Bryan Turner -The Discourse of Diet

8/19/2019 Bryan Turner -The Discourse of Diet

1/11

http://tcs.sagepub.com/ Theory, Culture & Society

http://tcs.sagepub.com/content/1/1/23The online version of this article can be found at:

DOI: 10.1177/026327648200100103

1982 1: 23Theory Culture Society Bryan S. Turner

The Discourse of Diet

Published by:

http://www.sagepublications.com

On behalf of:

The TCS Centre, Nottingham Trent University

can be found at:Theory, Culture & Society Additional services and information for

http://tcs.sagepub.com/cgi/alertsEmail Alerts:

http://tcs.sagepub.com/subscriptionsSubscriptions:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navReprints:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navPermissions:

http://tcs.sagepub.com/content/1/1/23.refs.htmlCitations:

at Harvard Libraries on April 24, 2011tcs.sagepub.comDownloaded from

http://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/content/1/1/23http://tcs.sagepub.com/content/1/1/23http://www.sagepublications.com/http://ntu.ac.uk/research/school_research/hum/29480gp.htmlhttp://tcs.sagepub.com/cgi/alertshttp://tcs.sagepub.com/subscriptionshttp://tcs.sagepub.com/subscriptionshttp://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navhttp://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navhttp://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navhttp://tcs.sagepub.com/content/1/1/23.refs.htmlhttp://tcs.sagepub.com/content/1/1/23.refs.htmlhttp://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/content/1/1/23.refs.htmlhttp://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navhttp://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navhttp://tcs.sagepub.com/subscriptionshttp://tcs.sagepub.com/cgi/alertshttp://ntu.ac.uk/research/school_research/hum/29480gp.htmlhttp://www.sagepublications.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/content/1/1/23http://tcs.sagepub.com/


2/11


3/11

24

In Discipline and Punish, Foucault draws attention to the growth of organisedknowledge in the form of time-tables, taxonomies, typologies, registers, examinationsand chrestomathies in the late eighteenth century. Such schema facilitated thecontrol of large numbers of bodies within a regimented space. The drilling of armies,the schooling of children and the administration of hospitals required new forms for

surveillance and control. The discipline of the school, the factory, the prison and thehospital was, however, anticipated by the discipline of the monastery in which bodieswere subordinated to ascetic rules of practice. In this sense, factory discipline is asecularised asceticism which precludes unruly gratification and spontaneous enjoyment.Foucault’s account of the transposition of religious asceticism to secular space is,however indirectly and covertly, a return to the central theme of The ProtestantEthic and the Spirit of Capitalism where Weber explores the religious roots of the’iron cage’ of industrial civilisation.

For Weber, the consequences of the Calvinistic calling were the rational organisationof secular life, the creation of work-disciplines and the subordination of ’natural man’

to time-tables and production-requirements. The rationalization of industrial societymeant the extension of instrumental rationality to every sphere of life, resulting in adisenchanted garden without prophets, passion and magic (Turner 1981). In Weber’s

sociology, the concept of ’rationality’ has many layers of meaning, but it does includethe notion that knowledge is represented by formulae, schema and taxonomies. Thesystematisation of knowlege is thus an important dimension to the general process ofsocial rationalisation. There is an interesting parallel between Foucault’s concernwith the time-table and Weber’s commentary on budgetary management, capitalaccounting and double-entry book-keeping, and the growth of rational systems ofmusical notation. Although Weber did not formulate his views on capitalism aroundthe theme of body/knowledge/society, he was clearly interested in the culturalimplications of the ascetic control of the body, especially human sexuality.

It can be argued, therefore, that Foucault’s account of the intimate relationshipbetween scientific knowledge and the control of the body has to be located within awell-established tradition in social philosophy which recognised the problem of humanpassions as the critical factor in social order. While Weber explored this issue interms of, for example, the contrast between orgy and chastity, (Weber 1978), itprovides the central theme of Foucault’s studies of sexuality (Foucault 1979b) andmedicine. Within this theoretical context, the study of dietetics is especiallypertinent to issues raised by both Weber and Foucault. Diet was a basic componentof both traditional regimens in medical practice and of ascetic regulation in religion.Diet, asceticism and regimen are obviously forms of control exercised over bodies

with the aim of establishing a discipline. The term ’asceticism’ derives from aketes(monk) and askeo (exercise), having the general meaning of any disciplined practiceon an object, such as metal. ’Regimen’ comes from regere (rule) and is normallyused in its medical sense of a system of therapeutic rules, especially an organiseddiet. ’Regimen’, however, also has an archaic sense of ’a system of government’.Religious asceticism and medical diets are thus both governments of the body.Finally, the government of the body is couched in a series of instructions andcommandments, namely the dietary table, the manual of exercise and the food-chart.Dietary compendia thus represent an interesting illustration of discourse on the bodyand the rationalization of behaviour.


http://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/http://tcs.sagepub.com/


4/11

25

&dquo;Diaetetick Management&dquo;

Although medical advice on proper diet has a long history in Western medicine,treatises on dietetic management, especially when combined with religious exhortation,became particularly popular in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. One of themost influential

physiciansin this connection was the Aberdonian medic and

writer,George Cheyne (1671 - 1743), who practised in London and Bath amongst anaristocratic and professional clientele. Cheyne, who is best known for his The

English Malady (1733) which recommends diet as the basic treatment of melancholy,counted amongst his friends and patients David Hume (Hume 1932)(1), SamuelRichardson (2), Samuel Johnson, John Wesley, Alexander Pope, the Earl of Huntingdonand the Duke of Roxburgh. Cheyne’s publications on the general benefits of diet formental health and longevity were the product of a personal crisis brought on bychronic obesity at the beginning of his medical career. Arriving in London at the

peak of the popularity for coffee-houses and taverns as professional meeting-places inthe reign of Queen Anne, Cheyne fell into the company of ’free-livers’ and ’bottle-

companions’ with the consequence that his weight rose to 448 pounds. Having been

diagnosedas a sufferer from

English melancholy, Cheyne,after some

experimentation,hit upon a diet of milk and vegetables combined with regular exercise, regular sleepand temperance. As a result, he enjoyed a long life of personal tranquility andmental stability.

The theoretical basis to Cheyne’s medical regimen was derived from Descartes’mechanistic model of the body, the medical rationalism of the Leyden school ofmedicine and the iatromathematical tradition of Herman Boerhaave (1668 - 1738).Descartes’ position that ’the body’ is nothing else than a statue or machine of clay(Descartes 1927) and Harvey’s work on the circulation of the blood provided Cheynewith the argument that the body is ’an Hydraulic Machine, fill’d with liquor’ (Cheyne1740). The health of this system of pipes, pumps and passages could only bemaintained

by appropriate suppliesof food and

liquidas determined

byclinical

experience and scientific knowledge. The use of drugs and surgery was secondary to’diaetetick management’ in controlling disease and in promoting long life. Theseiatromathematical principles were combined with a Christian emphasis on health as a

religious duty which regarded gluttony as tantamount to suicide. Cheyne’s dieteticswere thus part of a religio-moral tradition in which the control of the body was partof the religious calling.

There is some evidence (Cheyne & Richardson 1943), that Cheyne’s views on dietwere influenced by the Hygiasticon, or the right course of preserving life andhealth unto extreme old age (1634) of Leonard Lessius (1554-1623) and by LuigiCornaro’s Trattato della vita sobria (1558), translated and published by George

Herbert in 1634. Cornaro (1475-1566)was an

Italian noblemanfrom

Venice who, likeCheyne, had cured his own infirmities by diet and sobriety. The disorders withCornaro’s body were seen to be symptomatic of a general social malaise brought on

by ’bad customs’, namely: &dquo;The first, flattery and ceremoniousness; the second,Lutheranism, which some have most preposterously embraced; the third intemperance(Cornaro 1776 p14)

The solution to both social and physical disorders was a disciplined and sober life. In

response to his own infirmities, Cornaro

gave over the use of such meats and wines, likewise of ice; chose wine suitedto my stomach, drinking of it but the quantity I knew I could digest. I did

thesame

by my meat,as

well in regard to quantityas

to quality, accustomingmyself to contrive matters so as never to cloy my stomach with eating anddrinking, but constantly to rise from table with a disposition to eat and drinkstill more&dquo; (Cornaro 1776 p 22-23).




5/11

26

Dieting produced a number of blessings: health, mental stability and aided reason tocontrol the passions. Temperance and sobriety are our main defence against’melancholy, hatred and other violent passions’. Indeed, the passions&dquo;Have, in the

main, no great influence over bodies governed by the two foregoing rules of eatingand drinking&dquo; (Cornaro 1776 p 25) Cornaro thus conceives of diet within an

exclusively religious framework asa

defence against the temptations of the flesh,referring to ’that Divine Sobriety, agreeable to the Deity’. It is not surprising,therefore, that George Herbert found Cornaro and Lessius attractive writers on

sobriety and that this religio-medical regimen found followers at Little Gidding.Herbert cured his own ague by refraining from meat and drink (Charles 1977).

Just as Cornaro regarded disease as the product of unrestrained passions and socialmalaise, so Cheyne came to see human infirmities as the consequences of civilization.

Expanding trade and economic progress had brought rich, exotic foods, drink andspices onto the British market with disasterous results for human digestion. He notedthat &dquo;Since our Wealth increas’d, and our Navigation has been extended, we haveransack’d all parts of the Globe to bring together its whole Stock of materials for

Riot, Luxury, and to provoke Excess.&dquo; (Cheyne, 1733, p 49) Urbanization andovercrowding were also aspects of eighteenth-century social change producing mentaland physical illness, especially in London where ’nervous Distempers are mostfrequent, outrageous, and unnatural’ (Cheyne, 1753, p 54). Lack of exercise, asurplus of rich food, intoxicating drinks and urban life-styles were particularlythreatening to the health standards of the upper classes, especially among ’the Rich,the Lazy, the Luxurious, and the Unactive’ (Cheyne, 1733, p 28). The availability andabundance of strong drinks among the elite enraged their passions to ’Quarrels,Murder and Blasphemy’ (Cheyne, 1724, p 44). Changes in eating habits and fashionsin cuisine stimulated the appetites of the upper classes in ways which were contraryto Nature and which interfered with the natural processes of digestion. In various

passages reminiscent of Rousseau, Cheyne (1733, p 174) lamented that &dquo;When Mankindwas

simple, plain, honest and frugal, therewere

few or no diseases. Temperance,Exercise, Hunting, Labour and Industry kept the Juices Sweet and the Solids brac’d&dquo;

Cheyne’s medical regimen was aimed at counteracting the ravages of civilization byreturning men to a life of sobriety, exercise and regularity. Cheyne’s prescriptionsfor a diet based on fruit, seeds, milk and vegetables were not necessarily original,since they embodied the classical Greek doctrine of ’contrary medicine’ (Coulter,1977). Because the ailments of civilised man were the products of abundance and

inactivity, his regimen was based around abstinence, temperance and exercise. Inorder to guide his patients back to health. Cheyne produced detailed classifications offood and drink according to effects on digestion. These classifications areparticularly interesting in terms of the occupational, age and sexual characteristics of

the clientele to which theywere

addressed. In general, he recommended aprogressively reduced diet through the various stages of life, while recognisingvariations in the level of exercise for various occupational groups. Thus, a man of

’ordinary Stature, following no laborious employment’ should consume &dquo;8 Ounces ofFlesh Meat, 12 of Bread, or Vegetable Food, and about a Pint of Wine, or other

generous Liquor in 24 Hours.&dquo; (Cheyne, 1724, p 34). Cheyne was, however, principallyconcerned with the health problems of intellectuals, professional men and thearistocracy whose sedentary and affluent life-style exposed their digestion to adiversity of dangers. For such groups, he recommended a light diet, a regular vomit,horse-riding and a regular pattern of sleep. This regimen would preserve theirhealth, clear their minds and provide the blessing of long life and happiness.

Although Cheyne wrote for and was popular among an urban sedentary elite, his viewson sobriety reached a wider audience through the mediation of John Wesley whosePrimitive Physick or an Easy and Natural Method of Curing Most Diseases(1752) embraced Cheyne’s prescriptions for a life of regularity and moderation.Wesley commended Cheyne’s Essay of Health and Long Life to his mother in 1724,noting that it ’is chiefly directed to studious and sedentary persons’ (Telford 1931).




6/11

27

In a letter to the Bishop of London, BNesley admitted that abstaining from wine andflesh was not a requirement of Christianity, but nonetheless compatible with it.Since following Cheyne’s advice, Wesley noted that

&dquo;I have been free (blessed be God) from all bodily disorders. Would to God I

knew any method of being equally free from all &dquo;follies and indescretions&dquo;.But this I never expect to attain till my spirit returns to rod.&dquo;

Cheyne’s dietary management matched lNesley’ religious asceticism and wasincorporated with the Wesleyan ’method’ of regular, disciplined and orderly life.While Cheyne wrote for the London elite, his model of regular exercise and dietarycontrol reached a wider audience in the middle class through the norms of sobriety ofthe Wesleyan chapels.

Capitalism and the Spirit of Medicine’

-’

This relationship between medical regimens and religious asceticism in the eighteenth

century suggests a rather obvious hypothesis that there may be an ’elective affinity’between dietary management and the rise of capitalism. It has become a

commonplace of historical sociology to argue that the unintended consequence ofProtestant sectarianism was to provide early capitalism with a sober, honest and

hard-working labour force. (Thompson 1963; Hobsbawm 1964; Pope 1942). There is aprima facie case for believing that a dietary ’calling’ to discipline the body byreference to a religio-medical regimen would have been compatible with a spirit ofcapitalism. A work-force which is not only sober but healthy is clearly desirablefrom the point of view of capitalist production. Religion and medicine could thenboth work in the direction of eliminating ’irrational’ customs of consumption whichwere inefficient or dangerous. The docile, idle body of the criminal would provide a

sharp contrast with the active, athletic body of the worker within the industrial

panoptican. In fact, of course, Cheyne, Cornaro and Lessius had addressed theirdietary management at an aristocratic and professional clientele and, althoughWesley’s Primitive Physick reached a wider audience, the notion of diet wasirrelevant to a working class periodically subjected to starvation. Since the

eighteenth-century worker depended on cereals, abstinence from meat was not arelevant issue (Cole & Postgate 1964).

While individual capitalists may have an interest in the health of their workers, thereis little economic incentive for them to be concerned with the health standards of

the population as a whole. Within a Marxist framework, there would be strongreasons for expecting a fall in health standards in early capitalism. The competitionbetween capitalists forces them to mechanise production, lower wages and reduce the

labour force. Unemployment and hunger provided the general background to diseaseand sickness. However, each individual capitalist will want his workers to be healthy,clean and tidy in so far as these contribute to efficient production. Alternatively, ithas been claimed that bourgeois interest in hygiene, diet and exercise for workers inthe middle of the nineteenth century had important ideological functions (Tempkin,1949). The popularity of the organic metaphor of society meant that responsibilityfor disease could be squarely placed on the shoulders of intemperate individuals.Illness was thus the consequece of individual abuse of the body or the mismanagementof sanitation. Pietist reformers like Florence Nightingale, Edwin Chadwick and Dr.Southwood Smith rejected the specificity of the germ theory of disease in favour ofnotions of moral responsibility for removing filth from the environment and

encouraging personal cleanliness (Rosenburg 1979). The diseases of civilization wereto be countered by personal salvation and clean water. the dietary management ofthe body was thus paralled to the management of water and sanitation in theenvironment, since both were aimed at moral control of impurity.




7/11

28

The irony of moral sanitarianism was that, in an age of Spencerian evolutionism, itimplied a large measure of state intervention which conflicted with the notion ofpersonal moral responsibility and laissez-faire economics. White diet could remainan individual choice, clean water, adequate sanitation and urban ventilation requiredlegislation and some measure of centralised supervision. The development of

legislative control however minimal, of the social environment implieda

limitation ofthe freedom of individual capitalists to pursue their economic goals within themarket. In this context, it would be wrong to assume that the ideology of personalhygiene and diet was especially attractive to capitalists, who had additional materialinterests in the health of the nation. While capitalists might patronise lecture

programmes through the mechanics institutes on dietetics and physiology, there werethree general factors which promoted a capitalist interest in general standards ofhealth. First, the spread of contagious diseases in the nineteenth century from the

insanitary conditions of the urbanised poor also threatened the health of the urbanmiddle classes. An awareness of the hazard of urban squalor for all social classesstimulated a number of early inquiries into the correlation of class and disease in thenineteenth century. William Farr and T.H.C. Stevenson developed various socio-

medical investigations into social conditions and disease and found a clear associationbetween poverty and the incidence of infectious diseases, tuberculosis, bronchitis andpneumonia (Susser 1962). The interest in environmental improvement and the

importance of quantification of disease was as much protective as philanthropic. Theproblem of infectious diseases cannot be separated from the second general conditionwhich interested the middle class in the health of the working force, namely theproblem of the tax burden of illness on the rich.In general, early capitalist societywas caught between promoting political security or economic growth. As Foucault’s

study of the asylums of Paris suggests, incarceration of the urban poor achieved somemeasure of political stability, but this was at the cost of economic accumulation,because docile bodies were also idle bodies. Unless the unemployed sick are to dieupon the streets, there must be some provision for the poor out of general revenue

which represents a drain on national wealth.

The third and most significant general factor in the emergence of the science of the

body and for state intervention in general standards of health is modern, masswarfare. From the Crimean War to the Second World War, investigations into thehealth of recruits for military service revealed an appalling depth of generaldisability and disease in the male working-class population. Medical evidence from

military sources suggested that Britain, as a leading imperial power, was in fact

incapable of defending herself unless there was a dramatic improvement in healthstandards. General anxiety about military defence found its expression in the

’national efficiency movement’ which sought to promote health and discipline throughtemperance, military service and physical education (Gilbert 1966). The new emphasison training the body coincided with an interest in the health of school children,school meals and regular medical inspections. Dr. Arnold’s public school reforms had

already provided the model, not only of team-work and fitness on the sports field,but of regularity in sleep, eating and work. In Foucault’s terminology, the school, the

factory and the hospital became social locations for the discipline of the body, underthe control of the scientific discourses of pedagogy, dietetics, demography,criminology and Taylorism, within an urban space. Anxiety about urban space wasreflected in uncertainty about appropriate policies - survival of the fittest versusstate control.




8/11

29

The Labouring Body

Whereas seventeenth and eighteenth-century writing on diet had its origin in areligious language about self-control among the aristocratic and professional classes,the science of dietetics in the nineteenth century still had moral connotations, butarose out of the debate about urban

management,industrial

efficiencyand the fiscal

burden of incarceration. Thermodynamics replaced the traditional discourse ofhumours, digestion and quality. In Britain, scientific interest in measuring the effectsof calorie in-take on human energy out-put was associated with research into thenutritional requirements of prisoners and soldiers, namely the combination of aminimum diet with maximum energy production. The question of a scientific dietwas also associated with poverty and family budgets in the social surveys of CharlesBooth and Seebohm Rowntree. The conclusion of Rowntree’s York surveys was that

the working class, which provided the muscle power for industrial growth, was

seriously underfed in terms of scientific nutritional standards and that the artisanclass had a satisfactory food supply provided there was no ’wasteful expenditure ondrink’. (Rowntree 1902, p 28). While poverty and the efficiency of labour led to the

early social survey, it was the impact of war conditions on production that generatedthe need for industrial research into health and economic production. Fatigue amongmunitions workers in the First World War led the government in 1915 to set up theHealth of Munition Workers Committee to examine the relationship between hours of

work, industrial output and health. These investigations gave rise to the creation ofthe Industrial Fatigue Research Board and the Medical Research Committee. Behindthe empirical social survey and psychological investigations of fatigue, we can detectthe metaphor of the body as a machine subject to the laws of thermodynamics, butthe new discourse of the body is shorn of its religious terminology. The body is no

longer informed by ’divine Sobriety’, but by calories and proteins so that disciplineand efficiency can be measured with precision and certainty.

The discipline of the labouring body thus represents a powerful illustration of bothFoucault’s analysis of power/knowledge and Weber’s comparative study of the originsof modern processes of rationalization. The development of the statistical survey isto be located within the growth of populations and the formation of classes within anurban space, perceived as chaotic and dangerous. The extension of knowledge -eugenics, dietetics, thermodynamics - corresponded with the exercise of politicalpower over labouring men. These theoretical developments also signified arationalization of culture in the trivia of dietary sheets and energy-conversion tables.

Dietary control of the passions within the monastic milieu found its way through thedietetic management of Cornaro and Cheyne into popular, secular works on physiologyand health for working-class educational institutes. There is, of course, a major shiftin the social parameters within which this dietary discourse is set, namely the

problem of ageing populations. While Cornaro and Cheyne adhered to an ideal ofaristocratic longevity, the problem of a society composed largely of retired geriatricswas not an issue they had to confront. The changing structure of populations in late

capitalism suggests a new discourse of demography, centred on a regimen of diet,jogging and cosmetics to control the alienated and disaffected citizens of retirement

compounds.




9/1130

Notes

1 David Hume ’To Dr George Cheyne’, (Greig, 1932, p 12-18) E C Mossner

(1944), however, claims that this letter was addressed to Dr Arbuthnot.

2 The correspondence between Cheyne and Richardson is published inMissouri University Studies Vol 18, 1943, pp 31-137. For an example of

’English madness’ in continental literature, cf Peter Howath (1978).




10/11

31

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Anderson Lorin (1980), ’Freud and Nietzsche’, Salmagundi,47-48, p 3-29.

Branscombe Peter, (ed. 1978), Austrian Life and Literature 1780 - 1938,Edinburgh

Charles Amy M. (1977), A Life of George Herbert, Ithica & London.

Cheyne George, (1724), An Essay on Health and Long Life, London.

Cheyne George, (1733), The English Malady, London.

Cheyne George, (1740), An Essay on Regimen, London.

Cheyne George & Richardson, (1943), correspondence, Missouri UniversityStudies, 18, pp 31-137.

Cole G D H & Postgate R (1964), The Common People 1746 - 1946, London.

Cornaro Luigi (1776), Discourses on a Sober and Temperate Life, London.

Coulter Harris L (1977), The Divided Legacy, a history of the schism inmedical thought, 3 Volumes, Washington.

Cragg Gerald R (ed. 1975), The Works of John Wesley, Oxford.

Descartes R (1927), ’Treatise on Man’ in Descartes Selections, (ed.)R M Eaton, New York.

Foucault Michel (1965), Madness and Civilisation, a history of Insanity inthe Age of Reason, New York.

Foucault Michel (1973), The Birth of the Clinic, an archeology of medical

perception, London: Tavistock.

Foucault Michel (1979a), Discipline and Punish, the birth of the prison,Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Foucault Michel (1979b), The History of Sexuality, Volume 1: an Introduction,London: Allen Lane.

Foucault Michel (1980), Power/Knowledge Selected Interviews and OtherWritings 1972 -1977 (ed.) Gordon C.,Brighton: Harvister Press.

Gilbert Bentley G (1966), The Evolution of National Inusurancein Great Britain, London.

Greig J Y T (ed. 1932), The Letters of David Hume Volume 1, Oxford.

Hobsbawm E J (1964), Labouring Men, studies in the history oflabour, London.




11/11

32

Horwath Peter (1978), ’Richardsonian characters and motifs inJohann Friedel’s Eleonore’, in Austrian Life &Literature 1780 - 1938, ed. P Branscombe, Edinburgh.

Kaufmann W (1974), Nietzsche; philosopher, psychologist,

anti-Christ, Princeton

Mossner E C (1944), ’Hume’s Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot, 1744,’Huntingdon Library Quaterly, 7, pp 135 - 152.

Pope Liston (1942), Millhand and Preachers,New Haven.

Rosenberg Charles (ed. 1979), Heating and History,New York.

Rowntree B Seebohn (1902), Poverty, a study of town life, London.

Sheridan Alan (1980), Michel Foucault, the will to truth, London: Tavistock.

Susser M W (1962), ’Social Medicine in Britain: studies insocial class’ in Society, problems and methods of study,ed. A T Welford et al, London.

Telford John (1931), The Letters of John Wesley (Vol 1) London.

Temkin Owsei (1949),’Metaphors of Human Biology’ in Science andCivilisation (ed) R C Stauffer, Madison.

Thompson E P (1963) The Making of the English Working Class, London.

Turner Bryan S (1981), For Weber, essays in the Sociology of FateLondon: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Weber Max (1978), Economy and Society, Vol I, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London.


Documents

Bryan Turner -The Discourse of Diet