructed with a cycle of eight connected sequences. Each ofthem is subdivided in two unequal sections: nhy and gau. The piece concludeswith a stereotyped tvlhygu formula. The eight different nhy and gau areinterchangeable. Each nhy is repeated eight to ten times. The gaupart is in turnsubdivided in two unequal sections. The first, made of three mtr, acts as atransition between the introductory formula (nhy) and the development. Thistransition formula introduces the second gauwhich is repeated two times. Thegeneral structure can thus be summarized as: A [x 8-10] / B / C [x2] / D // Thebolnotation of the first sequence and tvlhygufollows (cf. CD tracks 6 & 7) :

A Nhyat khot dhydhy ttkhot dhydhy

[ x 8-10]B Gaut dhy ndhy kho

C Gaut tkho t dhy t dhy t dhyt dhy n dhy n dhy ttkhottkhoghn nkhoghn tkho t tkho tt dhy n dhy n dhy ttkhottkhoghn nkhoghn tkho t tkho tkho tt khotkhot tkhott khotkhon

tkho t tkho t tkho t ghnkhotdhy gh

[x 2]D Tvlhygugh tgh nrkhot gh tgh nrkhott gh tghunr khot gh tghunrgh nr kho t ttkhot tkhottgh n

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M dhimay

ex. 5. Mdhy dhylaygu (tl lnt)

gh tt khot tkho t t tkhot khot tkho tt khot tkho t ttt khot tkho tt khot tkho t tgh n khot tkho gh n khot tkho

gh ghn takho ghn gh ghn gh

gh gh gh kho t gh kho tgh ghn n

[x2]

ex. 6. Gau (tl cho)

gh gh n tt kho t tkhogh gh n tt kho kho t tkhogh gh n tt kho kho t tkho

[x

2]

t khot tkho tt t kho t ttt khot tkho tt khot ghgh nn khot

[x10]

ex. 7. Kol

t tt khot tkho ghn nakho gh ghn tt khota t ghna nkho tgh nr

[ x 10]ex. 8. Tvlhygu

gh nr ghna t tkho nr gh nrghna t tkho nr tgh tgh tt gh