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Concave mirrors philosophy of Aristotle the books of Avicenna Italian and Latin vocabulary Bohemian knives Vitruvius Messer Ottaviano Palavicino for his Vitruvius go every Saturday to the hot bath where you will see naked men Leonardo was in the habit of constantly making lists. The notes above are part of a larger list of things to buy, books to borrow, people to see, and events to remember. The items are neatly arranged in three columns on the inside cover of a small pocket book measuring 6 x 4 1 8 inches, and designated as MS. F, at the Institut de France, in Paris. The writing is very small, some of it in sanguine pencil, written over in pen and brown ink to make it permanent. Vitruvius’ name appears along with vari- ous other items in the far left corner, and under it Leonardo writes, “Messer Ottaviano Pallavicino pel suo Vetruvius.” ([See] Mr. Ottaviano Pallavicino for his [copy of ] Vitruvius’ [Ten Books on Architecture].) It is unknown how Leonardo was connected to the family, but he must have known Ottaviano well enough to borrow his copy of the Vitruvius manuscript. Opposite this note, on the inside cover, to the right on the first page of the book, is the inscription, “Cominciato a Milano addi 12 di Setembre 1508.” (Begun in Milan on September 12, 1508.) Why Leonardo would have wanted, or needed, to see a copy of the Vitruvius manuscript is unclear. Presumably, it had to have been a hand-copied manuscript 34 DRAWING www.aaDrawing.com The Vitruvian Man Learning From Leonardo’s Anthony Panzera, a painter, draftsman, and teacher at Hunter College, in New York City, wrote a book about Leonardo’s notebooks for which he drew original illustrations (inspired by the Renaissance master’s proportional theories) to accompany his thoughts and research. He agreed to let Drawing magazine excerpt part of his unpublished book. Below is a portion of what Panzera wrote about Leonardo’s famous drawing The Vitruvian Man. by Anthony Panzera ABOVE AP 149 sanguine pencil on buff paper with black India ink and press-type letters and numbers on acetate, 32 x 32. All artwork this article collection the artist unless otherwise indicated. My interpretation of The Vitruvian Man is part of a larger investigation to prove the theories of proportion laid down in Leonardo’s notebooks. Other examples of my exploration of these theories follow on subsequent pages.

by Anthony Panzera Theanthonypanzeraart.com/AP_PDF/VitruvianMan.pdf · Cennino Cennini. Although it is uncertain if Cennini had ever seen a copy of Vitruvius, it is clear that he

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Page 1: by Anthony Panzera Theanthonypanzeraart.com/AP_PDF/VitruvianMan.pdf · Cennino Cennini. Although it is uncertain if Cennini had ever seen a copy of Vitruvius, it is clear that he

Concave mirrorsphilosophy of Aristotlethe books of AvicennaItalian and Latin vocabularyBohemian knivesVitruviusMesser Ottaviano Palavicino for hisVitruviusgo every Saturday to the hot bath whereyou will see naked men

Leonardo was in the habit of constantly making lists. The notes above are part ofa larger list of things to buy, books to borrow, people to see, and events toremember. The items are neatly arranged in three columns on the inside coverof a small pocket book measuring 6 x 41⁄8 inches, and designated as MS. F, atthe Institut de France, in Paris.

The writing is very small, some of it in sanguine pencil, written over in penand brown ink to make it permanent. Vitruvius’ name appears along with vari-ous other items in the far left corner, and under it Leonardo writes, “MesserOttaviano Pallavicino pel suo Vetruvius.” ([See] Mr. Ottaviano Pallavicino for his[copy of ] Vitruvius’ [Ten Books on Architecture].) It is unknown how Leonardowas connected to the family, but he must have known Ottaviano well enough toborrow his copy of the Vitruvius manuscript. Opposite this note, on the insidecover, to the right on the first page of the book, is the inscription, “Cominciato aMilano addi 12 di Setembre 1508.” (Begun in Milan on September 12, 1508.)

Why Leonardo would have wanted, or needed, to see a copy of the Vitruviusmanuscript is unclear. Presumably, it had to have been a hand-copied manuscript

34 DRAWING www.aaDrawing.com

TheVitruvianMan

Learning FromLeonardo’s

Anthony Panzera, a painter, draftsman,and teacher at Hunter College, in New York

City, wrote a book about Leonardo’s notebooks for which he drew original

illustrations (inspired by the Renaissancemaster’s proportional theories) to accompanyhis thoughts and research. He agreed to let

Drawing magazine excerpt part of hisunpublished book. Below is a portion of

what Panzera wrote about Leonardo’sfamous drawing The Vitruvian Man.

by Anthony Panzera

ABOVE

AP 149sanguine pencil on buffpaper with black India inkand press-type letters andnumbers on acetate, 32 x 32. All artwork thisarticle collection the artistunless otherwise indicated.My interpretation of TheVitruvian Man is part of alarger investigation to provethe theories of proportionlaid down in Leonardo’snotebooks. Other examplesof my exploration of thesetheories follow onsubsequent pages.

Page 2: by Anthony Panzera Theanthonypanzeraart.com/AP_PDF/VitruvianMan.pdf · Cennino Cennini. Although it is uncertain if Cennini had ever seen a copy of Vitruvius, it is clear that he

www.aaDrawing.com WINTER 2009 35

The Proportions of the Human BodyAccording to Vetruvius (The Vetruvian Man)

by Leonardo da Vinci, ca. 1490, pen and brown ink,brush, and some wash over metalpoint, 131⁄2 x 95⁄8.

Collection Gallerie dell’Accademia, Venice, Italy.

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36 DRAWING www.aaDrawing.com

because the first printed editions did not appear until 1511,and presumably, it was a manuscript copied in the vernacu-lar (the “vulgar” Italian dialect) because Leonardo could nei-ther read nor write in Latin or Greek. In addition, he wasalready well acquainted with the book, or at least that por-tion of the book’s teachings that inspired his drawing of thefamous figure inscribed in a circle and a square, TheProportions of the Human Body According to Vitruvius, alsoknown as The Vitruvian Man. That iconic drawing, probablythe most famous drawing in the world, was created byLeonardo in 1490, some 18 years earlier. It established, inboth word and image, the core of his theories on humanproportion, as well as a visual analysis of the Vitruvian text.What is important is how Leonardo first learned ofVitruvius’ book before he asked to see Pallavicino’s copy.

VITRUVIUS’ TEN BOOKS ON ARCHITECTURE

Marcus Vitruvius Pollio, the famous architect and engineer,lived and worked in Rome ca. 90 to 20 B.C. Toward the end ofhis life in the mid-20s B.C., he presented to Augustus Caesar10 written scrolls containing everything he had learned fromthe ancient Greeks about architecture. The scrolls were intend-ed as a guide to aid in the proper education and practice ofyoung architects at a time when, Vitruvius felt, the lessons andknowledge learned from the ancients were being lost. He hadhoped to revive the grandeur and stability of Hellenistic archi-tecture by re-establishing the rules and ideals of the past.Vitruvius’ book continues to be “the most complete andauthentic source for cataloguing the elements, proportioningsystems, and ideals underlying the classical architectural sys-tem,” according to historian Thomas Gordon Smith.

In defining the essence of sound architecture as “integri-ty, strength, function, and beauty,” Vitruvius stressed anunderstanding of building materials, the essential featuresand character of the three great architectural orders (Doric,Ionic, and Corinthinian), and the elements of proportion. Inhis treatise, Vitruvius described the six most important prin-ciples necessary in resolving issues of architectural design.They are listed in Latin as: Ordinatio, Symmetria,Dispositio, Eurythmia, Decor, and Distributio.

For the purpose of our discussion, only the first two,Ordinatio and Symmetria, concern us. Both, according toSmith, “are methods of determining numerical ratios todefine the proportions of large and small scale elements ina building.” Ordinatio is “the basis for proportional rela-tionships based on the module that serves as the commondenominator for a complex whole.” Symmetria “is the rela-tionship between the modular unit and the figure by whichit is multiplied or divided to arrive at the dimensions of thewhole.” Implied here is not the conventional meaning ofsymmetry, but a secondary meaning—“the excellence orbeauty of form or proportion as a result of such correspon-dence,” meaning the sensitive and subtle correspondenceof the part to the completion and fulfillment of the whole.

That brief introductory description (translated by MorrisHicky Morgan) of a small portion of Vitruvius’ book is ger-mane to our topic because it forms the basis of understand-ing what Vitruvius, in Book III, Chapter I, goes on to explain:

The design of a temple depends on symmetria, the prin-ciple of which must be most carefully observed by thearchitect. They are due to proportion—in Greek, analo-gia. Proportion is a correspondence among the measuresof the members of an entire work, and of the whole to acertain part selected as standard. From this results the

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www.aaDrawing.com WINTER 2009 37

principles of symmetria. Withoutsymmetria and proportion there canbe no principles in the design ofany temple; that is, if there is noprecise relation between its mem-bers, as in the case of those of awell-shaped man.

Although the main topic of Book III isthe building of Ionic temples, Vitruviusbegins with a definition of Symmetriaand how the concept may be used toderive the ideal proportions of thehuman form. In praising several of thegreat Greek artists of ancient times hementions Polykleitos, the mid-5th cen-tury B.C. sculptor, on whose bronze fig-ure, the Doryphoros (spear-bearer),Vitruvius probably based his ratios ofhuman proportion. Vitruvius’ codifica-tion of these rules was the culminationof the “Greek aesthetic convention” ofdefining “the ideal proportions of thehuman body,” according to Smith. Inestablishing the relationship betweenarchitecture and the human form,Vitruvius unknowingly laid the basisfor humanism and the Renaissancecenturies before they flourished.

It was not only the interest in archi-tectural theory that inspired imagina-tions—it was Vitruvius’ conception,based on ancient sources, that the pro-portions of the human form were thesource and foundation of architecture.Thus, the beauty and genius of the earlyItalian Renaissance is that the humanform was seen as the measure of all things. It became thevisual framework for order and harmony in all art, while theproportions of the human form were rationalized into theideal figures of the circle and the square and became the basisof architectural design in both religious and public buildings.Art historian Eve Borsook explains, “The faith in the humanintellect and the joyous celebration of the figure were allunderstood as the best way of expressing divinity,” and it wasthis belief that “constituted the optimism of the Quattrocento.”

The concept, however, had its roots even prior to the1400s. As early as the 11th century, the mystic Hildegard vonBingen understood and knew of the human/architectural con-nection in Vitruvius, for she wrote that “the height of a man is

equal to his breadth when his arms and hands are extendedon both sides from his chest,” just as, she goes on to explain,“the human figure is…interpreted as a mirror of the cos-mos,…[quoting Vitruvius] ‘for in like manner the firmamenthas its length equal to its breadth.’” In essence, the humanbody is a microcosm of the divine universe as a macrocosm.

Further evidence of the human form as a basis for architec-tural proportions is found in the work of another early author,Cennino Cennini. Although it is uncertain if Cennini had everseen a copy of Vitruvius, it is clear that he understood and wasfamiliar with Vitruvius’ theories on human proportion.Cennini’s lists of proportional relationships, his use of the tri-partite divisions of the face, and his description of a man’s

AP 103sanguine pencil on buffpaper with black Indiaink and press-typeletters and numbers onacetate, 20 x 16.

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38 DRAWING www.aaDrawing.com

height being equal to the width of his outstretched arms andhands in his famous early-14th-century handbook for artistsand craftsmen are all theories originating with Vitruvius.

In fact, recent scholarship suggests that the Vitruviantext was well known by scholars from at least the 8th centu-ry, that its influence increased during the Middle Ages, andthat its importance soared during the Renaissance “to adegree of fame that Vitruvius can hardly have dreamt of,”according to art historian Hanno-Walter Kruft. “The pecu-liar fate of Vitruvius’ treatise has been aptly characterizedas follows: ‘In the history of art there is probably no other

example of a systematic textbook aiming at a contemporaryinfluence, missing its target, and yet achieving such over-whelming success centuries after its appearance.’”

LEONARDO’S DRAWING AS ILLUSTRATION OF THE VITRUVIAN TEXT

In the Florentine studios of the 15th century it was commonfor artists and apprentices to meet with one another, discussnew theories on art, and share with or hide from one anoth-er new technical and evolving advances in art. Surely, some-thing as important as the Vitruvian text was, by the mid-15thcentury, discussed and analyzed in the various intellectualand artistic circles not only all over Florence but also all overItaly. The manuscripts mentioned above, having been trans-lated into the vernacular, must have spread like wildfire ascopies were borrowed, shared, copied, and recopied.

In 1490 Francesco di Giorgio Martini arrived in Milan atthe invitation of Ludovico Sforza to advise on the constructionof the “lantern” for the Milan Cathedral. In that same year hetraveled to Pavia, and Leonardo, who submitted drawings inthe competition for the cathedral plan, traveled with him. It ispossible that by this time Leonardo may have known aboutFrancesco di Giorgio’s 1486 translation of Vitruvius and hisillustrations for it, and if not, he certainly learned of it on theirtrip together to Pavia. Clearly the two had a great deal to dis-cuss, for both men, at about the same time, were immersedin an attempt to understand and to illustrate the famousVitruvian passage. We also know that Leonardo either intend-ed or began to write a book on the human figure in 1489, andit may be that some of his investigations could have startedeven earlier, as some of the pages exploring human propor-tions in the Codex Atlanticus may date to as early as 1483. Inany case, Leonardo’s interpretation of the Vitruvian passagegoes far beyond that of Francesco di Giorgio, and indeed,beyond all other illustrations that follow.

Francesco di Giorgio’s version is accompanied by two draw-ings inscribing the male figure in a circle and a square. In onedrawing, the circle is enclosed by the square, and the figurestretches his arms and hands out beyond the circle to touchthe sides of the square. In the second drawing, the figureagain stretches out his arms and hands while encompassed inthe circle, but this time the circle projects outside the perime-ter of the sides of the square and corresponds to the top andbottom of the square. Francesco di Giorgio accomplished thisby making the height of the square greater than the width of

AP 109sanguine pencil on buffpaper with black Indiaink and press-typeletters and numbers onacetate, 20 x 16.

"In the history of art there is probably no other example of a systematic textbook aiming at a contemporary influence, missing its target, and yet

achieving such overwhelming success centuries after its appearance."—Hanno-Walter Kruft, art historian

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AP 146sanguine pencil on buffpaper with black Indiaink and press-typeletters and numbers onacetate, 20 x 16.

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40 DRAWING www.aaDrawing.com

the square, therefore turning the square into a rectangle.Leonardo’s drawing solves the problem by establishing

the figure within the confines of the square then superim-posing the circle over the square and using the male fig-ure’s umbilicus as the center of not the figure but the cir-cle. He also adds a second set of arms and a second set oflegs on the same figure. It is an entirely different interpre-tation of the Vitruvian text and solves the visual problemsinherent in the text within the economy of a single draw-ing. Leonardo literally thought “outside the box.”

The drawing by Leonardo measures 13½ x 9¾ inches andis executed in light brown watered ink on a soft, warm, graypaper. The paper is not quite square, and the edges are frayedand damaged. It is one of the earliest of Leonardo’s drawingson human proportion and was done during his first Milaneseperiod, around 1490. His text divides Vitruvius’ informationinto three paragraphs, not entirely in the order established by

Vitruvius. The writing was obviouslyadded after the drawing was complet-ed—the paragraphs conform to thewidth of the square, and a portion of thefirst paragraph is written in such a wayas to conform to the top of the circle.

During my visit to the Galleriedell’Accademia, in Venice, in the sum-mer of 2007, I discovered two aspectsof the drawing not observable in repro-duction. Another drawing, or a least asketch, must have been made prior tothe final drawing because one canclearly make out, impressed deeply intothe paper on both the recto and versosides of the drawing, the incised linesmade by a stylus. These incised linesconform perfectly to the outline of thefigure as well as to the edges of some ofthe large muscle groups, particularlyevident in the legs. In addition, thereare tiny pinholes in the drawing mark-ing the essential intersecting points.These are evident at the intersections ofthe circle and the square, at the cornersof the square, in the places where thetips of the middle fingers of each of thefour hands touch the square and thecircle, at the marks of the segments ofthe fingers and the palms along themeasuring line at the bottom of thedrawing, at various other points on the

face and the torso, and most important, in the very center—the umbilicus. The initial drawing had to have been laid overthe final sheet and pierced with a pin to mark the essentialpoints. Then the sketch was incised with a stylus and theimpression passed through the top sheet to the sheet belowit. The inked lines were then added, so perfect and completethere is a sense that the drawing was done only after thor-ough and careful preparation, the kind of preparation usedfor presentation or instructional purposes.

In the first paragraph above The Vitruvian Man drawing[see the translation in the Drawing blog on www.myAmericanArtist.com], Leonardo describes how nature has determinedthe proportional measurements of the human body by usingsmall parts of the body as modules to define larger parts ofthe body. Referring to the ledger at the bottom of the drawingbefore the beginning of the second and third paragraphs, hesays that “4 fingers make 1 palm, and 4 palms make 1 foot, 6

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www.aaDrawing.com WINTER 2009 41

palms make 1 cubit; 4 cubits make a man’s height.” Theentire first paragraph is a careful description of his drawing,which suggests the drawing was done first. He ends the firstsection of the text by inscribing his famous male figure in acircle using the navel as the center of the compass.

The second paragraph, a single sentence, is written belowthe entire drawing, including the measuring line, and estab-lishes that the height of the figure, from the soles of the feetto the top of the head, is equal to his perfectly horizontal,outstretched arms and hands. This is defined by the sides ofa perfect square. In the third and final paragraph, Leonardosums up all of the major variables of anatomical modulesused to measure the whole figure. He describes how eachmodule is used as a canon to discover the proportional ratioof that part in relation to the whole height of a man.

The genius of the drawing is that after establishing theheight of a man as equal to the width of his outstretchedarms in a perfect square, Leonardo then draws the circum-ference of the circle along the bottom edge of the squareusing the man’s umbilicus as the compass point. The circlethen passes outside the square and crosses over the squareat the upper corners, and a second set of outstretched armspivot up, without any distortion, until they reach the pointwhere the tips of the fingers touch the intersection of thecircle and the top line of the square at the exact height ofthe man. Leonardo does the same thing with the second set

of legs spread out on the circumference of the circle, there-by creating a perfect equilateral triangle.

The impact of the drawing, along with the body of thetext, is intended as something far more meaningful thanmere illustration or decoration. Leonardo’s ability to thor-oughly understand and digest the deeper meaning of theVitruvian text is evident by the clarity of the drawing. Usinghis own language—the visual language of drawing—Leonardo was able to do what others had failed to do. Byvisually combining in one drawing the figure in the squareand the figure in the circle, he gave movement and mean-ing to Vitruvius’ words. The poetic synthesis linking thecombined figures of the circle and the square creates a har-mony of such universal proportion that the visual imageallows for instant recognition and clear comprehension ofthe meaning behind the words. In some ways the drawingrepresents the very beginning of Leonardo’s investigationsinto human proportions, and in other ways it seems to rep-resent the culmination of those investigations.

Whether it is understood as the beginning of or thebasis for a theory of human proportion, Leonardo’s searchcontinued for many more years in an effort to either proveor elaborate on what he learned from Vitruvius. But inwhat finer way could his lifelong effort be epitomized thanin his beautifully eloquent and most famous drawing, TheVitruvian Man? ❖

AP 190sanguine pencil on buffpaper with black Indiaink and press-typeletters and numbers onacetate, 16 x 20.

Reprinted from Drawing Winter: Copyright © 2009 by Interweave Press, LLC. All rights reserved.