Bibby & Davidson 1972 - On Capitol Hill (2nd Ed) - Chapter 8 - Legislative Reorganization Act

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  • 7/21/2019 Bibby & Davidson 1972 - On Capitol Hill (2nd Ed) - Chapter 8 - Legislative Reorganization Act

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  • 7/21/2019 Bibby & Davidson 1972 - On Capitol Hill (2nd Ed) - Chapter 8 - Legislative Reorganization Act

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    Legislatures

    are creatures o conflic t, and Congress

    is

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    257

    Two days after tl e Senate had approved S. 355 , Speaker McCormack

    referred the bill

    to

    the House Rules Committee . He was acting on the advice of

    veteran House Parliamentarian Lewis Deschler,

    7

    who

    argued that, after all, the

    bill did propose changes in House rules.

    The

    real reasons behind McCormack's

    and Deschler' s decision were somewhat different, however.

    The

    committee bill

    of

    rigl1ts, which Senate

    committee

    leaders

    had

    succeeded

    n

    modifying some

    wllat, was still too

    potent

    for McCormack and the circle

    of

    senior committee

    chairmen around him.

    He

    would

    not,

    if he could prevent it, allow the bill to go

    to tl e House floor until these provisions were drastically diluted. The Rules

    Committee, composed mainly

    of

    senior and safe congressmen of both parties,

    provided a reliable tool for transforming the bill. Or perhaps the bill could be

    sidetracked altogether, for Rules Chairman William Colmer (D.-Miss.) was

    known

    to oppose the whole idea. As one member

    of

    the committee confided,

    McCormack had

    put the bill in the refrigerator -where, as it turned

    out

    ,

    it

    would remain for

    more

    than three years.

    Various

    attempts

    were made to revive the bill. Chairman Colmer began

    hearings on April 10,

    but

    they were suspended before the first day was over.

    There followed a fitful

    and more or

    less clandestine series of negotiations

    designed

    to

    reach an acceptable compromise.

    In

    all

    ,

    seven

    committee

    prints

    (versions) of the bill were produced, mainly at the instigation

    of

    Representative

    Jack

    Brooks (D.-Tex.). All were designed, in the words of a

    staff

    member who

    helped

    to

    prepare

    them

    , to

    w

    rite a bill the Speaker [or , more properly , his

    Parliamentarian] would allow to be reported

    out.

    Some reformers charged that

    the committee bill

    of

    rights was being so emasculated

    that

    it would be worse

    than

    no bill at all. Republicans charged that Brooks and others were gutting the

    minority-staffmg provision through requirements that the committees' majorities

    retain fmal control over

    staff

    decisions.

    Such

    conflicts occasionally surfaced

    in

    the press, as one side or the other attempted to gain

    support

    for its position.

    In this atmosphere it is

    not

    surprising that the congressional reform issue

    took on

    a partisan flavor as 1967 wore on. It was obvious to everyone that the

    elderly cadre of Democratic committee leaders

    had

    decided

    to

    hold the reform

    measure in the Rules Committee, hoping that they could remove its committee

    related proVIsions or even kill it altogether. For their

    part,

    many Republicans

    had long been resentful

    of

    unfair

    treatment at

    the hands

    of

    Democratic com

    mittee chairmen. Some chairmen allotted no

    staff

    assistance for minority-party

    members, and many tried to withhold information from the minority. When

    younger, activist Republicans first raised the issue in the late 1950s, they

    received little encouragement from their own party elders, who, as

    often

    as

    not,

    had reached comfortable accommodations

    wit

    their Democratic counterparts

    and were perfectly content

    wit

    the situation. When Ford had been installed as

    GOP Conference (caucus) chairman in 1963; it had been generally understood

    that

    he would bear down on the minority-staffing issue.

    8

    He had immediately

    appointed a Conference Task Force on Congressional Reform and Minority

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    s t

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    th

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    nd

    in

    l i l

    l

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    want it, 1 would suggest to them [that] they stay pretty well within

    the

    lines of reason and not

    try

    to just revamp the whole Congress

    and the character of the legislative procedures

    now

    in existence.

    8

    271

    Other committee leaders echoed this warning. After a day

    of

    general debate, the

    amending process began, also in the Committee of the Whole.

    The proceedings did

    not

    start auspiciously for the bipartisan coalition. Its

    first major proposal, presented by Representative William D. Hathaway

    (D.-Maine) and forty-two cosponsors, was designed to open more committee

    sessions to the public.

    It

    would have required

    that

    a quorum

    of

    committee

    members conduct an open roll call each day on whether or

    not

    that day's

    meeting or hearing would be open or closed

    to

    the public. The proposal actually

    involved two amendments, one covering hearings and another covering com

    mittee mark-up sessions (which are usually closed

    to

    the public). Hathaway

    asked for and received unanimous consent to have the two amendments con

    sidered together, a move

    that

    turned

    out to

    be a tactical error. The notion of

    open hearings might well have passed, but the thought of open mark-up sessions

    horrified many members.

    29

    The error was

    not

    long in revealing itself. Representative Emanuel Celler

    (D.-N.Y.), veteran chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, followed debate

    on the reform bill from his usual seat n the front row. Then he asked, Does the

    amendment provide for 'hearings' or for 'meetings'?" Under the unanimous

    consent request, I will say to the gentleman, it applies to

    both,

    " Hathaway

    replied. Later Hathaway argued that only lobbyists have access to committee

    members when secret meetings are employed.

    Now just

    one minute, inter

    jected peppery Wayne Hays (D.-Ohio).

    If

    you

    want

    to

    write

    up

    a bill with a

    lobbyist sitting at every Member's elbow, some

    of

    you who like to proclaim

    yourself as ultra-liberals are going to have a rude awakening."

    3

    0

    Represen ta

    tive George Mahon (D.-Tex.), chairman of the prestigious Appropriations Com

    mittee, declared that, if open mark-up sessions were instituted, the silent

    majority will not be there, but the special interests will be well represented."

    Representative L. Mendel Rivers (D.-S.C.), chairman

    of

    Armed Services,

    remarked that many hearings on national-security matters would have

    to

    be

    closed. He said

    that

    the proposed change "is not needed. e get along well

    now." A majority of his colleagues seemed

    to

    agree, for the Hathaway amend

    ment was defeated by a 102 to 132 teller vote.

    I

    The Gubser-O'Neil proposal to permit recorded teller votes came up ten

    days later, and the result was more favorable. Introducing the amendment for

    the 182 cosponsors, O'Neill explained

    that

    although he did not think

    of

    himself

    as a reformer, he did think that "every member should report to his or her

    constituency

    as

    to

    how he or she votes , and the complete record should be

    available for public scrutiny."

    31

    He recited the familiar arguments against the

    unrecorded teller vote: the ubiquity of debate in Committee of the Whole, the

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    27

    s

    ert

    a

    and C

    hang

    8 Ho

    use R

    epubli

    can le

    adersh

    ip cha

    nges a

    re rec

    ounte

    d in C

    hapte

    r 4.

    .

    . . .

    e r e

    somew

    hat

    sporad

    ic, the

    tas

    k force

    h a

    d p

    l

    a y

    e d a

    valu ab

    le

    9 Alt

    hough

    tts

    c t t v l t

    wh

    t com

    mitte

    e s w

    ork a

    n d ev

    en wro

    te it

    s own

    boo k

    o

    beh

    ind-th

    e-scen

    es rol

    e m

    t e ~ t n

    ss

    (Ne

    w Y or

    k: Mc

    Graw-

    Hill , 196

    6).

    n

    reform ,

    We

    Propos

    e:

    A Modern ongre

    p f

    . t

    D o

    nald R

    u m sfe

    ld (R

    .- . ) ,

    d eligh

    ted i

    n poi

    nting

    to

    h

    is p

    arty 's

    1

    0 O

    ne of

    the GO

    ac

    t lls

    s,

    ional

    b aseb

    a ll ga

    m e as

    ev

    idenc

    e of

    Repu

    blican

    you

    th ful-

    dom in

    ance o

    f the ann

    ua

    con

    gress

    ness

    .

    f

    1

    T

    day

    G

    r

    ou

    p

    were R

    eprese

    nt a

    tives T

    homas

    M

    .

    R

    ees

    (C al i f

    .), William

    11

    Lead

    ers o

    t 1e

    ues

    d

    M

    ) B

    k

    Ad

    a

    m s (W

    ash)

    W il

    li am Ha

    th a

    wa y

    (M a

    tne), an

    An

    drew

    Ja cobs

    H unga

    te o.

    , roc

    '

    (I

    nd .).

    C

    M

    ille

    Upda

    ting

    Co

    ngres

    s

    Wall Str

    eetJo

    urnal

    M

    arch

    27

    , 1969

    ,

    p

    . 1.

    12

    N orm

    an .

    r,

    '

    13

    Q uo te

    d in M

    iller.

    1

    4 O the

    r m em

    bers w

    ere J o

    hn

    Yo

    u ng (

    D ..Tex

    .)a

    nd D e lb

    er t

    Latta (R.-

    Ohio)

    .

    15

    u

    .s.

    Co

    ngress

    , Ho us

    e, Co

    m m itte

    eo n

    R

    ule

    s , Sp

    ecia l

    Subco

    mmit

    teeon

    Legis

    lative R

    e-

    org

    aniza

    tion ,

    Hea rin

    gs on

    Leg

    i

    s

    la tive

    Re

    o

    rganiz

    ation A

    ct o

    f 97

    91st C o

    ng .,

    2d sess

    .

    19 70.

    16

    U. S. , Con

    gress,

    Hous

    e, Com

    mittee

    o n

    Rules

    , R ep

    ort o

    n L eg

    islativ

    e R eo

    rganiz

    ation Act

    o 19

    70

    91 st C

    ong.,

    2dse s

    s., 197

    0,H.

    R ep

    t. 91-12

    15 , p

    . 4 .

    1

    7 By the

    tim

    e that

    g eneral

    debat

    e(the

    st

    age

    o

    f con

    sider

    atio

    n

    of

    le

    g is la t

    io nbe

    fore ac

    tion on

    am en

    dm en t

    s in t

    he

    C

    ommi

    ttee

    of

    theW

    h ole) h

    ad end

    ed, m

    ore

    th

    an

    2

    00 am

    endm

    ents

    had

    b ee n

    draft

    ed. B

    y their

    s

    he

    er n

    umbe

    rth

    e y thr

    eatene

    dto

    prolon

    g con

    sidera

    tion to

    t

    he po int

    at w

    hich t

    hebil

    l c ou ld

    not

    be acted

    upon.

    1 8 A de

    scrip

    tion o

    f thes

    e even

    ts w a s

    w

    ritt

    e nby

    Andre

    wJ . G

    lass ,

    Nati

    onal J

    ourna

    l Jul

    y 25 ,

    1

    970)

    , pp . 16

    07-161

    4.

    19 Th

    ese

    in form

    algro

    ups ar

    e expl

    ained

    ingreat

    er det

    ail

    in C h

    arle s L

    .

    O

    app

    ,T

    he Congr

    ess-

    man

    : His J

    ob a

    s He

    Sees

    It

    (Wa

    shing

    ton, D

    .C . :

    Broo

    kings, 19

    63), p

    p. 3

    6-45

    ;

    an

    d

    Miller,

    C how d

    er and

    M arc

    hing S

    o c ie ty

    Do es

    More

    than E

    at and

    Stru

    t, W

    all S

    tree t J

    ourna

    l Marc

    h

    4 , 1

    971 , p

    . 1 .

    20 U. S., Congress, H ou se ,

    Congressional Record

    85th

    C ong ., 1st sess. ,

    30 January

    1957 ,

    103 ,

    1324 -

    1326 .

    '

    21

    Kenn

    eth

    K ofm ehl

    Th

    t .t t .

    l

    '

    e

    n s1 u

    t

    ona zatt

    on of

    a

    Votm

    g B lo

    c W

    estern

    Polztz

    cal

    Quar

    terly

    1 Jun

    e 1964

    ), 272

    , p

    rov ide

    s a use

    fu l a

    ccoun

    t

    of

    theDemo

    cratic

    S

    tudy G

    roup'

    s

    e

    arly h i

    s

    to

    ry.

    2

    2 T he

    C

    om

    m

    ittee

    o fthe

    W hol

    e is d e

    scribe

    d

    on

    p.

    21

    8.

    2

    3

    Th

    e w

    ork

    of

    M CPL is d escrib ed

    in

    Congressional Quarterly

    July

    31, 1970

    , PP

    19

    52-195

    6 .

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    79

    24 Rep

    resenta

    tive S

    teiger

    (s ee C

    hapte

    r 2) f

    ound

    him se

    lf inco

    rrectly

    r eco

    rded on

    five

    ofsix

    vote

    u pp

    licdb y

    spott

    ers fo

    r the M

    ilwau

    kee pa

    pers.

    25

    The

    S ena

    te A p

    propri

    ations

    C om

    m ittee

    o pen

    ed 7

    5 perc

    en t

    of its m

    eetin

    gs, pr

    obably

    refle

    cting

    its som

    ewhat different role. The H ouse com m ittee has norm ally c onsid ered its

    fu

    nction

    as to

    cu t

    the bud

    get, w

    hereas

    its Se

    nate c

    ounte

    rpart h

    as no

    rm ally

    acted

    as a

    cour

    t

    of ap

    peals

    fo r e

    xec utiv

    e age

    ncies w

    hose

    budge

    ts hav

    e been

    cu t in

    the H

    ouse .

    26

    Cong

    ressio

    nal Qu

    arte rly

    A lm

    anac (

    W ash

    ington

    , D.C.:

    1 969

    ), pp.

    1031-

    1032 .

    27 Q uo

    ted in

    Glass,

    N ation

    alJou

    rnal

    pp. 16

    10-16

    11.

    2

    8

    U

    .S., C

    ongres

    s, Ho

    use , Co

    ngres

    sio nal

    R

    ecord

    da

    ily ed

    ., 91 s

    t Con

    g., 2d

    sess.,

    23

    J

    uly

    1970

    , p.H6

    598.

    29 A

    t the t

    im e

    of th

    e debate

    o nly

    on e c

    ongres

    sional

    com

    mitt

    ee-the

    H

    ouse

    C om m

    ittee

    on

    Edu

    cation

    an d L

    abor-

    opene

    d its m

    ark-u

    p sess

    io ns (a

    nd ve

    rbatim

    tr ans

    cripts o

    f the

    m ) to

    the

    p

    ublic.

    Th e c

    om m

    ittee h

    ad lo n

    g b ee

    n a lib

    era l-c

    onserv

    ative b

    attleg

    round

    , w ith

    ju risd

    iction

    over

    m any

    ofthe

    m ore

    contr

    oversi

    al dom

    estic

    issues.

    A tten

    ding t

    he ses

    sions o

    r even

    re adi

    ng

    th

    e tran

    scripts

    i

    s an

    eye-op

    ening

    experi

    ence.

    30

    Debat

    e on t

    his am

    endm

    ent is

    foun

    d

    n

    U

    .S., C

    ongre

    ss , Ho

    use, C

    ongre

    ssiona

    l Reco

    rd

    d

    aily e

    d., 91s

    t Cong

    ., 2d

    sess., 1

    4 July

    1 970

    , pp . H

    6671

    -6681

    .

    31

    UoS. ,

    Cong

    ress, H

    ouse ,

    Congr

    ession

    alReco

    rd

    daily

    ed., 9

    1st C

    ong.,

    2d ses

    s., 27

    Ju ly

    1970,

    p. H7

    155.

    32

    D eba

    te on

    this a

    m endm

    ent,

    which

    wa s i

    n trodu

    ced

    by Fran

    k J. T

    hom p

    son (D

    .-N.J .

    ), can

    be fo

    und

    n U.S.

    , Cong

    ress,

    House

    , Cong

    ression

    al Rec

    ord

    daily

    ed., 9

    1st C

    ong., 2

    d sess

    .,

    15

    -16 Ju

    ly 197

    0, pp .

    H 6 75

    0-6756

    , H 68

    45-68

    54.

    33

    D ebate

    on

    the Rees

    Reuss

    Van

    ik pro

    posal

    can b

    e foun

    d in

    U.S., C

    ongre

    ss , Ho

    use, C

    on -

    gressional

    Record

    daily ed ., 91st Cong., 2 d sess., 27-28 Ju ly 1970, pp. H7189-7193,

    H7251

    -7252

    .

    3

    4 Glas

    s, N ati

    ona l J

    ournal

    p. 1

    610 .

    35

    Thom

    as M.

    Rees,

    news r

    elease

    , Aug

    ust 10

    , 1970

    .

    36 Q

    uoted

    inW a

    shingt

    on E v

    en ing

    Star A

    ugus

    t 11, 1

    970.

    37 U.S

    ., Con

    gress,

    Hous

    e, Con

    gressi

    onal Re

    cord

    daily

    e d.,

    91st C

    ong.,

    2d ses

    s., 17

    Septem

    ber 1

    970 ,

    p. H 88

    93.

    38 F

    or Se

    nate d

    eba te

    see U

    .S., C

    ongre

    ss , Se

    nate,

    Congr

    ession

    al R

    ecord

    daily

    ed ., 9

    1st

    Co

    ng., 2

    d sess.

    , 5-6 O

    ctobe

    r 1970

    , pp .

    S1712

    2-171

    38, S1

    7141-

    17182

    .

    39

    F or a

    discus

    sion

    of th

    e politic

    s of

    r

    eform ,

    se e R

    oger

    H. Da

    vidso n

    , Davi

    d

    M

    .

    Koven

    ock,

    a

    nd Mi

    chael

    K. O L

    eary,

    Congr

    ess in

    Crisi

    s: Poli

    tic s and

    Con

    gress

    io nal

    Refor

    m (Be

    lm ont

    ,

    Calif.:

    W ads

    worth

    , 1966

    ), esp.

    chap.

    3.

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    2

    8

    I

    n

    e

    r

    ti

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    a

    n

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    e

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