Byzantium Between East and West: Competing Hellenisms in the Alexiad of Anna Komnene and her Contemporaries

Byzantium between East and West: Competing Hellenisms in the Alexiad of Anna Komnene and her Contemporaries, in East Meets West in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period, vol. 12 of series: Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, ed. by Albrecht Classen and Marilyn Sandidge (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2013), 263-87.

Chapter3GlenM.Cooper

(BrighamYoungUniversity,Provo,Utah)

ByzantiumbetweenEastandWest:CompetingHellenismsintheAlexiadofAnnaKomneneandherContemporaries

Introduction

Inrecentyears,theAlexiadofAnnaKomnene(1083ca.1153)hasundergoneamuchneededreassessment. Long held to be either Annas merely edited version of her deceasedhusbandsresearchnotesanddrafts,or thedistortedproductionofanhysterical,bitterwoman,undermorecarefulscrutinytheworkhasbeenshowntobeavaluablehistoricalresource,authoredbyahighlyeducatedandintelligentwoman.Theworkrequirescarefulandnuancedinterpretation,however,consideringboththecontextofthetimewhenitwascomposed(midtolate1140s),aswellasitsrhetoricalfeatures.Thepicturethathasemergedinrecentscholarshipisofacarefullycraftedworkwithathreefoldpurpose(atleast):arehabilitationofherfatherAlexiosIs(r.10811118)memoryontheonehand,acriticismofhernephewManuelIs(r.114380)policiesontheother,andanoveralldepictionofwhattheidealByzantineruleroughttobe.Inaddition,heraccountoftheWesterncrusadersprovidesvaluableinsightintoEastWestperceptions.Oneaspectofthiscriticismhasnotreceivedmuchattention,however.Itiswellknown

thatemperorManuelcultivatedmedicineandastrologyathiscourt,andthatheactuallypracticedmedical treatment successfully. It is alsowell known thatAnna included amedicallyinformedanddetailedaccountofherfathersdeathintheAlexiad.Whatseemstohaveescapednoticeisthatsheactuallystructuresmuchofhernarrativearoundacomplexmedicalanalogythat,togetherwiththedeathaccount,supportthetwofoldpurposeofthetext.Furthermore, therewas a contest overwhich form ofHellenism, i.e., revivedGreek

culture,wouldnotonlydominatetheByzantinecourt,butthewholeofChristendomaswell:apurelyGreekHellenismontheonehand,orsomemixtureofGreek,Arabic,andLatin

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Hellenism thatwas being imported from theWest on the other. For the sake of thisdiscussion, the former will be called Eastern Hellenism, and the latter, WesternHellenism.IshalldemonstratehowtheAlexiadwasastrategicmoveinthiscontest.AttheByzantinecourt,thiscontestwaspartofanideologicalstruggleoverwhichbranchoftheKomnenos familywasmost suited to rule.Tiedup in thiswereAnnas andManuelsfundamentallydifferent attitudes toward thewesternLatins.Manuel isknown forhisopennesstotheLatinsandtheirways,whilestillassertinghimselfastheirintellectualandideological superior, onewhom they ought to recognize as the rightful leader of theChristian world. Greek learning, and especially expertise in medical and astrologicalknowledge,werehighlyvisibleelementsofthatpersona.Anna,ontheotherhand,presentsherfatherashandlingtheLatins,whoareunquestionablydangerousbarbarians,withamorecannydistrust,holdingthemandtheircultureatarmslength.Asshemakesclearonnearly every page, via herAtticizing language and frequent classical allusions,GreeklearningrightfullybelongsonlytothesophisticatedByzantineculture.Iargueherethat:1)inthefaceofEmperorManuelsflamboyantandpublicdisplaysof

medical knowledge, Anna asserts in the Alexiad her own medical competence andknowledgeofnaturalphilosophytoshowthatshe,too,isfittorule,perhaps,asakindofphilosopherking.Implicitinheraccountistheassumptionthattheidealruleroughttohavemedicallearning.And2)eventhoughAlexiosisnotknowntohavehadanymedicalknowledgeperse,AnnaarguesthathefunctionedassomethingfarmoreimportantforthehealthoftheEmpire:hewasaphysicianfortheillsofstate.Myargumentshallproceedasfollows:afterreviewingthehistoricalcontextfortwelfth

centuryByzantineintellectuallife,includingdiscussingtheflavorsofHellenism,Annasbiographywillbediscussedbriefly,withthemostattentiondevotedtoherabortiveattempttoseizepowerafterherfathersdeath.Hersubsequentcareeristhendescribed,includingthecompositionoftheAlexiadaswellastheintellectualcircleshefostered.ThecareerofManuel isreviewed,with focusonhis interests inmedicineandastrology. In themainsectionofthisarticle,theAlexiaditselfisconsidered,intermsofthemedicalconceptsthatstructureit,aswellasthemedicalknowledgeexhibitedinAnnasdescriptionofherfathersfinalillnessanddeath.

HellenisminTwelfthCenturyByzantineSocietyTheKomnenianperiodwasoneofrevivalofByzantineculture,continuing,inlargemeasure,therevivalbegununderthepreviousMacedoniandynasty(8671056),duringwhichperiodthe careerofMichaelPsellos (1018ca.1078), the restorerofphilosophy,was especiallyimportant.The intellectualactivityof theKomnenianperiod,moreover,wassignificant

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enoughtobelabeledtheThirdSophisticinarecentstudyoftheperiod.1Centraltothatrevivalwasarenaissanceofinterestintheintellectuallegacyofclassicalantiquity,namely,Hellenism,anemulation,toonedegreeoranother,ofancientGreekwritersandthinkers.Thisrevivalwas,however,temperedwithareligiousdimensionaswell,apurgingofthesinsofcourt,suchasastrologyandimmorality,inanefforttocourtthefavorsofheaveninordertoensurethesurvivaloftheEmpire,whichhadbeenendangeredbysuch,asitwasthought.Theheresy trials thatoccurred throughout,however,aswellas theassociatedcondemnationsofspecificGreekphilosophicaldoctrines,indicatethatnoteveryaspectofHellenismwastolerated.Nevertheless,astrologycontinuedtobepracticed,even,asIshallshow,byanemperor(Manuel),moreover,animperialprincess,AnnaKomnene,studiedunapprovedclassicalliterature,againstherparentswishes.Thus,therewerecompetingversionsofHellenisminByzantium,whichdifferedintheirdegreeofcompatibilitywiththeOrthodoxChristianestablishment.

GrecoArabicTranslationsandtheRevivalofHellenismAnArabicformofHellenismdeveloped intheeighthtoninthcenturies intheAbbasidCaliphate,asaproductofthetranslationmovementthatwasthenoccurringinBaghdad.Ineffect, Arabic thinkers had translated much Greek philosophical literature, studied itcarefully,andtransformeditintoamoreusefulform.WhileitispresentlyunclearpreciselyhowthismovementaffectedByzantium,itdoesseemtohavebeenacontributingfactorspurringontheMacedonianRenaissance,bothonanideologicallevel:Howcanweallowtheinfideltooutdouswithourownlegacy?,aswellasonapracticallevel,byprovidingamarketforGreekmanuscripts,somecopyingeffortofwhichseemstohavebeendirectedtowardpatronsintheCaliphate.2D.GutashasobservedacorrelationbetweentheearliestextantGreekminusculemanuscriptsand theearliestGreek texts translated intoArabic,whichisprobablynotmerecoincidence.AnimportantquestionishowmuchdidIslamicintellectualactivitiesaffectByzantium,

andbywhatmeans?WhiletherewereArabsinByzantium,astradersanddiplomats,theevidencefortheirinvolvementasintermediariesisslimandunderexplored,unlikethatofthe later Palaiologan period.3 Other more promising leads are found in the imperialembassiesthathaddirectexchangesbetweenConstantinopleandBaghdad.4Anotherfeature

1 AnthonyKaldellis,HellenisminByzantium:TheTransformationofGreekIdentityandtheReceptionoftheClassicalTradition(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2007),Chapter5,i.e.,225316.

2 DimitriGutas,GreekThought,ArabicCulture:TheGraecoArabicTranslationMovement inBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2nd4th/8th10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork:Routledge,1998),17586.

3 MariaMavroudi,ExchangeswithArabicWritersduringtheLateByzantinePeriod,Byzantium,FaithandPower(12611557):PerspectivesonLateByzantineArtandCulture,ed.S.T.Brooks(NewYork:TheMetropolitanMuseumofArt;NewHaven,NJ:YaleUniversityPress,2006),6275.

4 Someoftheseexchangesarediscussedin:PaulMagdalino,TheRoadtoBaghdadintheThoughtWorldof

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oftherivalrybetweenBaghdadandConstantinopleisthatembellishedaccountsofsuchexchangesexaggerate the intellectual levelof theByzantines,suggesting that theywereagitatedby thesituation,sinceBaghdadandwhat itrepresentedasacreativecenterofintellectuallifeseemstohaveexcitedtheirenvy.Weareonfirmergroundwithwelldocumentedcasesof influenceandexchange.For

example,SymeonSeth(fl.2ndhalfoftheeleventhcentury)wasaconduitforsomeideasfromtheEast,includingastrologicalideas.5SethwasfromAntioch,andhadacareerasatranslatorfromArabictoGreek,translatingtheKalilawaDimnastory,6andalsoauthoringamanualofdietforEmperorMichaelDoukas(r.107178),whichincludesmaterialderivedfromArabic.7HeissaidtohavetraveledtoEgypttoobserveaneclipse(1058).Howeverthatmayhavebeen,bythetwelfthcentury,HellenismwasaliveissueforByzantineintellectuals.ThereisasmatteringofevidencesuggestingthatastronomicalideasfromtheIslamicworldhadenteredtheByzantineintellectualworldevenbeforethecareerofMichaelPsellos.8ThepeculiarlyArabicHellenism thatdeveloped inBaghdadwasmore thansimplya

translationofGreektreatisesintoArabic.Rather,itwasanoriginalcreationoutofexistingmaterials. The Arab thinker alKind (d. ca. 873) has been credited with discoveringphilosophy and founding an original,Arabic, school out of the texts thatwere beingdiscovered and translated. He could not have been part of an ancient philosophicaltraditionPeripatetic,Epicurean,Stoic,orAcademic,sincetheseschoolshadalldiedoutinlateantiquity.Instead,modelinghisapproachafterthattakenbyEuclidinhispresentationofgeometricalconcepts,heassembledwhateverpiecesoftheGreektraditionsuitedhisresearchneeds.9Apolymathwithuniversalinterests,however,alKindsthoughtwentintodecline within a century of his death, when Aristotles texts appeared in Baghdad.Nevertheless,thegroundworkthathelaidmadeArabicAristotelianismaswellasthewholeArabicscientificandphilosophicalenterprisepossible.

NinthCenturyByzantium,Byzantium in theNinthCentury:Dead orAlive?, ed.L.Brubaker (Aldershot:Ashgate,1998),195213.

5 AccordingtoAlexiad,6.7:AnnaComnena,AnnaeComnenaeAlexias,ed.A.KambylisandD.R.Reinsch,vol.XL.1,CorpusFontiumHistoriaeByzantinae.SeriesBerolinensis,(BerlinandNewYork:WalterdeGruyter,2001),18182.Englishtranslation:AnnaKomnene,TheAlexiad,trans.E.R.A.Sewter;rev.PeterFrankopan,reviseded.PenguinClassics(London:Penguin,2009),16465.

6 SimeonSeth,StephanitesundIchnelates:berlieferungsgeschichteundText,trans.LarsOlofSjberg(Uppsala:Almqvist&Wiksell,1962).

7 MarcmileProsperLouisBrunet,SimonSeth,mdecindelempereurMichelDoucas;savie,sonoeuvre.PremiretraductionenfranaisdutraitRecueildespropritsdesalimentsparordrealphabtique(Bordeaux:Delmas,1939).

8 NigelG.Wilson,ScholarsofByzantium,Reviseded.(LondonandCambridge,MA:DuckworthandMedievalAcademyofAmerica,1996),165.

9 DimitriGutas,GeometryandtheRebirthofPhilosophyinArabicwithalKindi,Words,TextsandConceptsCruisingtheMediterraneanSea:StudiesontheSources,ContentsandInfluencesofIslamicCivilizationandArabicPhilosophyandScience,ed.R.ArnzenandJ.Thielmann(Leuven:Peeters,2004),195209;here195.Seealso:Gutas,OriginsinBaghdad,TheCambridgeHistoryofMedievalPhilosophy,ed.RobertPasnau(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2010),1125.


The careerofalKind findsa curiousparallel in the figureof theByzantineMichaelPsellos.AproductoftheMacedonianRenaissance,Psellostowersoverhiscontemporariesinthebreadthofhisphilosophicalunderstanding,andinhisvastcorpusofworksonvariedsubjects.InhisownassessmentofhisachievementofrevivingthepursuitofphilosophyinByzantium,hesaysthatIfoundphilosophyonlyafterithadbreatheditslast,andthatIalonereviveditwithmyownpowers,havingfoundnoworthwhileteachers.10(Thisselfassesssmentwasnoidleboast,butissupportedbytheextentandcharacterofhissurvivingwritings). So, even though there may have been a linguistic continuity between theByzantinesandtheancientGreekphilosophicalschools,thesetraditionshadalsodiedoutthere as well. Psellos, in reinventing philosophy could not have avoided creatingsomethingnew,whichsuitedhisowninterestsandtheneedsofthetime.Thewholenotionofwhatisinvolvedinrevivinganintellectualtraditionfromscratchhasbeenunderexploredasyet.This issue ishighly significant inAnnas career,as I shall show later, since shefosteredtherebirthofAristotelianstudiesinByzantium,andpossiblyalso,throughcontactwithJamesofVenice,ofWesternEurope.The complexity of conflicting Hellenisms became even more complicated with the

increasedpresenceoftheLatins intheEmpire,andespeciallywithManuelIspersonalinterestandinvolvementwiththem.TheWesthadbeenundergoingaclassicalrevivalofitsownalready fora fewcenturies,andwas in themidstofanother, theTwelfthCenturyRenaissance.AnextensionofthepoliticalrivalrybetweenRomeandConstantinople,therewasdevelopinganintellectualrivalrybetweenEastandWest,mostapparentbetweenthemultiethniccourtoftheNormanSicilyofRogerII(r.11301154),andtheByzantiumofManuelI.ThefactthattheLatinrevivalwasbeingmostrecentlyfueledbyArabicinfluencesfromSpainandSicilymeantthattheirHellenismwasdevelopinginadifferentdirectionfromthatofByzantium,namely,perpetuatingtheradicalchangesthatIslamicthinkershadintroduced.Thisseemstobemostapparentinthedisciplineofastrology,whichhadbeencompletelyreshapedunderArabic influenceduringtheninthcentury.11Asaresult,theLatinswieldedyetanotherformofHellenism,onethat,initsoriginalArabicform,claimedpriorityover theByzantine form,due to thevolatilepoliticalcircumstancesandrivalrybetweenByzantiumandtheCaliphateduringtheeighthninthcenturies.12ThecontestoverHellenism,itsproperform,andwhohastherighttoitextendsbackat

least to theperiod of theGrecoArabic translations.The caliphs and their intellectualsrecognizedmuchofgreatvalueintheHellenisticlegacy,andcametoconsideritsfruitastheproperpossessionoftheworldofIslam.Afterall,theByzantineswhohadlongneglected

10 Psellos,Chronographia6.7,quotedin:Kaldellis,Hellenism(seenote1),193.11 Paul Magdalino, The Porphyrogenita and the Astrologers: A Commentary on Alexiad VI.7.17,

Porphyrogenita: Essays on the History and Literature of Byzantium and the Latin East in Honor of JulianChrysostomides, ed.CharalambosDendrinos, JonathanHarris, JudithHerrin,andEireneHarvaliaCrook(Aldershot:Ashgate,2003),3031.

12 DimitriGutas,GreekThought(seenote2),8395.

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thislegacy,wereadefeatedpeople,havinglosttwothirdsoftheirterritorytothearmiesofIslam, and it was only a matter of time before some Muslim prince would captureConstantinople, putting an end to the Christian Empire, and fulfilling the ProphetMuhammadsprophecyandpromise.13ThingsnaturallylookeddifferentfromtheByzantinepointofview.ThelegacyofHellenismhadalwaysbeentheirs,andhowwasitthattheupstart,infidelArabshavebeensosuccessfulwithit?TherewasafeltneedtofindoutwhattheMuslimswereupto,butdiscreetly.Moreover,theLatinspresentedyetanotheropponentinthiscontest.Anewandvigorous

rivalfromtheWest,thiswesternLatinHellenismhadbeenformativelyshapedbytheArabenlightenment.Whileourknowledgeof therelationshipbetweenArabicandByzantinethoughtisstillmurky,thereisnodoubtthattheinfluxandstudyofArabicversionsofGreektextsrevolutionizedwesternLatinthought,makingitapowerfultoolinthehandsofLatinthinkers,moredynamicandfreshinsomewaysthantheHellenismofByzantium.

TheChallengingEleventhCenturyIn spiteof the contributionsofMichaelPsellosandothers to theByzantine intellectualrevival,thepoliticalandmilitaryreversesoftheeleventhcenturythreatenedtobringtheEmpiretoanearlyend.Furthermore,theantagonisticresponseoftheChurch(aswellasofthe Komnenos regime) to Pselloss Neoplatonizing, as typified by the 1082 trial andcondemnation of John Italos (ca. 1025after 1082), one of his students, seems to haveencouraged intellectuals topursue themore earthcenteredAristotelianism.This latterschoolofphilosophy,beingfundamentallyempiricalinorientation,hadmoreincommonwithancientGreekmedicine,andmayhavebeenanencouragingfactorintherecultivationof medical science as well as for the dramatic shift in Byzantine attitudes towardphysicians.14 At the beginning of the period, physicians are routinely lampooned inliterature,and theirgreedand incompetenceareemphasized.However,by the timeofManuelsreignandAnnascompositionoftheAlexiad,theoccupationofaphysicianhasbecomearespectedprofession.Itmustberemembered,however,thatAristotelianism,too,containedelementsthatwerecontrarytoChurchdogma,thatwouldeventuallyneedtobedealtwith.Infact,asdiscussedbelow,suchaprojectofreconcilingAristotlewithChristian

13 Discussedatlengthin:NadiaMariaElChaikh,ByzantiumasViewedbytheArabs(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,2004);see,e.g.,4345.

14 AlexanderP.KazhdanandAnnWhartonEpstein,Change inByzantineCulture in theEleventhandTwelfthCenturies(1985;Berkeley,LosAngeles,andLondon:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1990),15456;seealsoAlexanderKazhdan,The Imageof theMedicalDoctor inByzantineLiteratureof theTenth toTwelfthCenturies,SymposiumonByzantineMedicine,ed.JohnScarborough.DumbartonOaksPapers(Washington,DC:1984),5051.


theologywas undertaken by Byzantine intellectuals underAnnas sponsorship,whichanticipatedtheprojectofThomasAquinasbyacentury.

TheNewModelofGovernmentWiththeusurpationofAlexiosKomnenosin1081,however,therecameanewmodelofimperialgovernment,towhichcanbeattributedmuchofhissuccess inrevitalizingtheEmpire,butwhichcanalsobeunderstoodassowingtheseedsofthelaterunravelingofthose gainsduring the late twelfth century.15Alexios came to rely onmembers ofhisextendedfamilytoassistinruling,fromhismother,tohiswife,andallhisvariedmalerelations. Ineffect,hecreateda family franchise inwhichvirtuallyanymemberof theimperialfamilymightfeelthathe(orshe)hadasmuchrighttothethroneasanyother.WhilethisseemedtoworkunderAlexios,underhissuccessors,however,itspawnedrivalsandrebellions,themostdevastatingofwhichwastheseizureofthethroneandmurderofManuelsyoungson,AlexiosIIin1183byamemberofacollateralbranchoftheKomnenosfamily,AndronikosI(r.11831185).Annasownattempttoseizethethroneafterherfathersdeathisanimportantpartofmypresentstory.

AnnaKomnene:BirthandEducationAsherhistoryshows,AnnawasacarefulstudentoftheancientGreekhistorians,especiallyThucydides,aswellofHomer,asliberalquotesfromtheIliadandtheOdysseythroughoutshow.Herfirststatementabouthereducationoccursinthefirstparagraphofthebook,where she identifies herself as a (purpleborn), andmentions herthoroughknowledgeofGreek,rhetoric,Aristotle,Plato,andthetraditionalQuadriviumofthehighersciences(arithmetic,harmonictheory,geometry,andastronomy).16SeveralfactsaboutAnnaslifecontributedtoherrivalrywithherbrotherandnephew.She

wasbornonDecember2,1083,notlongafterherfatherhadusurpedtheImperialthrone.Shewasthusa,atitleassumedbyimperialchildrenborninthepurplestonedchamberofthepalace.Thisdesignationwassometimesusedasanadditionaltokenoflegitimacytorule,orasaclaimonthethrone.Beingbornafteronesfatherwasfirmlyonthe throne suggestedboth stabilityandhope that thedynastywould continue. Itevenprovidedasenseofhavingbeenpreordained.Annadescribesthechamberinconnection

15 SeePaulMagdalino,TheEmpireoftheKomnenoi(11181204),TheCambridgeHistoryoftheByzantineEmpirec.5001492,ed.JonathanShepard(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2008),65763.

16 Alexiad,15.7(seenote3),trans.455;ed.48485.

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withrelatingthestoryofherownbirth.17Alexios,asausurperwithquestionablelegitimacy,washimselfkeentouseeveryavailabletokenoflegitimacy.18Annasfuneraloration,deliveredbyGeorgeTornikes,atwelfthcenturyintellectualand

Metropolitan of Ephesus, only recently brought to light, relates that Annas parentsencouragedherinterestsinGreeklearningtoapoint.Shewasforbiddentostudygrammarandrhetoric,subjectsthoughttocorrupttheyouth,becausetheyweretaughtviapassagesdrawnfrompaganGreekliterature,muchofwhoseethos(e.g.,theimmoralbehavioroftheOlympiandeities)wasnotwhataChristiangirloughttobeexposedto.19Nevertheless,Annamanagedtostudytheseforbiddensubjectswithpalaceeunuchsonthesly,andacquiredmorethanamerelysuperficialunderstandingofmedicaltheory.Choniatesdescribesherasardentlydevotedtophilosophy,thequeenofallsciences,andeducatedineveryfield.20Inthecontextoflamentingthedeclineofclassicalstudies,whichforherweregrammar,poetics,andhistoryallmendonowisplaydraughtsandgambleshedescribedhowshehadstudiedrhetoric,history,poetryandphilosophy.21Shescornedthelearningoftheseskillsthroughthethenpopularmethodofschedography,orthestudyandimitationofshortexcerptsdrawnfromtheclassicalcorpus.Thiswasaquick(butsuperficial)waytoacquiretheessentialelementsofaclassicaleducation,andtoappeareducated,andsecureajobintheimperialadministration.Annainsisted,rather,thatworksbereadintheirentirety.

BetrothalsandMarriageAnimperialfemale,Annawasapoliticaltoolofherfathersashesoughttostrengthenhisownlegitimacyandtoextendhisfamilysinfluenceinthestate.So,asayounggirl,shewasbetrothed toConstantineDoukas (ca.1074ca.1095),a representativeofoneof themostpowerfulfamiliesintheEmpire,andshewassenttohishometoberaisedbyhismother,MariaofAlania(ca.1050after1103),aformerempress.Constantine,himselfa,sonofthepreviousemperor,MichaelVIIDoukas(r.10711078),wasalsoapoliticaltool,representingalegitimizinglinktothepreviousdynasty,andhadbeenbetrothedto

17 Alexiad,6.8(seenote3),trans.167;ed.18384.SeealsoBook2,Ch.21ofConstantineVIIPorphrygenitos,DeCeremoniisAulaeByzantinae,ed.JohannJacobReiske,CorpusScriptorumHistoriaeByzantinae(Bonn:Weber,1829),61519,foradescriptionoftheceremoniesaccompanyingthebirthofaporphyrogennetoschild.

18 JudithHerrin,Byzantium:TheSurprisingLifeofaMedievalEmpire(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2008),23234.

19 RobertBrowning,AnUnpublishedFuneralOrationonAnnaComnena,AristotleTransformed:TheAncientCommentatorsandtheirInfluence,ed.RichardSorabji(Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,1990),40405.

20 NiketasChoniates,NicetaeChoniataehistoria,parsprior,vol.11.1,CorpusFontiumHistoriaeByzantinae.SeriesBerolinensis,ed.J.vanDieten(BerlinandNewYork:WalterdeGruyter,1975),10.Englishtranslation:NiketasChoniates,OCityofByzantium,AnnalsofNiketasChoniates,trans.HarryJ.Magoulias(Detroit,MI:WayneStateUniversityPress,1984),8.

21 Alexiad,15.7(seenote3),trans.455;ed.48485.


otherpoliticallydesirablewomenbeforeAnna.SinceAlexioshadnomaleheirsatthattime,ConstantinewascrownedasCaesartheheirdesignate.Thus,atleasttheregimecouldcontinue via a smooth transition, in the event ofAlexioss premature death. In 1087,however, a son, John,was born, and so the need forConstantine evaporated, and hevanishedfromtherecordperhapshediedyoung,beforeanyactualmarriagehadbeenformalizedbetweenhimandAnna.Tenyearslater(1097),Annawasactuallymarriedtoanothereligibleyoungman,NikephorosBryennios,adescendantofhisnamesake, theformerdouxofDyrrachion,whohadrevoltedagainstMichaelVIIagenerationearlier,andhadbeendefeatedandblindedbyAlexioshimself.22ThismarriageappearstohavebeenanothermeasurebyAlexiostoneutralizeapotentialthreat.

TheSuccessionfromAlexiosThehistorian,NiketasChoniates(ca.11551215/16),reportsthatAlexioshadnointentionthatanyoneotherthanhisson,John,shouldsucceedhim,inspiteofEmpressEirenesovertfavorforAnnashusband,Bryennios.23Whatkingdomallowsthethronetopasstoanelderdaughter,whentheresaperfectlycapableson?SuchapracticehadneverbeenfollowedintheRomanEmpiresinceitsbeginning.Furthermore,AlexioswroteapoetichandbookofstatecraftforJohn,butweknowofnothingsimilarpreparedforAnna.24Evidently,Alexioshad given the successionmuch thought, and it didnt includeAnna or her husband,althoughthelatterheldthetitleCaesar,normallyreservedforanemperorintraining.

TheAttemptedCoupAnnahadtremendousselfconfidence.Apparently,shefeltthatherwholelifeshehadbeenpreparedtosucceedhermotherasempress,aswifetoastrongleader,whohadbeenchosenbyherfather.Shewas,afterall,Alexiossoldestchild,andofallhischildren,sheresembledhimmostclosely.25Shecamefromafamilyofpowerfulwomen,andhadbeennamedafterherpaternalgrandmother,AnnaDalassene,whosepoliticalmaneuveringshadbroughtherfamilytopowerinthefirstplace.26Shewasa.Shealsohadafirstrate

22 Alexiad1.6(seenote3),trans.2324;ed.27.23 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.5;ed.5.24 P.Maas,DieMusendesKaisersAlexiusI,ByzantinischeZeitschrift22(1913):34859.Seethediscussionin:

PaulMagdalino,TheEmpireofManuelKomnenos11431180(1993;Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2002).,2730.

25 Asshesays:Alexiad,6.8(seenote3),trans.167;ed.184.26 Alexiad2.2(seenote3),trans.5253;ed.5758;and2.5,trans.5960;ed.6566.SeealsoBarbaraHill,Actions

SpeakLouderThanWords:AnnaKomnenesAttemptedUsurpation,AnnaKomneneandHerTimes,ed.ThaliaGoumaPeterson(NewYorkandLondon:GarlandPublishing,Inc.,2000),50.

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classicaleducation,andshecouldhardlyhavefailedtolearnfromPlatosRepublicaboutthephilosopherking.Annaseemstohavefanciedherselfasthephilosopherandherhusbandasthetalentedorator,andapopulargeneralaformidablerulingpair.Shewasfarmorelearnedthanherbrother.However,asAlexiosknew,itrequiresmorethanbooklearningtoruleanempire,anditwasJohn,whoactuallysucceededinsecuringthethrone.WhileAlexioslaydying,thequestionofwhowouldsucceedhimseemstohaveremained

unsettled.TheviewofChoniateswasthatAlexioshadintendedJohntobehisheirallalong,and thatAnnaandhermotherwere rebellingagainsthiswishes.Choniates states thatAlexioshadgivenJohnthetokensofsuccession,theredbuskins,andhadpermittedhimtobeacclaimedascoemperor.EmpressEireneDoukaina,however,supportedherdaughterandher soninlaw, theCaesar, and systematically attempted toundermine JohnwithAlexioswho, according to Choniates, feigned to listen, but deliberately ignored heradvice.27Thisreport,however,seemsdifficulttotakeatfacevalue,sinceAlexiosisknowntohavereliedheavilyonhersupportandcounselthroughouthisreign.Indeed,whenhishealthbegan to failsomeyearsbeforehisdeath (ca.1112),Eireneassumedsomeof theresponsibilityofruling.TheempresscontrastedthesuperiorqualitiesofBryennioswiththeirson John.Choniatesclaims thatwhenAlexioshadenoughof this,hechidedher,citingearlierRomanprecedent:WhendidanyRomanemperorsetasideaperfectlygoodsonforasoninlaw?28ChoniatescalledAlexiosadissembler:nooneeverknewhistrueintentions,andthecircumstancesaroundthesuccessionbearthisup.WhileAlexioslaydying(August,1118),Johnbegantogatherthesupportofhisextended

relatives,ashisfatherhaddoneingainingandmaintainingpower.ChoniatesdescribeshowJohn,whilevisitinghisstrickenfatheronhisdeathbedandpretendingtoembracehim,secretlyslipped thesignetring fromhis fathershand.29 John thenhurried to theGreatPalace,thecenterofimperialgovernment,tosecurehisposition,whereheremainedbarredinforseveraldays.Hetherebymissedthefuneralofhisfather,inspiteofhismothersorderforhimtobepresent.30DuringthefirstyearofJohnsreign,anumberofhisrelatives,organizedbyhissister

Anna,revoltedinfavoroftheCaesarBryennios.TheyplannedtomurderJohnwhilehewasencamped outside the city walls. Bryennios, however, stalled, and the zeal of theconspirators withered, and so the revolt died. The rebels were not maimed norflagellatedtheusualpunishmentforinsurrectionbuttheirpropertywasseized,thoughmosthaditrestoredbeforelong.Asawoman,Annacouldnotleadtherebellionoutsideofthewomens quarters, andwithoutBryennios as agent,hermastermindedplot failed.AccordingtoChoniates,Annawassoangrywithherhusbandfornotleadingtherevoltthat

27 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.5;ed.5.28 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.5;ed.56.29 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.6;ed.6.30 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.67;ed.8.


shepubliclycalledhimanobscenewordforthefemalegenitalsimplyingthatheactedlikeawoman,andshewonderedwhyshehadntbeenbornwiththemaleorganinsteadofhim.31AsforAnna,Johnhadcollectedallofherwealthandclothes,andwasabouttogiveit

awaytohisfriend,theTurkishbornGrandDomesticJohnAxouch.JohnisreportedtohaveobservedthatNaturehadreversedthings,sothathenowhadtheupperhandoverhisknowitallschemingsister.ButAxouchrefusedtoacceptthegift,andpersuadedhimtoforgiveAnna,andrestoretheproperty.32Bryenniosremainedfaithfultotheemperoruntilhisdeath(1137).Anna,however,nodoubtperceivedasdangerousforherlearningandunwomanlycharacter,was confined,alongwithhermother,underhousearrest in theKecharitomeneMonasteryontheedgeofthecity,whichhadbeenfoundedbyhermother.Eirenehadbuiltapartmentstherefortheuseofimperialwomen.Thismusthavebeenaterriblepunishmentforawomanaccustomedtotheintellectualandpoliticalexcitementsofcourtlife.HeraccesstovisitorswaslimitedshecomplainsintheAlexiadhowmeanherbrotherandnephewweretoher.SheblamesJohnforwearingoutherhusbandonmilitarycampaignsthatledtohisfinallethalillness,probablycancer.33ThehistorianChoniatessassessmentisthatwomensimplydonothavewhatisneeded

torule,whichheillustratedinhisaccount:themanwhousesallofhisconnections(mostlyoutsideofthepalace:thearmy,thecrowd,extendedfamily)tosecurepowerhere,Johnisnaturallymorefittorule.Incontrast,women,cloisteredinpalacesandhomesbynature,cannotsecurethenecessarysupportoutsidepalacewalls,andsomustrelyonmen.

AnnasLaterCareer:AristotleasanIdeologicalWeaponAsfarasweknow,Annaremainedinconfinementfortherestofherlife.Althoughshecomplainsofhersituation in theAlexiad,shewaspermitted tohavevisitors.Moreover,accordingtotheevidenceinhereulogy,shecultivatedacircleofintellectualswhorevivedAristotelian studies.34 The eulogist reports that she continuedherown studies,whichBrowningsuggestsinvolvedspecialiststoguideherreadingandpossiblyalsotoprovidelectures,andthatsheorganizedandprobablypatronizedotherscholars,suchasMichaelofEphesus,whopreparedcommentariesonAristotlestreatises,withemphasisonthetreatisesforwhichtherewerenosurvivingancientcommentaries.BrowningnotesthatthetraditionofcommentingonAristotleceasedwithStephanusof

Alexandriainthesixthcentury,nottoberesumeduntiltheeleventh/twelfthcentury,withtheeffortsofscholarssuchasEustratios,MetropolitanofNicaea(whohadbeenapupilof

31 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.8;10.Notemycorrectedtranslation.Noconditionofpeniscaptivusisreferredtointhispassage.

32 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.8;ed.11.33 Alexiad,Prologue(seenote5),trans.57;ed.810.34 Browning,UnpublishedFuneralOration(seenote19),399400;seealsoWilson,Scholars(seenote8),18184.

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Psellosspupil,JohnItalos),andMichaelofEphesus(bothfl.earlytwelfthcentury).MostofthelateantiquecommentariesweredevotedtothelogicalworksoftheOrganon.So,thefocusofAnnascirclewasontheRhetoric,thePolitics,andthezoologicalandanthropologicaltreatises,whichhadnocommentaries,afactsuggestingthattheyhadbeenneglectedinLateAntiquityandearlyByzantium.IntheprefacetoEustratiosscommentarytotheNicomacheanEthics,hecreditsapowerful

imperial femalepatron, thoughunnamed.Browning speculates thatAnnawasmeant.Eustratioshadbeendisgraced in1117,andso two fellowexiles fromByzantinesocietyworkedtogetheronaprojecttoadvancenaturalphilosophy.35Annawasevidentlyatoughtaskmaster:theeulogistreportsthatMichaelofEphesuscomplainedthathelosthiseyesightbecauseshekepthimupallnightwritingbycandlelight.36Browningalsosupposes,quiteplausibly,thatJamesofVenice(fl.ca.11361150)hadcontactwithAnnascircleinthe1130s,wherehelearnedofthePhysicsandtheDesophisticiselenchis,whichhelatertranslatedintoLatin.37

ThisJameswasanextremelyimportantconduitofAristotelianlogicaltreatises,thelogicanova(newlogic)thatcompletedtheOrganon.38OfthetextsthatheacquiredandtranslatedfromGreek,thePosteriorAnalyticswasthemostinfluential,andhelpedtoshapetheradicaldevelopmentsinEuropeanlogicandscienceafterthetwelfthcentury.So,ineffect,AnnascirclehelpedspuronthedevelopmentofAristotlestudiesinWesternEurope.Inrecentyears,JamesofVenicewasatthecenterofanattempttoshowthatmedieval

EuropeowednothingtotheAraboIslamiccivilizationforitsknowledgeofAristotleandGreeklearningingeneral.39AccordingtoS.Gouguenheiminacontroversialbook,onthebasisofnoevidence,JameswastheheadtranslatorofavastGrecoLatintranslationeffort,centeredatMontSaintMichelinnorthernFrance.HefurtherassertsthattheintellectualdevelopmentofWesternEuropewouldhaveoccurred inessentially thesamewayhadEurope been completely cut off from Islamic civilization. This thesis, against whichnumerouscounterexamplescouldbegiven,iscompletelyfalse,andfliesinthefaceofmuchrecentscholarshipthatprovestheopposite.PannedbyhisFrenchcolleagues,whoexposedGouguenheimsmotivationsasbeingdeterminedbypresentFrenchpoliticalissues,thebookalsogarnerednegativescholarlyreviews.40Thepassionsthatthisbookhassparked,bothforandagainstitsfantasticthesis,showhowquestionsofinfluenceacrossEastandWestcangeneratemorethanacloisteredscholarlyinterest.

35 Browning,UnpublishedFuneralOration(seenote19),400.36 Browning,UnpublishedFuneralOration(seenote19),406.37 Browning,UnpublishedFuneralOration(seenote19),401.38 LorenzoMinioPaluello,JacobusVeneticusGrecus:CanonistandTranslatorofAristotle,Traditio8(1952):

265304.39 SylvainGouguenheim,AristoteauMontSaintMichel:Les racinesgrecquesde lEuropechrtienne,LUnivers

Historique(Paris:ditionsduSeuil,2008).40 SeeStevenJ.Livesey,Reviewof:SylvainGouguenheim.AristoteauMontSaintMichel:Lesracinesgrecquesde

lEuropechrtienne.LUniversHistorique(Paris:ditionsduSeuil,2008),Isis100.3(2009):64850,forinstance.


Even thoughhequestions the value of the eulogists account ofAnnasphilosophy,Browningsummarizesherbasicphilosophicalposition.41Hercirclesoughttoadaptancientphilosophy (sc.PlatoandAristotle) tomake it compatiblewithChristiandoctrine.ShefavoredAristotle,butdidnotaccepthisdoctrineoftheuncreatedcosmos.SheborrowedsomeideasfromPlato,suchasthetripartitesoul,butrejected,ofcourse,thetransmigrationofsouls.Ineffect,AnnaandhercirclewereattemptingaThomistprojectacenturyearlierthanAquinas.Morerelevanttothepresentstudy,however,isthatAnnawrotetheAlexiad,amasterpiece

withacomplexpurpose,asnotedearlier.Thedetailswillbediscussedinthefinalsectionofthisarticle.

ManuelKomnenos(r.11431280)ManuelwasbornonNovember28,1118,severalmonthsafterthedeathofhisgrandfather,Alexios.AstheyoungestsonofJohnII(r.11181143),hisascensiontothepurplewasnotaforegoneconclusion.NotlongbeforeJohnsdeath,however,histwooldestsonssuddenlydiedinquicksuccession.ManuelwasproclaimedemperorinCiliciawhilehiselderbrotherIsaacwasstillalive,andsohehadtorushtoConstantinopletosecurehissuccession.JohnsupposedlysaidonhisdeathbedthatManuelwouldmakeabetteremperor,moreover,thatithadbeenforetoldthathewouldrule.42ManueldevelopedareputationasaLatinophile.HewasthesonofaHungarianmother,

andbetrothed,andlatermarriedaGermanimperialprincess,whichmusthavecontributedtothisinterestinpeoplestotheWest.Heemployedforeignersinhisarmies,and,morethananypreviousEmperor,useddynasticmarriageallianceswithnonByzantinerulingfamiliesaspolicy.HeevenemployedmanyTurksinhisarmyandadministration,andnegotiatedwiththeTurkishSultanofRum,KilijArslanII(r.11561192).Anaptcharacterizationofhisattitudeisthis:hedealtwithWesternerswithaconfidenceinByzantinesuperiority,andfailedtorealizehowpowerfulanddangeroustheyreallywere.43Nevertheless,hehadabroadintellect,andwascapableinphilosophyandtheology,andenjoyedparticipatingindebatesinthesesubjects.44Manuelsreignhasbeencharacterizedasdecadentandasanexpressionofanempirein

decline,basedmainlyontheperspectivepresentedbyNiketasChoniates,whofoundbothhis fascination with astrology and his sensualitynot to mention his inappropriate

41 Browning,UnpublishedFuneralOration(seenote19),40102.42 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.26;ed.4546.43 WarrenTreadgold,AHistoryoftheByzantineStateandSociety(Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress,1997),

638.44 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.30;ed.5051;andtrans.12023;ed.21219.

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familiaritywithwesternbarbarianstohavebeenagreatliabilities.45AsP.Magdalinohasargued,however,thisviewisinaccurate,andbiasedbythefactthattheEmpiredidinfactdecline and fall to theLatins in thegeneration afterManuelsdeath.On the contrary,Manuels reign was one of great brilliance, and represented an apogee of Byzantinecivilizationinmanyways,inparticular,ofintellectualactivity.46SincethefocusofthisarticleisonAnnaandtheAlexiad,IcoveronlythemainpointsofManuelsreign.InManuelscareer,Hellenismwasusedasatoolofdiplomacy.Inheritingarelatively

stableandwealthystatefromhisfatherandgrandfather,Manuelcultivatedtheancientsciences,especiallyastrologyandmedicine,andemployedthemaspartofthepersonahepresentedtoforeignrulers,especiallytheLatinrulersoftheWest.Thiswaspartofacontestofculturaloneupmanship,especiallywiththeNormanKingdomofSicily.Inparticular,RogerII(r.11301154)cultivatedtheancientsciencesathiscourt,and,moreover,wasaidedbyArabscholars.47Manuelexportedbookstoandsoughtknowledgefromotherprinces,inP. Magdalinos expression, to blind his adversaries by science.48 For example, adiplomaticgiftofPtolemysAlmagestwassentfromManueltothecourtatPalermo(ca.1160).Thesewerecalculatedhegemonicmeasurestoshowhissuperioritytothem.TotheNormans of Sicily the message was: dabble in Arab science, but know that the bestastronomyandmedicineistobefoundinConstantinople.Furthermore,whywouldtheemperorofByzantiumbeinterestedinaskingHenryIIofEngland(r.11541189)aboutsuchanoutof thewayplaceasWales,except toexhibithimselfas themost inquisitive (sc.scientific)rulerinChristendom?49ManuelsembassiestotheWesthavebeencharacterizedasmutualexchangesofknowledge,evenasattemptstoremovetheobstaclesbetweenEastandWest.50IpreferP.Magdalinosreading,however,namely,thattheseembassieswereviewedby theByzantinesasasymmetricalexchanges,sinceIdontbelieve thatManuelthoughthemightfindmuchusefulknowledgeintheWest.Inmedicine,Manuelpossessedconsiderableexpertiseanddelightedtopracticehealing

foreignrulersanddignitaries,among themBaldwin IIIof Jerusalem (r.11431163)andConradIIIofGermany(r.11381152).ThefactthatnolessapersonthantheEmperorcouldpracticemedicineshowsthattheimageofthephysicianinByzantineculturehadalreadyshiftedfrombunglingorunscrupulousquackstothatofahighlyrespectedprofession.51The fact that EmperorManuel practicedmedicine and exhibited a profoundmedical

45 Choniates,Historia(seenote20),trans.32;ed.54.46 Abrilliantreassessmentofhisreign:Magdalino,TheEmpireofManuelKomnenos(seenote24)..47 HubertHouben,RogerIIofSicily:ARulerbetweenEastandWest,trans.GrahamA.LoudandDianeMilburn,

CambridgeMedievalTextbooks(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2002),98113.48 Magdalino,TheEmpireofManuelKomnenos(seenote24),379;andMagdalino,Porphyrogenita(seenote11),

2831.49 Magdalino,EmpireofManuelKomnenos(seenote24),379.50 CharlesHomerHaskins,StudiesintheHistoryofMediaevalScience(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,

1924),19495.51 KazhdanandEpstein,ChangeinByzantineCulture(seenote14),155.


knowledgeshowsthatmedicinewasnolongerthedomainoftherudemechanicals.52Thiscanalsobeobserved in theAlexiad,where in the finaldeathscene,Annadescribes theprofessionalclassofphysiciansattendingherfather,eventhoughshedisagreeswiththeirdiagnosesandprescriptions.ManuelsetBaldwinsbrokenarmafterafallfromahorsein1159.Hepersonallyadministered toConrad,who fell illon theSecondCrusade,afterinviting him to convalesce in Constantinople. Manuel was even observed to applybloodlettingandtoprescribedmedicationswhentheprofessionalphysicianswereabsent.Tobeabletodothisrequiredadeepunderstandingofmedicalprinciples,forexample,toknowwhatsimples,orbasicelements,tocombineintoadrugforspecificailments,aswellaswhentoletblood(usuallydeterminedbyrecoursetoastrology)andhowmuch.AstrologywasalsoakeeninterestofManuels.Hewroteadefenseofastrology,toprove

thatitwascompatiblewithChristiandoctrine,53inresponsetoaletterfromananonymousmonkwhohadaccusedManuelofheresyforhisinterestinastrology.Hisdefensesetsforthsomeof thestandardarguments insupportof theArt.54Hewasawareof theparallelsbetweenthetwoancientdisciplinesofastrologyandmedicine,andappealedtotheirsharedconjecturalcharacterinhisdefense.TheEmperorspositionwasattackedbyMichaelGlykas,a theologianwho seems tohavepreviously sufferedpunishmentatManuelshand forsedition.Theemperorsdefensebeginsbydifferentiatingbetweentwokindsofastrology:1)akind

thattakesthestarsasintelligentandlivingbeings,whocanbeentreatedthroughprayersandamulets.Thiskind,Manuelaffirms,isrightlytobecondemnedasaformofidolatry.And,2)akindthattakesthestarstohavebeencreatedbyGod,andtoserveasmessengersandsignsofhiswillandmysteries.This,accordingtoManuel,wasgivenbyGodtomankindforourbenefit,andoughttobecultivated.55Manuel also argues that, becausemedicine and astrology are related, and both are

conjecturalartsi.e.,theyrelyonacertainamountofguessing,56thenneitherartshouldbefaulted if it occasionally leads to undesirable or incorrect results. Glykas mocks thisreasoning:arguingthatwhilemedicineisarational,empiricalscience,astrologyisirrationalandunscientific,citingHippocratesandGaleninsupport.57

52 SeeMagdalino,EmpireofManuelKomnenos(seenote24),361.53 Manuelsdefense:ImperatorisManuelComnenietMichaelGlycaedisputatio,inFranzCumont,andFranzBoll,

eds.CatalogusCodicumAstrologorumGraecorum.Vol.V.1(Brussels:HenriLamertin,1904),10825.Glykassresponseisonpages12540.

54 DemetraGeorge,ManuelIKomnenosandMichaelGlycas:ATwelfthCenturyDefenceandRefutationofAstrology,CultureandCosmos5.1(2001):348;here25.

55 DemetraGeorge.ManuelIKomnenosandMichaelGlykas:ATwelfthCenturyDefenseandRefutationofAstrology,M.A.Thesis,UniversityofOregon,2000,Chap.2,24.

56 Astandardcomparisonsinceantiquity.SeeGeorge,ManuelIKomnenos(seenote57),Chap.2,13.57 George,ManuelIKomnenos(seenote57),24.GlykasappearsnothavebeenfamiliarwithGalensDediebus

decretoriis,whichadvancesastrologicalargumentsinconnectionwithsoundlyscientificmedicalprognosis.SeeGalen,Dediebusdecretoriis,fromGreekintoArabic:ACriticalEdition,withTranslationandCommentary,andHistoricalIntroductionofH. unaynibnIsh. q,Kitb(ayymalbuh. rn,MedicineintheMedievalMediterranean,ed.

GlenM.Cooper278

ItisinthearenaofmedicinethattherivalrybetweenAnnaandherbrothersfamilywasfurtherdeveloped.Manuelattemptedtopresenthimselfineverypossiblewaythemodelprince, the proper heir of his grandfather Alexioss legacy. Possessing knowledge ofmedicineandtheexpertisetopracticehealingwasonlyoneofthevisiblemanifestationsofthis.Thekingashealerisamotifwithancientorigins,eventakingonareligiousdimensionintheintellectuallylesssophisticatedWestoftheearlyMiddleAges.58TohavepersonallytreatedWesternrulersduringtheSecondCrusadewasahighlyvisiblestatementofthesuperiorityofByzantinecivilizationandofitsenlightenedemperor.

TheAlexiad:OpeningNowthatIhavedescribedthecontextofthemidtwelfthcenturycontestofHellenismsbetweenbranchesoftheKomnenosfamily,Imovetopresenttheheartofmyarticle,namely,thedetailsofAnnasargumentsassetforthinherepicbiographyofherfather.TheopeningoftheworksetsforthAnnasreasonsforwritingthislengthybiographyof

herfather.Inaclassicizingsentiment,shenotesthat,wereitnotforthescienceofhistorythestreamof timewouldbearall thingsoff tooblivion.59Shenotes, inparticular,howimportantitisthatthegreatdeedsofherfathernotbeforgotten.Yet,ithasrecentlybeenarguedthatAlexiossmemorywasnotlikelytofade:hissuccessorskeptitalivetobolstertheirownlegitimacy.60ThefactthatAlexiossmemorywascontestedterritoryinthe1140sfurthersupportstheargumentthattheAlexiad,whichwascompletedatthattime,wasamoveinthatcontest.Annaproceedsbydescribingthegenesisofherproject.Herhusbandhadbeenrequested

byEmpressEirenetowriteahistoryoftheKomnenianperiod.TheresultwashisMaterialsforaHistory,coveringtherisetopoweroftheKomnenosfamily,10571081,whichwasunfinishedatthetimeofhisdeath.61AnnaconceivedofherprojectaspickingupwhereBryennioshadleftoff.TherelationshipbetweenhisprojectandtheAlexiadhasbeenthe

andtrans.GlenM.Cooper(London:Ashgate,2011).Galenstreatisewasthesubjectofacenturieslongdebateover the validity of astrology,which began in the twelfth century and extended into theRenaissance.SeeConcettaPennuto,TheDebateonCriticalDays inRenaissance Italy,AstroMedicine:AstrologyandMedicine,EastandWest,ed.AnnaAkasoy,CharlesBurnett,andRonitYoeliTlalim(Florence:SismelEdizionedelGalluzzo,2008),7598.

58 MarcBloch,TheRoyalTouch,trans.J.E.Anderson(NewYork:DorsetPress,1989).59 Alexiad,Prologue(seenote5),trans.3;ed.5.60 PaulMagdalino,ThePenoftheAunt:EchoesoftheMidTwelfthCenturyintheAlexiad,AnnaKomneneand

herTimes,ed.ThaliaGoumaPeterson(NewYorkandLondon:GarlandPublishing,2000),1543,17;alsoPaulStephenson,AnnaComnenasAlexiadasaSourcefortheSecondCrusade?,JournalofMedievalHistory29(2003):4154;here45.

61 NicephorusBryennius,NicphoreBryennios histoire: introduction, texte, traduction etnotes, ed.PaulGautier(Brussels:Byzantion,1975).


subjectofdebateinrecentyears.DidAnnaplagiarizehisnotesandsketchesforthehistoryofherfathersreign?Or(morelikely,inmyview)didshemerelyrelyonsomeofhisnotesforeventsthatshecouldnothavewitnessed,suchasbattles,butthefurtherresearch,viainterviewsofparticipants,and,aboveall,thewritingishers?62Throughouthernarrative,shetellsreadershowshefeelsaboutspecificpersons,events,

orpolicies.As such, shepioneered anewkindofwriting:prosewith anunconcealedsubjectivity. Edward Gibbon, not one for less than the masculine, objective history,denigratedherworkastherantingsofanemotionalwoman.63

TheEpicDimensionTheAlexiadselfconsciouslyevokestheepicsofHomer:HowcouldthestoryofthesalvationoftheRomanEmpirefrombarbarianhordesduringherfathersreignnotbeepic?AnnafrequentlyquotesHomer,andhertitlerecallstheIliad.CharacterdevelopmentissimilartoHomers,andherbattledescriptionsremindusofthesame.AlexiosisheroiclikeAchilles,thoughfarlessdestructive.HisdeedsarelargerthanlifehislifesmissionandhislaborsweretosaveGodschosenpeople,theOrthodoxGreekRomanChristianEmpirefromitsenemies.InsteadofthefallofthecityTroy,asintheHomericstories,theAlexiaddepictsthesalvationofacity(Constantinople),althoughexpressingfearthatcurrentimperialpolicieswouldleadtomoretrials.Andso,inadditiontoextollingherfathersdeeds,theworkisacritiqueoftheimperialpoliciesofhernephew,Manuel,atthetimeitwaswritten,neartheendofherlifeinthelate1140s.64

TheAlexiadasaCritiqueofAlexiossSuccessorsHistorianshavequestionedthehistoricalvalueoftheAlexiadforseveralreasons,includingthat itwaswrittenbya less thanobjectivewoman,and iscoloredbyemotion,butalsobecauseherchronologyisincorrectinsomeplacesandherdescriptionsofsomekeyevents,suchasheroftquoteddescriptionofthearrivalofthecrusadersduringtheFirstCrusade,

62 Foradiscussionoftheauthorshipquestion,see:JamesHowardJohnston,AnnaKomneneandtheAlexiad,AlexiosIKomnenos,ed.MargaretMullettandDionSmythe(Holywood,NorthernIreland:PrioryPress,1996),260302.

63 EdwardGibbon,TheHistoryoftheDeclineandFalloftheRomanEmpire,ed.J.B.BurywithanIntroductionbyW.E.H.Lecky,12vols.(1776;NewYork:FreddeFauandCo.,1906),vol.8(Chapter48):287Yet,insteadofthesimplicityofstyleandnarrativewhichwinsourbelief,anelaborateaffectationofrhetoricandsciencebetraysineverypagethevanityofafemaleauthor.Seealso:EllenQuandahl,andSusanC.Jarratt,ToRecallHimWillbeaSubjectofLamentation:AnnaComnenaasRhetoricalHistoriographer,Rhetorica:AJournaloftheHistoryofRhetoric26.3(2008):30135;here308.

64 Magdalino,PenoftheAunt(seenote62),1516.

GlenM.Cooper280

are inaccurate.However, it has recently been shown thatAnnas treatment of severalsubjects,includingthearrivalofthecrusaders,reflectstheconcernsofthetimewhenshewas writing her book, in the 1140s rather than the 1090s.65 Her description fits thecircumstancesof theSecondCrusade,whichhadpassed throughConstantinople in the1140s,ratherthantheFirst.HerdescriptionofthoseeventswasanimplicitcriticismofhowManuel had handled the later crusaders.66 Moreover, she emphasizes her fatherscondemnationofastrology,hiskeendistrustofthewesternKelts(i.e.theFrenchandGermancrusaders),andhisChristianvirtuesasavehicletocriticizethereignofhernephew,Manuel.ManuelwasnotorioustomanyByzantinesforhisfavortowardwesternbarbarians,foreignbrides,andgivingawaytoomanyprincessesinpoliticalmarriagestowesterners,hisobsessionwith astrology, and hismanymistresses. Some of these vicesthe love forastrology,condemnedbytheChurch,andtheWestlovinginparticularwerelaterblamed,byChoniates and others, for provoking the divine judgment that fell on the Empire,resultinginitstragiccaptureandsackbytheVenetianledcrusadersduringtheillfatedFourthCrusadein1204.Inanextendedpassage,Annaprovidesanoverviewofthehistoryofastrology,apractice

ofwhichshedisapproves.Theoccasionwastorelatehowanastrologer,namedSeth,hadforetoldthedeathoftheEmpiresarchenemy,theNormanRobertGuiscard(d.1085).Shemakesadigression,whereshestatesthattheartofdivinationbyastrologywasarecentinvention,nothavingexistedintheancientworld.Sheclaimsthattherulesandconceptsofthisformofastrologywerearecentinvention.Thisis,ofcourse,mistaken,sincewenowknowthathoroscopicastrologywasdevelopedinHellenisticEgyptfromelementsthatweremuch older.67 P. Magdalino interprets Annas divination as oracular astrology,connectedwithforecastingthedeathsofrulersandthefuturesofdynasties.Thisformofastrology was associated with Sassanian Persia, and had been mingled with Greekastrological ideasduring thecreativeperiodof theGrecoArabic translations,especiallythoughthewritingsofAbMashar,towhomInextturn.68Rather thandismissAnnasaccountcompletely, there issome truth in it: thekindof

astrology that was being studied and practiced in her day had been thoroughlyrevolutionizedbytheArabicwritingsofAbMashar,theninthcenturyastrologer(Latin:Albumasar;Byzantine:Apomasar).Thedifferenceissignificantenoughtobenoticedwhenone compares the most scientific treatise of astrology from antiquity, namely, theTetrabiblosofPtolemy,withthesystemdevelopedbyAbMasharinhisGreatIntroduction

65 PaulStephenson,AnnaComnenasAlexiadasaSourcefortheSecondCrusade?,JournalofMedievalHistory29(2003):4154;here4244.

66 Stephenson,AnnaComnenasAlexiad(seenote67),44;53.67 GlenM.Cooper,Astrology:TheScienceofSignsintheHeavens,TheOxfordHandbooktoScienceandMedicine

in the Classical World, ed. Paul T. Keyser and John Scarborough (Oxford: Oxford University Press,Forthcoming).

68 Magdalino,Porphyrogenita(seenote11),1719.


toJudicialAstrology.69AbMasharhadintegratedalloftheancientsciencesintohissystem,andtreatedastrologyasanAristotelianMasterScience.70AMasterScienceembracesallother disciplines in a special way: 1) all other sciences are but preparatory for it(propaedeutic),e.g.astronomyprovidestheplanetarypositions,butisincapable,withinitsownterms,toexplainwhattheconfigurationsmeanintermsofnaturalphilosophyforwhichastrologyisbothnecessaryandsuperiortoastronomy;and2)itoffersproofsofthebasicprinciplesthataremerelyassumedinthelowersciences.Aristotlesawaprogressionhere:weacceptsomeoftheprinciplesassumedinthelowersciencestentatively,untilwemovetothemasterscience,fromwhichvantagepointwecansurveythemallandseehowthewholesystemfitstogether.MetaphysicswasforAristotletheMasterScience,whichincludesbothmaterialandnonmaterialsubstancesandtheirchanges.ForAbMashar,medicineandastrologyaremostcloselyrelated:heevenstatesthatastrologyistheprinciple(awwal,awwaliyya)ofmedicine,suggestingthatmedicineisaformofappliedastrology.Annaclaimstohavelearnedtherudimentsofastrologyaspartofhereducation,butonly

inordertorefuteit.Shenotesthatastrologywasverypopularintheperiodbeforethereignofherfather,whoexertedmuchefforttoeradicateit,andtopromotetherealsciences.ShementionsSethperhaps thesamepersonasSymeonSethdiscussedearlieranda fewothersbyname, somewith connections to theArabworld.Faith in the stars she callssimpleminded.ItiseasytoseeinthispassageacriticismofManuel,who,accordingtoChoniates,wasasdevotedtotheartofastrologyasanyrulercouldbe.

TheControllingMedicalAnalogyoftheAlexiadAnnashowsherknowledgeofGreekhumoralmedicineviaagrandmedicalanalogythatstructureslargeportionsofhernarrativeintheAlexiad.AsfarasIknow,thisfeaturehasnotbeennoticedbefore.Sheinvokestheancientanalogyofthebodypolitic,andconsidersthefactorsthatmakeitill,orkeepithealthy,aswellasthesymptomsofitsinternalillnesses.ThisnotonlyshowsherownknowledgeofancientGreekmedicine,butalsoimpliesthatsheexpectedasophisticatedgraspofancientmedicalandpoliticalconceptsfromherreaders.Theanalogyisasfollows:theEmpireislikenedtoabody,withsocialandpoliticalfactors

takentobecausesofhealthorillness.Adisruptioninthestateisdescribedintermsofaphysicalillness.Restoringsocialorpoliticalorderisdescribedintermsofmedicaltherapy.Thisancientbodilypoliticalanalogywasexpressedmosteloquently inPlatosRepublic,

69 I.e.,KitbalMadkhalalkabr)al)ilmah. kmalnujm.AbMasharalBalkh[Albumasar],Liberintroductoriimaiorisadscientiamjudicorumastrorum,ed.R.Lemay(Naples:IstitutoUniversitarioOrientale,19951996).Ptolemy,Tetrabiblos,trans.F.E.Robbins,vol.435.LoebClassicalLibrary.Rpt.(1940;Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1980).

70 PeterAdamson,AbMa)shar,alKindandthePhilosophicalDefenseofAstrology,RecherchesdeThologieetPhilosophieMdivales69.2(2001):24570;here24749.

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whereitservestherhetoricalandanalyticalfunctionofallowingtheelementsofhisidealstatetobeexaminedmoreclosely.71Annawouldalsohavenotedthefrequentdiscussionofmedicineandphysiciansinthecontextofthepoliticalphilosophybeingdevelopedthere,aswellasthenotionoftheGuardianorphilosopherking,inwhosecarethestateistobeplaced.InAnnascase,theEmpireisafflictedfromwithinandwithoutbydangerousenemies,

bothmilitaryaswellasideological.Alexios,withhissuperiorunderstandingoftheartofimperialstatecraftontheonehand,andDestinyontheother,wasthephysician,underwhosecarethestatecouldbecured,i.e.restoredtoorderandsetonceagainonafirmfoundation.LargelysuccessfulindefeatingimperialenemieswithinandoutsidetheEmpire,thefinaltragedyisthatAlexios,whohasspenthiswholelifeintheserviceofhispeople,isfinally brought down by an actual illness, exacerbated by the misguided efforts ofincompetent physicians. By including a description of his final illness, Anna, whosebiographytothatpointhasassumedheroicdimensions,addsthetragicelement:theGreatManisbroughtlow.Shesensestheincongruityherself,whenshestatesthatbysodoing,shetransgresses the laws of history.72Nevertheless, the tragic is appropriate in a classicalcontext,sinceclassicaltragedyconcernedlargerthanlifefigures,suchastheAlexiosoftheAlexiad.Thispoliticamedicalanalogyispresentedimmediatelybeforeweareintroducedtothe

NormanRobertGuiscard(d.1085)whoalongwithhissonBohemondofTaranto(d.1111),arelongtermthreatstothehealthoftheEmpireAnnaclassifiesRobertasanincurabledisease.73InaccordwithGreekmedicaltheory,Annaobservesthatdiseasescanhavetwobroadclassesofcauses:externalandinternal.Whilethelatteraremoredangerous,becausethey threaten the internalorgans, thedangersof the former are impossible to control,preciselybecause they are external (and, she adds, arebrought onbyFatea strangecomment foronewhobelievesastrology is foolish).Guiscardandhis sonare externalafflictions,whereasBasiltheBogomil(andotherrebelswithintheEmpire,suchasRoussel,Basilakios,andallpretenderstothethronefromwithintheEmpire)areinternalafflictions.TheproperformoftreatmentfortheseafflictionsinthelongtraditionofGreekmedicine

is:fortheformer,onemusttrytoremovetheexternalfactor.ThisAlexiosdoesthroughwarfareagainsttheNormans,andotherbarbarians.Forthelatter,thephysicianmustinducethepatientsbodytopurgetheafflictionasquicklyaspossible,inordertominimizeinternaldamage.Alexios seeks toneutralize these threats eitherviamilitary actionor throughnegotiations,showingclemencytomostrebels,ifrepentant.Nosuchmercy,however,is

71 Plato,Republic, 368e369b;434d in:Plato,PlatosRepublic,trans.G.M.A.Grube(1974;Indianapolis,IN:HackettPublishingCompany,1987),3839;99.Platostripartitedivisionofthesoulintoarational,spirited,andappetitivepart,correspondsinthebodytothehead,chest,andabdomenandsexorgans,respectively,andinthestatetotheguardians(philosopherkings),thesoldiers,andthefarmersandlaborers,respectively.

72 Alexiad15.11(seenote5),trans.46364;ed.494.73 Alexiad1.10(seenote5),trans.2930;ed.3435.


extendedtoBasiltheheretic,who,inspiteofAlexiosspersonalefforts(Annaemphasizes)refusestorecanthisheresy,andso isconsignedtotheflames.74Themedicalanalogy isapplicable at this level also: since fiery fevers prepare the body to expel the diseasedsubstance,purgationofheresyfromthestatebyburningtheunrepentanthereticwouldseemtobethemostappropriateprocedure.Ifthiswerenotso,andthedeathofthehereticwas theprimaryobjective, thenwhynotsimplydecapitateorexecutehim insome lessritualisticmannerthanbyburning?Alexioswasnotcompletelywithoutinvolvementinmedicalmatters,asshownbythe

attentionhegavetorestoringandrefoundingofthenotedOrphanage(orphanotropheion),whichhadfacilitiestocarefortheelderlyandinfirm.75Hisson,JohnII,continuedthefamilytraditionofmedicalcharity.InthePantokratorMonastery,whichhefounded,heincludedhospital facilities, which are described in its foundation charter. His facility was asophisticatedhealinginstitution,thelargestintheEmpire.76

TheDeathofAlexios:AnnasCritiqueofthePhysiciansInowturntoAnnasaccountofherfathersfinalillnessanddeath,whichisoneofthemostdetailedmedicaldescriptionsinmedievalliterature.Inthisaccount,Annasimultaneouslyexhibitsherownmedicalknowledge,anddemonstratestheincompetenceofthephysiciansentrustedwithherfatherscare.Sheprovidesasystematicaccountoftheprogressoftheillness,sometimesnotingthedaycountedfromthebeginningonwhichchangesoccur,inamannersimilartotheHippocraticEpidemics,thetreatisewhichbegantheGreektraditionof tracking the daytoday progress of illnesses.Only one of the physicians,NicholasKallikles(fl.midtwelfthcentury),wastrulycompetentinherview.77HecorrectlysurmisedAlexiossconditionaswellasthepropertreatment,buthisviewswerevoteddown.Alexiossfinaldeclinebeganaboutayearandahalfafterhehadreturnedfromhisfinal

militarycampaigns(aroundFebruary,1118).AviolentwindblastedConstantinople,whichcaused a shift inAlexioss humors, causing them to settle in his shoulder and neck.78AccordingtoGreekmedicaltheory,dramaticmeteorologicalchangestendedtoaffecttheinternalstatesofpatients.AlthoughAnnadoesntmentionastrology,astrologicalinfluenceswerethoughttobeofthesameorderastheweatherininfluencingpatients.Asalready

74 Alexiad15.9(seenote5),trans.45963;ed.48993.75 Alexiad,15.7(seenote5),trans.45456;ed.48185.76 KazhdanandEpstein,ChangeinByzantineCulture(seenote14),15657;TimothyS.Miller,TheBirthofthe

HospitalintheByzantineEmpire(BaltimoreandLondon:TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1997),9,14.77 Kallikleswas also an important poet, and some scholars think he authored the Timarion, the famous

anonymous satiricalwork.KazhdanandEpstein,Change inByzantineCulture (seenote14),139.For theTimarion,seeKaldellis,Hellenism(seenote1),27783.

78 Alexiad15.11(seenote5),trans.464;ed.494.

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noted,Annasattitudetowardastrologywasdismissive,andformsoneofthepointsofcriticismofhernephew,Manuel.ThedangerinAlexiosssituationwasthoughttoarisefromthehumorsbeingconcentrated

inanunnaturalmanner,inonepartofhisbody.Thehumorswereelementalfluidsblood,phlegm,yellowbile,andblackbilethemixtureandflowofwhichwereusedtoexplainillnessandhealth,andtoindicatestrategiesoftherapy.Thenaturalconditionofahumanbodyisforhumorstoflowthroughandoutofthebodywithoutobstruction.Concentrationofhumorsindicatedanobstructionofsomekind,andthepossibilitythatthehumorswouldputrefyandbegintodestroyvitaltissuethattheycontact.Therefore,thepropertherapywasto evacuate thehumors beforedamage could occur, and this could bedone either bydraining,orbyencouragingthebodytoconcoct(cook)thebadhumorsandexpelthemassediment in theurine,or in theexcrement,orperspiration,orviasomeotherbodilysecretion.Thisprocesscouldbeencouraged,whenurgent,throughemeticorcatharticdrugs,whichexpelleddangeroushumorsthroughvomiting.Thisexpulsiveeventwascalledacrisis.79

Annawasnotedforhermedicalknowledge,therudimentsofwhichsheobtainedaspartofherclassicaleducation.80Forthisreason,hermother,EmpressEirene,appointedherasamedical liaisonbetween thedoctorscounciland the imperial family, to interpret thedoctorsdiagnosesanddeliberations.81Althoughshewasnotallowedtoparticipateinthedecisionmaking,nor todiagnosenorprescribeanything,shewaspermitted topreparemealsfor,andfeedherfather.82KallikleswastheonlyoneofthedoctorswhonoticedthedangerAlexioswasinfromthe

concentrationofhumors.Eitherhehadhimselfobserveda swellingonAlexios,or theEmperorhadcomplainedofpainthere.Kalliklesknewthatthehumorsmustbeevacuatedimmediately.Asnotedearlier,drugswereusedtohastentheexpulsionoftheaccumulatedhumors. The proper order of treatment, according to the Hippocratic school andrecommendedalsobyGalen,wasdietfirst,thendrugs,andonlyafterthesemethodsfail,toresorttosurgery,suchasbleeding,and ifthatfails,cautery.83Sometimesregulating thepatientsnourishmentwassufficienttoinduceabeneficialcrisis.Inthepresentsituation,however,Kallikles surmised thatmoreurgentmeasuresmust be taken.However, theimperialpatienthadnevertakendrugs.Purgativescouldbetraumaticonthepatient,so,

79 Fordetaileddiscussion of themedical concept of crisis, see:Galen,De diebus decretoriis, ed.Cooper,Commentary(seenote59),39094.

80 GeorgeTornikes,14.logedAnneComnne:DiscourssurlamortdelaPorphyrognte,KyraAnnelaKaisarissa,GeorgesetDmtriosTorniks.LettresetDiscours.Introduction,Texte,Analyses,TraductionetNotesparJeanDarrouzs.LeMondeByzantin(Paris:ditionsduCentreNationaldelaRechercheScientifique,1970),220323;here307.Seealso:Browning,UnpublishedFuneralOration(seenote19),396.

81 Alexiad,15.11(seenote5),trans.46465;ed.494.82 Alexiad,15.11(seenote5),trans.468;ed.49798.83 Hippocrates,Aphorisms,7.87,HippocratesVolumeIV:LoebClassicalLibrary,ed.W.H.S.Jones(1931;Cambridge,

MA:HarvardUniversityPress,1992),21617.


withoutknowingwhateffecttheymighthaveonAlexios,thecouncilofdoctorsdecideditbesttoavoidthem.Kalliklesswarningthatifthehumorswerenotimmediatelyevacuatedbydrugs,thediseasedmaterialmightflowintooneofthevitalorgans,suchastheheart,andbegintodestroyit,wasignored.Tothegreatreliefofeveryone,theillnessapparentlyvanishedafteranexpectednumber

ofdays.Annaalludestotheancientmedicalschemeofthecriticaldays,accordingtowhichspecifickindsofillnesseshaveexpectedlifespans,andtheircharacter,whetheracuteorchronic,aswellaswhethertheywillendinrecoveryordeath,canbeinferredfromhowtheillnesschangesonspecificdays,measuredfromitsbeginning.Thisschemeisagainreferredtoneartheendoftheaccount,whenAnnanotesthatAlexiosdiedtheeleventhdayoftheillness.84However,thiswasafalserecovery,andKalliklessdiagnosiswasvindicated,sincesixmonthslatertheillnessreturnedinadeadlyform(August,1118).Thefirstsymptomsofthefinalillnessappearedinthechest:thedangeroushumorshadmovedfromtheshouldersto thechestcavity,asKallikleshadpredicted.Alexios feltaheaviness inhischest,anddifficultybreathing.Alexioswas no ordinaryprivilegedpatient, forwhosediseases one could blame an

unhealthy lifestyle, such as toomuchof thewrong sortsof food, and lackofphysicalexercise.Toomuchofthewrongkindsoffoodscouldproduceaplethoraofbadhumors,andlackofactivitycouldhinderthefreeflowofthehumors,soimportantformaintaininggoodhealth.Helivedthesimple,almostascetic,lifestyleofasoldier.Theancientdoctorscounseledtheirpatientstomaintainaregimenthatwouldtendtoproduceanidealbalancedbodyinabalancedlifestyle.Annaobservesthatstressandworrycanalsodamageapatientshealth,andAlexioshasspenthislifeinperpetualstressovertheaffairsofstate.85Indeed,AnnaattributesanearlierseriousillnessofAlexiostothestresscausedbytheinnumerableKeltswhowereinvadingtheEmpire.86Alexioscertainlyhadthefinancialmeanstofollowahealthyregimen,supervisedbyanynumberofthebestdoctorsintheEmpire.Buthedidnot,whichwashissacrificeforhispeople,forthatwouldhavemeant,inhismind,neglectingthedireemergenciesofstatewithwhichhewasconstantlyfaced.Astheillnessprogressed,Alexiossbreathingbecameextremelydifficult.Moreover,he

couldnotreclineonhissideonaccountofpainthere,andsohadtoremainupright.Noremedy,includingbleeding,wastoanyavail.Bloodlettingwasacommonformofsurgerytoaffectthedispositionofthehumors.Sincebloodwasthemostaccessiblehumortodrain,physiciansthoughtthatbyalteringthehumoralbalance,theotherhumorswouldrespond,causingthedangerousplethoratodissipate.87

84 Fordayeleven,seeGalen,Dediebusdecretoriis,ed.Cooper,K793(seenote59),13839;andCommentary,413;423.

85 SeeGalen,Dediebusdecretoriis,ed.Cooper,K826(seenote59),19899;andCommentary,434.86 Alexiad,14.4(seenote5),trans.41011;ed.43840.87 SeePeterBrainsusefulstudy:GalenonBloodletting:AStudyoftheOrigins,DevelopmentandValidityofHis

Opinions,withaTranslationoftheThreeWorks(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1986).

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Whenbleedingfailed,thephysiciansresortedtopepperasakindofpurgative.88Pepperwasthoughttoprovokeasmallartificialcrisis,viasweating,whichmightexpelthediseasedhumors.The resultwashopeful, as some of the symptoms temporarily lessened.Thisimproved condition lasted only three to fourdays, afterwhich the painful symptomsreturned.Annaexplainedthatthepepperactuallymadehisconditionworse,bynotonlyfailing toexpel thecorrupthumors,butdispersing them into thespaces inhisarteries,where,lurking,theyremainedadangertohim.Thenext symptoms to appearwere swellingof the abdomen and lower extremities,

accompaniedbyfever.Thedoctorsattackedtheswellingfirst,throughcautery,buttonoavail.Toattempttodissipateaconcentrationofhumorswithhotironssuggestsdesperatemeasures.89Furthermore,thismeasuremusthavehorrifiedAnna,sincethehotironwasoftenusedtoputouttheeyesofpretenderstothethrone,torenderthemunfittorule,asakindermeasurethanexecution.ShedescribesseveralepisodesofblindingintheAlexiad.90Soontheswellingspreadtohismouthandthroat,sothatthepatientcouldnotswallowwithoutdifficulty.Annawasentrustedwithfeedinghim,oneof theonlymedical tasksavailabletoawoman,evenoneofAnnaslearning.Afterelevendays,thepatientdied.Theeleventhdaywasacriticaldayonwhichonemightexpecttoseechangesintheillnessthatwouldleadeithertorecoveryortodeath.AlthoughAlexiossuffereddiarrhea,atypicalcriticalsymptom,whichoftenindicatedthatabeneficialcrisiswasoccurring,hedied.Thepatientwassoweakenedbytheillnessthathecouldnotsurviveacrisis,evenifhehadexperiencedone.

Conclusion

IncontrasttoManuelsverypublicdisplaysofhismedicalknowledge,Annaexpressedhermedicalknowledge,bothinthefabricofherhistory,aswellasintheextendeddescriptionandanalysisofher fathers final illness.Manuelsdisplayswerenotwithoutapoliticalmessagetoforeignrulers,namely,thatthebestmedicineistobefoundinConstantinople.NeitherisAnnasaccountwithoutapoliticaldimension.Inhercase,sheisculminatingthepersonathatshehasbeendevelopingofherselfforfifteenbooksasoneeducatedinancientGreekcultureandconversantinphilosophy.Shedoesthis,Ibelieve,asawaytostrengthen

88 Galen,OnthePropertiesofFoodstuffs(Dealimentorumfacultatibus),trans.OwenPowell(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2003),38;Galen,Dealimentorumfacultatibus,OperaOmnia,vol.6,ed.C.G.Khn(Leipzig:CarlCnobloch,1823),453748;here477.

89 JoelleJouannaBouchet,LaCautrisationdanslaMdecineAntique:tudesurleVocabulaire,lesInstrumentsetlesTechniquesdanslaLittratureLatine,Galenos1(2007):87111.

90 Alexiad1.3(seenote5),trans.1415;ed.1617;9.9,trans.257;ed.279.See:JohnLascaratos,andS.Marketos,ThePenaltyofBlindingDuringByzantineTimes.MedicalRemarks,DocumentaOphthalmologica81.1(1992):13344.


herclaimtothethrone,eventhoughitwasthwartedbyherbrotherJohn,thirtyyearsearlier,andbythispointshecouldhavehadnohopeofeverachievingimperialpower.Implicitinheraccount,however, isherbelief thata rulereducated inphilosophy (andhistory) issuperior to onewho isnot, even if that ruler is awoman.TheEasternHellenism shevalidateslooksprimarilytotheclassicalGreekpast,unadulteratedbyforeign(sc.barbarian)influences.HerattitudetowardimportationsfromArabicisgenerallydismissive.Manuel,ontheotherhand,findsuse inelementsofaWesternHellenism,namely,theLatinizedGrecoArabictradition.He,too,useshisknowledgeofthistradition,especiallyinmedicineandastrology,topresenthimselfasanidealRomanemperor,onetowhomallbarbarianrulersoweobeisance.AnnacreatesthepersonaofherfatherintheAlexiadwithasimilarpurpose,showing thather idealrulermaintainsaproperdistance from thebarbarians.UnfortunatelyforAnna,thecontestwenttothefactionwithpoliticalsavvy,connections,andgenderonitsside,which,ironically,isjustwhatAlexioswouldhavewanted.UnfortunatelyforManueland theEmpire,hisexcessive familiaritywith theLatinscontributed to thedownfallofhisdynastyandByzantiumitself,orsoitwouldseem.Thisarticlehas examined contrastingByzantineHellenismsprimarily in themedical

context.Nodoubt,throughfurtheranddeeperexaminationoftheAlexiadandbycomparingitwithotheraspectsofManuelscareer,aswellaswithothercontemporaryByzantineintellectuals,itmightbepossibletorefineandextendthethesisformulatedhere.However,forthemomentitseemsquiteclearthatAnnasdisplayofmedicalknowledgerepresentsbothherconceptoftheidealruler,aswellasherclaimtobethelegitimateheirofherfather.ThefateofAnnasEasternHellenism,ontheotherhand,wasnotwhatshemighthave

wished.WesternHellenismwasamorevigorousandversatiletool,andeventuallyproveditselftobethemoreprogressiveandenduring.WhatboththeArabicHellenismofBaghdad,and theAraboLatin (Western)Hellenism ofToledo andPalermodemonstrate are theadvantages of allowing the best of foreign influences to mingle freely in intellectualdiscourse.ThisisjustwhatAnnawantedtoavoid:cantherebeanythinggoodthatcouldcomefromthebarbariansofeitherWestorEast?AndthegrowinghostilitybetweenEastandWestmerelyintensifiedtheintellectualxenophobiaofByzantineculture.IntheWest,thetremendousintellectualachievementsofThomasAquinas,reconcilingreasonandfaithforhisage,weremadepossiblebytheamalgamationofallstrandsofthoughtthatmayhaveeitheroriginatedintheancientGreektradition,orwereinspiredbyit,suchasthecreativeoutpouringofArabicthoughtthathereliedupon.EventuallytheSummaofThomaswastranslatedintoGreek,inthefourteenthcenturybyDemetriusKydones(13241398),butbythatpointByzantiumwaslosingtherace.

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Byzantium Between East and West: Competing Hellenisms in the Alexiad of Anna Komnene and her Contemporaries