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Cables Portray Expanded Reach of Drug Agency
By GINGER THOMPSON and SCOTT SHANE
Published: December 25, 2010
WASHINGTON — The Drug Enforcement Administration has been
transformed into a global intelligence organization with a reach that
extends far beyond narcotics, and an eavesdropping operation so
expansive it has to fend off foreign politicians who want to use it
against their political enemies, according to secret diplomatic cables.
In far greater detail than previously
seen, the cables, from the cache
obtained by WikiLeaks and made
available to some news organizations, offer glimpses of
drug agents balancing diplomacy and law enforcement in
places where it can be hard to tell the politicians from the
traffickers, and where drug rings are themselves mini-
states whose wealth and violence permit them to run
roughshod over struggling governments.
Diplomats recorded unforgettable vignettes from the
largely unseen war on drugs:
¶In Panama, an urgent BlackBerry message from the
president to the American ambassador demanded that the
D.E.A. go after his political enemies: “I need help with
tapping phones.”
¶In Sierra Leone, a major cocaine-trafficking prosecution
was almost upended by the attorney general’s attempt to
solicit $2.5 million in bribes.
¶In Guinea, the country’s biggest narcotics kingpin turned
out to be the president’s son, and diplomats discovered that
before the police destroyed a huge narcotics seizure, the
drugs had been replaced by flour.
Sia Kambou/AFP-Getty; Jose Mendez/EPA; Ramin Talaie/EPA; Mark Wilson/Getty Images
Leaked cables reveal the Drug Enforcement Administration ’s global reach, noting dealings with Lansana Kouyaté of Guinea,
left, Ricardo Martinelli of Panama, center left, and Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone. Karen Tandy, right, the D.E.A. ’s former
administrator, discussed Afghan missions in the cables.
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State ’s Secrets Articles in this
series examine
American
diplomatic cables
as a window on
relations with the rest of the world in an age of war and
terrorism.
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8/7/2019 Cables Portray Expanded Reach of Drug Agency
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¶Leaders of Mexico’s beleaguered military issued private
pleas for closer collaboration with the drug agency,
confessing that they had little faith in their own country ’s police forces.
¶Cables from Myanmar, the target of strict United States sanctions, describe the drug
agency informants’ reporting both on how the military junta enriches itself with drug
money and on the political activities of the junta’s opponents.
Officials of the D.E.A. and the State Department declined to discuss what they said was
information that should never have been made public.
Like many of the cables made public in recent weeks, those describing the drug war do notoffer large disclosures. Rather, it is the details that add up to a clearer picture of the
corrupting influence of big traffickers, the tricky game of figuring out which foreign
officials are actually controlled by drug lords, and the story of how an entrepreneurial
agency operating in the shadows of the F.B.I. has become something more than a drug
agency. The D.E.A. now has 87 offices in 63 countries and close partnerships with
governments that keep the Central Intelligence Agency at arm’s length.
Because of the ubiquity of the drug scourge, today ’s D.E.A. has access to foreign
governments, including those, like Nicaragua’s and Venezuela’s, that have strained
diplomatic relations with the United States. Many are eager to take advantage of the
agency ’s drug detection and wiretapping technologies.
In some countries, the collaboration appears to work well, with the drug agency providing
intelligence that has helped bring down traffickers, and even entire cartels. But the
victories can come at a high price, according to the cables, which describe scores of D.E.A.
informants and a handful of agents who have been killed in Mexico and Afghanistan.
In Venezuela, the local intelligence service turned the tables on the D.E.A., infiltrating its
operations, sabotaging equipment and hiring a computer hacker to intercept American
Embassy e-mails, the cables report.
And as the drug agency has expanded its eavesdropping operations to keep up with cartels,
it has faced repeated pressure to redirect its counternarcotics surveillance to local
concerns, provoking tensions with some of Washington’s closest allies.
Sticky Situations
Cables written in February by American diplomats in Paraguay, for example, described
the D.E.A.’s pushing back against requests from that country ’s government to help spy on
an insurgent group, known as the Paraguayan People’s Army, or the EPP, the initials of its
name in Spanish. The leftist group, suspected of having ties to the Colombian rebel group
FARC, had conducted several high-profile kidnappings and was making a small fortune in
ransoms.
When American diplomats refused to give Paraguay access to the drug agency ’s
wiretapping system, Interior Minister Rafael Filizzola threatened to shut it down, saying:
“Counternarcotics are important, but won’t topple our government. The EPP could.”
The D.E.A. faced even more intense pressure last year from Panama, whose right-leaning
president, Ricardo Martinelli, demanded that the agency allow him to use its wiretapping
program — known as Matador — to spy on leftist political enemies he believed were
plotting to kill him.
The United States, according to the cables, worried that Mr. Martinelli, a supermarket
magnate, “made no distinction between legitimate security targets and political enemies,”
refused, igniting tensions that went on for months.
Mr. Martinelli, who the cables said possessed a “penchant for bullying and blackmail,”
retaliated by proposing a law that would have ended the D.E.A.’s work with specially
vetted police units. Then he tried to subvert the drug agency ’s control over the program by assigning nonvetted officers to the counternarcotics unit.
And when the United States pushed back against those attempts — moving the Matador
system into the offices of the politically independent attorney general — Mr. Martinelli
threatened to expel the drug agency from the country altogether, saying other countries,
like Israel, would be happy to comply with his intelligence requests.
Eventually, according to the cables, American diplomats began wondering about Mr.
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internal ones, with traffickers opening new routes to accommodate new markets. As
Mexican cartels take control of drug shipments from South America to the United States,
Colombian cartels have begun moving cocaine through West Africa to Europe.
The cables offer a portrait of the staggering effect on Mali, whose deserts have been littered
with abandoned airplanes — including at least one Boeing 727 — and Ghana, where
traffickers easily smuggle drugs through an airport’s “ VVIP (Very Very Important Person)
lounge.”
Top-to-bottom corruption in many West African countries made it hard for diplomats to
know whom to trust. In one 2008 case in Sierra Leone, President Ernest Bai Koroma
moved to prosecute and extradite three South American traffickers seized with about
1,500 pounds of cocaine, while his attorney general was accused of offering to release
them for $2.5 million in bribes.
In Nigeria, the D.E.A. reported a couple of years earlier that diplomats at the Liberian
Embassy were using official vehicles to transport drugs across the border because they
were not getting paid by their war-torn government and “had to fend for themselves.”
A May 2008 cable from Guinea described a kind of heart-to-heart conversation about the
drug trade between the American ambassador, Phillip Carter III, and Guinea’s prime
minister, Lansana Kouyaté. At one point, the cable said, Mr. Kouyaté “ visibly slumped in
his chair” and acknowledged that Guinea’s most powerful drug trafficker was Ousmane
Conté, the son of Lansana Conté, then the president. (After the death of his father, Mr.
Conté went to prison.)
A few days later, diplomats reported evidence that the corruption ran much deeper inside
the Guinean government than the president’s son. In a colorfully written cable — with
chapters titled “Excuses, Excuses, Excuses” and “Theatrical Production” — diplomats
described attending what was billed as a drug bonfire that had been staged by the Guinean
government to demonstrate its commitment to combating the drug trade.
Senior Guinean officials, including the country ’s drug czar, the chief of police and the
justice minister, watched as officers set fire to what the government claimed was about
350 pounds of marijuana and 860 pounds of cocaine, valued at $6.5 million.
In reality, American diplomats wrote, the whole incineration was a sham. Informants had
previously told the embassy that Guinean authorities replaced the cocaine with manioc
flour, proving, the diplomats wrote, “that narco-corruption has contaminated” the
government of Guinea “at the highest levels.”
And it did not take the D.E.A.’s sophisticated intelligence techniques to figure out the truth.
The cable reported that even the ambassador’s driver sniffed out a hoax.
“I know the smell of burning marijuana,” the driver said. “ And I didn’t smell anything.”
Andrew W. Lehren contributed reporting.
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A version of this article appeared in print on December 26, 2010, on
page A1 of the New York edition.
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