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7/29/2019 Brief Report on NAFTA[1]
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Brief Report on North American Free Trade Agreement
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is an agreement signed by the
governments ofCanada, Mexico, and the United States, creating a trilateral trade bloc in North
America. The agreement came into force on January 1, 1994. It superseded the CanadaUnited
States Free Trade Agreementbetween the U.S. and Canada.
NAFTA has two supplements: the North American Agreement on Environmental Cooperation
(NAAEC) and the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation (NAALC).
Negotiation and U.S. ratification
Following diplomatic negotiations dating back to 1986 among the three nations, the leaders metin San Antonio,Texas, on December 17, 1992, to sign NAFTA. U.S. President George H. W.
Bush, Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and Mexican President Carlos Salinas, each
responsible for spearheading and promoting the agreement, ceremonially signed it. The
agreement then needed to be ratified by each nation's legislative or parliamentary branch.
Before the negotiations were finalized, Bill Clinton came into office in the U.S. and Kim
Campbell in Canada, and before the agreement became law, Jean Chrtien had taken office in
Canada.
The proposed Canada-U.S.trade agreement had been very controversial and divisive in Canada,
and the 1988 Canadian election was fought almost exclusively on that issue. In that election,
more Canadians voted for anti-free trade parties (the Liberals and the New Democrats) but the
split caused more seats in parliament to be won by the pro-free trade Progressive Conservatives
(PCs). Mulroney and the PCs had a parliamentary majority and were easily able to pass the
Canada-US FTA and NAFTA bills. However, he was replaced as Conservative leader and prime
minister by Kim Campbell. Campbell led the PC party into the 1993 election where they were
decimated by the Liberal Party under Jean Chrtien, who had campaigned on a promise to
renegotiate or abrogate NAFTA; however, Chrtien subsequently negotiated two supplemental
agreements with the new US president. In the US, Bush, who had worked to "fast track" the
signing prior to the end of his term, ran out of time and had to pass the required ratification and
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signing into law to incoming president Bill Clinton. Prior to sending it to the United States
Senate, Clinton introduced clauses to protect American workers and allay the concerns of many
House members. It also required US partners to adhere to environmental practices and
regulations similar to its own.
With much consideration and emotional discussion, the House of Representatives approved
NAFTA on November 17, 1993, 234-200. The agreement's supporters included 132 Republicans
and 102 Democrats. NAFTA passed the Senate 61-38. Senate supporters were 34 Republicans
and 27 Democrats. Clinton signed it into law on December 8, 1993; it went into effect on
January 1, 1994.[3][4] Clinton while signing the NAFTA bill stated that "NAFTA means jobs.
American jobs, and good-paying American jobs. If I didn't believe that, I wouldn't support this
agreement."
Provisions
The goal of NAFTA was to eliminate barriers to trade and investment between the US, Canada
and Mexico. The implementation of NAFTA on January 1, 1994 brought the immediate
elimination oftariffs on more than one-half of Mexico's exports to the U.S. and more than one-
third of U.S. exports to Mexico. Within 10 years of the implementation of the agreement, all US-
Mexico tariffs would be eliminated except for some U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico thatwere to be phased out within 15 years. Most U.S.-Canada trade was already duty free. NAFTA
also seeks to eliminate non-tariff trade barriers and to protect the intellectual property right of the
products.
In the area of intellectual property, the North American Free Trade Agreement Implementation
Act made some changes to the Copyright law of the United States, foreshadowing the Uruguay
Round Agreements Act of 1994 by restoring copyright (within NAFTA) on certain motion
pictures which had entered the public domain.[6]
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Mechanisms
Chapter 52 provides a procedure for the interstate resolution of disputes over the application and
interpretation of NAFTA. It was modeled after Chapter 69of the Canada-United States Free
Trade Agreement.[7]
NAFTA's effects, both positive and negative, have been quantified by several economists, whose
findings have been reported in publications such as the World Bank'sLessons from NAFTA for
Latin America and the Caribbean,[8]NAFTA's Impact on North America,[9]andNAFTA Revisited
by the Institute for International Economics.[10]Some[who?] argue that NAFTA has been positive
for Mexico, which has seen its poverty rates fall and real income rise (in the form of lower
prices, especially food), even after accounting for the 199495 economic crisis.[11]Others[who?]
argue that NAFTA has been beneficial to business owners and elites in all three countries, but
has had negative impacts on farmers in Mexico who saw food prices fall based on cheap imports
from US agribusiness, and negative impacts on US workers in manufacturing and assembly
industries who lost jobs. Critics also argue that NAFTA has contributed to the rising levels of
inequality in both the US and Mexico. Some economists believe that NAFTA has not been
enough (or worked fast enough) to produce an economic convergence,[12] nor to substantially
reduce poverty rates. Some have suggested that in order to fully benefit from the agreement,
Mexico must invest more in education and promote innovation in infrastructure and agriculture.
Trade
The agreement opened the door for open trade, ending tariffs on various goods and services, and
implementing equality between Canada, USA, and Mexico. NAFTA has allowed agricultural
goods such as eggs, corn, and meats to be tariff-free. This allowed corporations to trade freely
and import and export various goods on a North American scale. Since the implementation of
NAFTA, the countries involved have been able to do the following:
Exports
At $248.2 billion for Canada and $163.3 billion for Mexico, they were the top two purchasers of
US exports in 2010.
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US goods exports to NAFTA in 2010 were $411.5 billion, up 23.4% ($78 billion) from 2009 and
149% from 1994 (the year prior to Uruguay Round) and up 190% from 1993 (the year prior to
NAFTA). US exports to NAFTA accounted for 32.2% of overall US exports in 2010.
The top export categories (2-digit HS) in 2010 were machinery ($63.3 billion), vehicles (parts)
($56.7 billion), electrical machinery ($56.2 billion), mineral fuel and oil ($26.7 billion), and
plastic ($22.6 billion).
US exports of agricultural products to NAFTA countries totaled $31.4 billion in 2010. Leading
categories included red meats, fresh/chilled/frozen ($2.7 billion); coarse grains ($2.2 billion);
fresh foods (excluding nuts) ($1.8 billion); and fresh vegetables ($1.7 billion).
US exports of private commercial services, excluding military and government, to NAFTA were
$63.8 billion in 2009 (the latest data available), down 7% ($4.6 billion) from 2008, but up 125%
since 1994.
Imports
At $276.4 billion for Canada and $229.7 billion for Mexico, they were the second and third
largest suppliers of goods imports to the United States in 2010.
US goods imports from NAFTA totaled $506.1 billion in 2010, up 25.6% ($103 billion), from
2009, up 184% from 1994, and up 235% from 1993. US imports from NAFTA accounted for
26.5% of overall U.S. imports in 2010.
The five largest categories in 2010 were mineral fuel and oil (crude oil) ($116.2 billion), vehicles
($86.3 billion), electrical machinery ($61.8 billion), machinery ($51.2 billion), and precious
stones (gold) ($13.9 billion).
US imports of agricultural products from NAFTA countries totaled $29.8 billion in 2010.
Leading categories include fresh vegetables ($4.6 billion); snack foods including chocolate ($4.0
billion); fresh fruit (excluding bananas) ($2.4 billion); live animals ($2.0 billion); and red meats,
fresh/chilled/frozen ($2.0 billion).
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US imports of private commercial services excluding military and government were $35.5
billion in 2009 (latest data available), down 11.2% ($4.5 billion) from 2008 but up 100% since
1994.
Trade balances
The US goods trade deficit with NAFTA was $94.6 billion in 2010, a 36.4% increase ($25
billion) over 2009.
The US goods trade deficit with NAFTA accounted for 26.8% of the overall U.S. goods trade
deficit in 2010.
The US had a services trade surplus of $28.3 billion with NAFTA countries in 2009 (the latestdata available).
Investment
The US foreign direct investment (FDI) in NAFTA Countries (stock) was $357.7 billion in 2009
(latest data available), up 8.8% from 2008.
The US direct investment in NAFTA countries is in nonbank holding companies, and in the
manufacturing, finance/insurance, and mining sectors.
The foreign direct investment, of Canada and Mexico in the United States (stock) was $237.2
billion in 2009 (the latest data available), up 16.5% from 2008.[3][4][5]
Industry
Maquiladoras (Mexican factories that take in imported raw materials and produce goods for
export) have become the landmark of trade in Mexico. These are plants that moved to this regionfrom the United States, hence the debate over the loss of American jobs. Hufbauer's (2005) book
shows that income in the maquiladora sector has increased 15.5% since the implementation of
NAFTA in 1994. Other sectors now benefit from the free trade agreement, and the share of
exports from non-border states has increased in the last five years while the share of exports from
maquiladora-border states has decreased. This has allowed for the rapid growth of non-border
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metropolitan areas, such as Toluca, Len and Puebla; all three larger in population than Tijuana,
Ciudad Jurez, and Reynosa.
Environment
For more details on this topic, see NAFTA's Impact on the Environment.
Securing U.S. congressional approval for NAFTA would have been impossible without
addressing public concerns about NAFTAs environmental impact. The Clinton administration
negotiated a side agreement on the environment with Canada and Mexico, the North American
Agreement on Environmental Cooperation (NAAEC), which led to the creation of the
Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC) in 1994. To alleviate concerns that NAFTA,
the first regional trade agreement between a developing country and two developed countries,
would have negative environmental impacts, the CEC was given a mandate to conduct ongoing
ex postenvironmental assessment of NAFTA.[13]
In response to this mandate, the CEC created a framework for conducting environmental analysis
of NAFTA, one of the first ex post frameworks for the environmental assessment of trade
liberalization. The framework was designed to produce a focused and systematic body of
evidence with respect to the initial hypotheses about NAFTA and the environment, such as the
concern that NAFTA would create a "race to the bottom" in environmental regulation among the
three countries, or the hope that NAFTA would pressure governments to increase their
environmental protection mechanisms.[14]The CEC has held four symposia using this framework
to evaluate the environmental impacts of NAFTA and has commissioned 47 papers on this
subject. In keeping with the CECs overall strategy of transparency and public involvement, the
CEC commissioned these papers from leading independent experts.[15]
Overall, none of the initial hypotheses were confirmed.[citation needed] NAFTA did not inherently
present a systemic threat to the North American environment, as was originally feared, apartfrom potentially the ISDS provisions of Ch 11. NAFTA-related environmental threats instead
occurred in specific areas where government environmental policy, infrastructure, or
mechanisms, were unprepared for the increasing scale of production under trade
liberalization.[citation needed] In some cases, environmental policy was neglected in the wake of trade
liberalization; in other cases, NAFTA's measures for investment protection, such as Chapter 11,
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and measures against non-tariff trade barriers, threatened to discourage more vigorous
environmental policy.[16] The most serious overall increases in pollution due to NAFTA were
found in the base metals sector, the Mexican petroleum sector, and the transportation equipment
sector in the United States and Mexico, but not in Canada.[17]
Agriculture
From the earliest negotiation, agriculture was (and still remains) a controversial topic within
NAFTA, as it has been with almost all free trade agreements that have been signed within the
WTO framework. Agriculture is the only section that was not negotiated trilaterally; instead,
three separate agreements were signed between each pair of parties. The CanadaU.S. agreement
contains significant restrictions and tariff quotas on agricultural products (mainly sugar, dairy,
and poultry products), whereas the MexicoU.S. pact allows for a wider liberalization within a
framework of phase-out periods (it was the first NorthSouth FTA on agriculture to be signed).
The overall effect of the MexicoU.S. agricultural agreement is a matter of dispute. Mexico did
not invest in the infrastructure necessary for competition, such as efficient railroads and
highways, which resulted in more difficult living conditions for the country's poor. Mexico's
agricultural exports increased 9.4 percent annually between 1994 and 2001, while imports
increased by only 6.9 percent a year during the same period.[18]
One of the most affected agricultural sectors is the meat industry. Mexico has gone from a small-
key player in the pre-1994 U.S. export market to the 2nd largest importer of U.S. agricultural
products in 2004, and NAFTA may be credited as a major catalyst for this change. The
allowance of free trade removed the hurdles that impeded business between the two countries.
As a result, Mexican farmers have provided a growing meat market for the U.S., leading to an
increase in sales and profits for the U.S. meat industry. This coincides with a noticeable increase
in Mexican per capita GDP that has created large changes in meat consumption patterns,
implying that Mexicans can now afford to buy more meat and thus per capita meat consumption
has grown.[19]
Production ofcorn in Mexico has increased since NAFTA's implementation. However, internal
corn demand has increased beyond Mexico's sufficiency, and imports have become necessary,
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far beyond the quotas Mexico had originally negotiated.[20]Zahniser & Coyle have also pointed
out that corn prices in Mexico, adjusted for international prices, have drastically decreased, yet
through a program of subsidies expanded by former president Vicente Fox, production has
remained stable since 2000.[21]
The logical result of a lower commodity price is that more use of it is made downstream.
Unfortunately, many of the same rural people who would have been likely to produce higher-
margin value-added products in Mexico have instead emigrated. The rise in corn prices due to
increased ethanol demand may improve the situation of corn farmers in Mexico.[citation needed]
In a study published in the August 2008 issue of the American Journal of Agricultural
Economics, NAFTA has increased U.S. agricultural exports to Mexico and Canada even though
most of this increase occurred a decade after its ratification. The study focused on the effects that
gradual "phase-in" periods in regional trade agreements, including NAFTA, have on trade flows.
Most of the increase in members agricultural trade, which was only recently brought under the
purview of the World Trade Organization, was due to very high trade barriers before NAFTA or
other regional trade agreements.[22]
Mobility of persons
According to the Department of Homeland Security Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, during
fiscal year 2006 (i.e., October 2005 through September 2006), 73,880 foreign professionals
(64,633 Canadians and 9,247 Mexicans) were admitted into the United States for temporary
employment under NAFTA (i.e., in the TN status). Additionally, 17,321 of their family members
(13,136 Canadians, 2,904 Mexicans, as well as a number of third-country nationals married to
Canadians and Mexicans) entered the U.S. in the treaty national's dependent (TD) status.[23]
Because DHS counts the number of the new I-94 arrival records filled at the border, and the TN-
1 admission is valid for three years, the number of non-immigrants in TN status present in the
U.S. at the end of the fiscal year is approximately equal to the number of admissions during the
year. (A discrepancy may be caused by some TN entrants leaving the country or changing status
before their three-year admission period has expired, while other immigrants admitted earlier
may change their status to TN or TD, or extend TN status granted earlier).
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Canadian authorities estimated that, as of December 1, 2006, a total of 24,830 U.S. citizens and
15,219 Mexican citizens were present in Canada as "foreign workers". These numbers include
both entrants under the NAFTA agreement and those who have entered under other provisions of
the Canadian immigration law.[24]New entries of foreign workers in 2006 were 16,841 (U.S.
citizens) and 13,933 (Mexicans).[25]
Criticism and controversies
There is much concern in Canada over the provision that if something is sold even once as a
commodity, the government cannot stop its sale in the future.[26]This applies to the water from
Canada's lakes and rivers, fueling fears over the possible destruction of Canadian ecosystems and
water supply.
In 1999, Sun Belt Water Inc., a company out of Santa Barbara, California, filed an Arbitration
Claim under Chapter 11 of the NAFTA claiming $105 million as a result of Canada's prohibition
on the export of bulk water by marine tanker, a move that destroyed the Sun Belt business
venture. The claim sent shock waves through Canadian governments that scrambled to update
water legislation and remains unresolved.
Other fears come from the effects NAFTA has had on Canadian lawmaking. In 1996, the
gasoline additive MMT was brought into Canada by an American company. At the time, the
Canadian federal government banned the importation of the additive. The American company
brought a claim under NAFTA Chapter 11 seeking US$201 million,[27] from the Canadian
government and the Canadian provinces under the Agreement on Internal Trade ("AIT"). The
American company argued that their additive had not been conclusively linked to any health
dangers, and that the prohibition was damaging to their company. Following a finding that the
ban was a violation of the AIT,[28]the Canadian federal government repealed the ban and settled
with the American company for US$13 million.[29]Studies by Health and Welfare Canada (now
Health Canada) on the health effects of MMT in fuel found no significant health effects
associated with exposure to these exhaust emissions. Other Canadian researchers and the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency disagree with Health Canada, and cite studies that include
possible nerve damage.[30]
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Ponderosa Pine logs taken from Malheur National Forest, Grant County, Oregon.
The United States and Canada had been arguing for years over the United States' decision to
impose a 27 percent duty on Canadian softwood lumber imports, until new Canadian Prime
MinisterStephen Harpercompromised with the United States and reached a settlement on July 1,
2006.[31] The settlement has not yet been ratified by either country, in part due to domestic
opposition in Canada.
Canada had filed numerous motions to have the duty eliminated and the collected duties returned
to Canada.[32]After the United States lost an appeal from a NAFTA panel, it responded by saying
"We are, of course, disappointed with the [NAFTA panel's] decision, but it will have no impact
on the anti-dumping and countervailing duty orders." (Nick Lifton, spokesman for U.S. Trade
Representative Rob Portman)[33]On July 21, 2006, the United States Court of International Trade
found that imposition of the duties was contrary to U.S. law.[34][35]
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