Cartographic Contestation between India and Pakistan— with regard to Pakistan Occupied Kashmir

The Institute of Foreign Policy Studies (IFPS) at the University of Calcutta is an autonomous centre devised for the study of international relations, with particular emphasis on foreign policy. Funded by the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Government of India, the institute purports to create a pool of foreign policy specialists capable of offering advice on matters pertaining to India’s international relations. The Institute has already been earmarked for developing regional expertise with reference to the Government of India’s Look East Policy, and that towards West Asia. The IFPS has also been chosen as one of the ten centres for United Nations Academic Initiative, functioning as the hub for studies on peace and conflict resolution.

The Centre for Pakistan and West Asian Studies, Calcutta University, was set up in 2005 under the UGC Area Studies Programme. It is the only research outfit associated with a University in eastern India with an exclusive focus on Pakistan and West Asian countries, Afghanistan, Iran and Iraq in particular, which together constitute a part of India’s extended neighbourhood in the West. The Centre, since its establishment in 2005, has tried to develop a greater understanding of this extended neighbourhood by looking at the internal dynamics of the region with far greater detail than is generally

accorded by other area studies outfits in the country.

ifps / cpwas occasional paper series no.

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C artographiC Contestat ion between india and pak istan—with regard to

pak istan oCCupied kashmir

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It is argued that maps have strong subjective connotation and are made with a purpose to serve, wherein negating cartography as a positivist and objective science. Situating the thought in the ambit of Critical Cartography, the way maps, from various sources, alter and challenge the geopolitical situation of India in favour of Pakistan is shown. Since, the cartographic encroachment is immense and has multiple spatial reflections, Pakistan Occupied Kashmir has been considered as the area of interest.

Swasti Vardhan Mishra has been a Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Foreign Policy Studies. His interests are critical studies in Geography and Urban Sociology. His papers Kolkata’s spaces of prostitution as subaltern urbanism, Conflating Gray space and Crypto Urbanism and Understanding needs and Ascribed Quality of Life- through Maternal factors-Infant mortality dialectic are in press, to be published in the reputed journals in the field.

OCP 6 cover Asian Values-30.04.2014.indd 2 5/1/2014 9:56:03 AM

C a r to g r a p h i C C o n t e s tat i o n b e t w e e n i n d i a a n d p a k i s ta n —

w i t h r e g a r d to p a k i s ta n o C C u p i e d k a s h m i r

Calcutta University Kolkatain association with

KNOWLEDGE WORLD

KW Publishers Pvt LtdNew Delhi

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swasti Vardhan mishra

OCP 6 Cartographic Contestation between India and Pakistan 30.4.2014.indd 1 5/1/2014 9:56:49 AM

Copyright © 2014University of Calcutta

The Court of Directors of the East India Company sent a despatch in July, 1854 to the Governor-General of India in Council, suggesting the establishment of the Universities of Calcutta, Madras and Bombay.

In pursuance of that despatch, the University of Calcutta was founded on January 24, 1857.The University adopted in the first instance, the pattern of the University of London and

gradually introduced modifications in its constitution.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner.

The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not represent the views of the University of Calcutta.

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Contents

1. Conceptualising Maps 1 1.1. Unmasking the Map 3 1.2. State vs. Popular Maps 7

2. World Cartography Today 8

3. Cartography in India 10

4. Cartographic Contestation 12 4.1. State 13 4.2. State Cartographic Agencies 14 4.3. Non-state Actors 15 4.3.1. Inside 15 4.3.2. Outside 16

5. Reinforcing India’s Cartographic Stance 18

Notes 20

References 22

Figures 24



C a rto g r a p h i C C o n t e s tat i o n b e t w e e n i n d i a a n d p a k i s ta n — w i t h r e g a r d to p a k i s ta n

o C C u p i e d k a s h m i r

1. Conceptualising Maps... map possessed an all but unique power to give the elusive idea of the state concrete form, to those outside looking in, certainly, but also to those living within. (Wood, 2010, p. 31)

Maps are “true” images of a state’s being—circumscribing a definite space through territorialisation. How are these italicised words linked to embody the paramount force of political geography with its enormous bearing on international relations? (Starr, 2005)—the motif in which these concepts entwine, though simple and elementary, is pivotal. Space is a “fundamental element of human intelligence” (Goodchild and Janelle, 2010, p. 3) and “matters greatly” (Kaplan, 2012, p. 49) in the study of international relations for it is “fundamental in any exercise of power” (Foucault, 2000 in Shah, 2012, p. 60) and is also one of the two primary ways (the other being time) in which “social behaviour and interaction” are contextualised (Starr, 2005, p. 393). It is not only the physical space (absolute space) that affects the play in international relations but also the abstract space (Lefebvre, 1991) which gains the leverage politically to influence international relations. Abstract space endeavours towards achieving homogenisation of space; map is one of the abstract spaces which tends to homogenise what is inside the territory and stand in contrast to that is outside. And, the “science” which makes the map is Cartography—etymologically derived in the year 1839 as a “Portuguese neologism” (Wood, 2003, p. 4) and since then inducted into meaning as a science of map-making. Cartography makes map through “intellectualisation of space” (Klinghoffer, 2006, p. 13) and in that process “embody space” (Wood, 2010, p. 94)—where a definite three-dimensional physical space is sloughed off by one dimension to produce it. Also, a state’s


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identity is secured at the first instance through it’s map, which otherwise remains to be elusive—for instance, we know what India is but we are able to comprehend her existence only through looking at her image—the map. Moreover, a “state’s position on the map is the first thing that defines it, more than its governing philosophy even” (Kaplan, 2012, p. 28). But how a state, which is a space, mapped? How map-makers bind a space as a state?—They do so through territorialisation of space. Thus the map is a producer of a politically controlled space called territory. And the dialectic between state and territory is so intense as to make Poggi (Shah, 2012, p. 65) enunciate that state “is a territory.” Besides, there is no scepticism in accepting territory as modern state’s “distinctive feature” (Shah, 2012, p. 60) and over which “state has exclusive jurisdiction” (Shah, 2012, p. 59). However it is not space rather a map which controls the organismic image of a state; as eloquent in what Corner means:

“... territory does not precede a map, but that space becomes territory

through bounding practices that include mapping. Moreover, given that

places are planned and built on the basis of maps, so that space is itself a

representation of the map, the ‘differentiation between the real and the

representation is no longer meaningful.’” (Kitchin, Perkins and Dodge,

2009, pp. 18-19).

Furthermore, cartographical hermeneutics does not suffice itself only with the portrayal of state’s existence but also engages with contestation on two fronts—firstly, maps deliberately efface the distinction between “de jure (legally recognised) and de facto (borders in practice only)” boundaries between states (Petchenik, 1977 in Klinghoffer, 2006, p. 43). Secondly, there have been “graphic gerrymandering” either to support “historical claims” to territory or produce it as an alibi to legitimise “future territorial ambitions” (Harley, 1988, p. 289). But the territorial claims through maps are accompanied by narratives—a rhetoric—based on what Prospect theory calls the “Endowment effects” (Starr, 2005, p. 399)—Where both the states, having territorial claims, see the ‘untrue’ maps a their loss. A State which has actually parted with her territory legitimises the loss viewing everything


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retrospectively, whereas the territorial claims the other state frames cites the loss prospectively. In the whole process of territorial claims maps play an overarching role—which enables easy manoeuvring, inter alia, through “border manufacturing” and “producing reality.”

But as a caveat—map is not objective, it is neither innocent nor optimal. Maps are not only representations of reality but also “representations of power” (Harley, 1989, p. 1) and they are the “conduit through which the ideological content ... passes undistorted” (Wood and Fels, 2008, p. 190). Maps do not create territory but act as a “vehicle for the creation and conveying of authority about and ultimately over, territory” (Wood and Fels, 2008, p. 190). These critical thoughts accrue from the ideas of Critical Cartography, which is a progeny of a reaction to the “hegemonic tradition of map-making as a progressive and value free transcription of the environment” (Wood and Krygier, 2009, p. 340). This thought process is post-modern in enterprise and has been exemplified by the works of (John) Brian Harley, Denis Wood, Denis Cosgrove, John Fels, John Pickles, Jeremy Crampton, John Krygier, and Chris Perkins. Critical cartography is a “one-two punch”—involving “imaginative mapping practices” and political underpinnings of maps and mapping processes (Crampton and Krygier, 2006, pp. 11-12). Here I would engage myself with the critical thoughts of Harley, which in fact writ large in the field, and also since I am delving into the epistemology of maps, keeping its ontology intact. The paper, while unfurling the epistemology of maps rooted in social theories rather in “scientific positivism” (Harley, 1989, p. 2), will justify the imperatives of a state (here, India) to concentrate on her imagerial representation and how and why it should rethink and reinforce her cartographic image. The voice of critical cartography can be honestly employed by India to renegotiate her territorial claims and her external sovereignty. In the following paragraphs the ideas, that are paraphrased, would provide the theoretical and philosophical base to legitimise India’s move to secure what is, axiomatically, her.

1.1. Unmasking the Map“Whether a map is produced under the banner of cartographic science—

as most official maps have been—or whether it is an overt propaganda



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exercise, it cannot escape involvement in the processes by which power is

deployed ... political power is most effectively reproduced, communicated,

and experienced through maps.” (Harley, 1988, p. 279)

Harley avers maps as “socially constructed ... [and] manipulated form of knowledge,” and as “value laden images.” He invokes works of Michel Foucault and Derrida to construe the power syndrome of maps and deconstruct it to “read between the lines ... ‘in the margins of the text’” (Harley, 1989, p. 3). For him maps are produced by power to produce power (Kitchin, Perkins and Dodge, 2009)—they are not “neutral scientific documents” (Crampton and Krygier, 2006, p. 12), rather highly biased and manipulated form of communication. Maps do not reflect reality, they make it—that is, they manufacture boundaries of the state; they distort the size, shape and content inside and outside the territory.

Maps are knowledge, and any form of knowledge tries to induce power on the subject it deems fit for it to be induced—there is “omnipresence of power” in all knowledge (Foucault, 1978 in Harley, 1989, p. 13). Maps are rhetoric, they argue for their legitimacy and in the way legitimacy of the absolute space they territorialise. Also they must be viewed contextually and not per se—for they are historically and socially contextualised products and thence, manipulated and manufactured by the very disposition of a cartographer. Harley distinguishes between the two powers of a map—internal power and external power. Internal power is what a cartographer, deliberately or unintentionally, manufactures through his creation and the consequent political effects that his creation entails, for example the maps made by Mercator and Peter. Both are rectangular maps, but one has intentionally affected the political discourse (Peters projection1) and the other did it unknowingly (Mercator’s projection2). However every map has a patron behind it, the biggest among them is the state (Harley, 1988). This patron surfaces the external power of maps through patronising the cartography and the cartographer. “Power is exerted on cartography ... [and] with cartography” (Harley, 1989, p. 12) in the scenario of external power, which in fact is the most popular and “familiar sense of power in cartography” (Harley, 1989, p. 12). The power external to cartography is



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exercised by the patrons who influence the map-maker to produce the map they need to attain definite ends.

Wood, like Harley, talks of map as a power/knowledge dialectic and insists on the reality making zeal of maps. For Wood and Fels the authority is conveyed through a Paramap—conflation of Perimap and Epimap (2008, p. 192). Their idea is analogical to the Gerard Genette’s idea of Paratext—Peritext+Epitext. To be precise, perimap is the whole set of characteristics which are intrinsic to maps—ranging from the projection used for drawing maps to the quality of the paper used. Whereas, the epimap is everything being done or used for publicising the map—be it “letter to the editor,” “accompanying article” or the “marketing copy.” Thus the only map that commands authority is a paramap—perimap+epimap.

That maps are regnant is known but what this power is and how it is conveyed remains a big question to be answered. Power is nothing but the “interests [map] represented” (Wood, 1992 in Kitchin, Perkins, and Dodge, 2009, p. 9)—the interest to exploit the natural resources, to locate at strategic locations, to make legitimate and illegitimate territorial claims, to discipline, to hide, and to show. Power is ubiquitous “not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere” (Foucault, 1978 in Harley, 1989, p. 13). These powers are exercised through tools which are rooted in the scientifically oriented practice of cartography.

The paramount tool to exert power through maps is exogenous to map—it relates to the projection employed to project the mapped area from the Generating globe.3 Here it is essential to reflect on the two processes of projecting from the generating globe—through direct projecting using the wired or glass generating globe with the help of a light source placed at appropriate position (giving way to what is called a Perspective projection). And the Non-Perspective projection is attained through the use of mathematical principles to satisfy certain objectives. Thence, the use of mathematics to produce a projection is fully liable to be used at the whims of the cartographer or the patron, whether, it is to inflate the size of Europe or warn the existence of communist USSR through Mercator’s Projection or doing the same for the third world through Peter’s projection. Similarly, propagandists who wish for an alliance



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between the USA and Western Europe employ Polar projections to show their proximity and those opposed to any such move tend to “use a map with the equator as an east-west axis and locate the centre longitudinally in the Pacific” (Klinghoffer, 2006, p. 41).

The power is also exerted, through the orientation of maps. The earth is spherical, so there is no question of north being at the top and south being at the bottom—but north being a land hemisphere, and that too of world powers, entails its orientation at the top (Short, 2003 in Fotiadis, 2008/2009, p. 7; Klinghoffer, 2006, p. 21).

“Rule of ethnocentricity” (Harley, 1989, p. 6) or “Omphalos syndrome” (Harley, 1988, p. 290) is another tool through which maps are regnant. It means the positioning of a state on the map, with prominence being attached to those states that show up at the middle—right at the centre. Ethnocentricity is user-oriented, for it knows that the first location a user fixes his gaze at is the centre of a map. Besides, being at the centre also makes an important influence, as the states are flanked on both sides of the central state, giving it a topological centrality.

The most pervasively distorted element of a map is its content. Use of radiant and bedazzling colours, hiding the contents, termed as “silences” by Harley (1988, p. 290), bordering the territorial claims as own, using toponyms (manipulating with the colour, font, language and, its positioning) are, inter alia, the tools to convey power. With the burgeoning of computer technology, use of flash technique is also being employed to highlight those areas of a map which a state want others to look at and thus attach legitimacy to. In fact, cataloguing the content of a state through the production of physical maps, resource maps and various thematic maps is a much nuanced form of exerting the power of maps through naturalising the territorial claims (Shah, 2012).

Thus, “accuracy” and “austerity of design” (Harley, 1989, p. 10), as a consequence of scientisation of map-making, work to deploy power through maps. But, maps are never error free. Maps are projected onto the projecting plane4 from the generating globe, which on the other hand is a microcosm of the earth. To be true, generating globes are unable to characterise the equatorial bulge of the earth, neither have they



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accounted for the tapering at the poles.5 In regard to this, Klinghoffer calls maps as “tertiary portrayal of reality” (2006, p. 9). Apart from that, projecting plane also distorts the secondary portrayal of reality for it is two-dimensional, made from a three-dimensional object—as a result secures only one of the properties6 related to ground reality while trading off with other properties. But again, scientifically disciplined maps are relatively much error free than conjectural maps. And maps which reflect their scientifically disciplined nature through the use of grid systems, scale, north line, index, and legends are more readily accepted and cited both popularly and professionally.

1.2. State vs. Popular MapsCritical cartography talks of undisciplined cartography, where the map-making is snatched away from the academics and virtuoso to hand it to the common public. But, here the question is, if the state is making maps and on the contrary, commoners are making maps, whose map would gain prominence? Will it be that of the state or that of a commoner? The answer is always the state. This idea can be justified through the work of Henri Lefebvre (1991) who was a space theorist with a radical leaning. Though his work exemplifies the political economy of a city, his work can be applied with the same vigour to the study of state-space. Space (social space) according to him is produced through entwining of his triad—Spatial practice, Representations of Space, and Representational Space. To paraphrase, Spatial Practice can be resonated as the physical space—a space that is deciphered by the society. He calls it the Perceived Space—the space as it is perceived by the society. Representations of Space is being referred to as the Conceived Space. This is the space as conceived and dictated upon by Urban Planners, Social Engineers, Scientists, Urbanists and in our case the State. It adorns a hegemonic nature. On the contrary, Representational Space (Spaces of Representation) is the Lived Space—a space of inhabitants and users. It adorns a passive character and tends to lose its representation and identity with them. These three spaces are always contesting, and eventually the conceived space reigns over the other two:



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“Representational space disappears into the representation of space—the

latter swallows the former; and spatial practice, put into brackets along

with social practice as a whole, endures only as the unthought aspect of

the thought that has now pronounced itself sovereign ruler.” (Lefebvre,

1991, p. 398)

State is undoubtedly a social space, which is dimensionalised through maps. As a corollary, maps represent perceived, conceived, and lived spaces—and as mentioned, conceived space, the space coded by state, is the space which pulverises the other two spaces. Thus, the map which is being produced and reproduced by the state comes victorious, having an upper hand over the perceived and the lived dimensions of space.

The aforementioned ideas are innuendoes in original context rooted in critical and radical thought. However, they also expand the possibility of a state’s honest claims and even legitimise it. But, maps are not an apparatus to exert power by the states only; rather they also influence others to “make competing and equally powerful claims” (Crampton and Krygier, 2006, p. 12). These contesting claims between State and others are at times found to be inclining towards what a state claims and deserves, against claims of others.

2. World Cartography TodayWorld cartography is moving towards universalising the techniques of map-making worldwide. In the present times the type of datum and the projection had been going through round of testing for accuracy and applicability. Prior to reflecting on the ongoing scenario of homogenisation of world cartography, it is required to understand a few technical issues residing within the subject.

The earth cannot be completely replicated and objectified, with regard to its shape—having flattened poles and a bulging equator. Then how is it that we content ourselves and engage in juggernaut technical entanglement with the projections which we project from the generating globe? To answer: Cartography is evolving day-to-day with R&D being one of the cornerstones of its paramountcy in every sphere—the level of accuracy



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which the discipline now has is at a higher mark than what it had a few years back and in the coming years it is prefigured to be at a much higher level of accuracy. Continuous research has evolved the shape of the referencing sphere in conformance to the shape of the earth and thus, Ellipsoid has become (Figure 1) more earth shaped. It continuously produces accuracy in the whole gamut of spatial identification, measurement and intervention, in which maps are a small part of existence.

Exacting the earth shape is the beginning of the cartographic process, which is followed by fixing the Datum. Datum, in a novice’s parlance, is the reference point from which the location of other points is identified. It is a point which helps to originate and orient the latitudes and longitudes and it is through this point that the position of the geoid is ascertained relative to the earth’s centre. There are a number of local datums,7 for example, for India it is Everest datum, while for the USA it is Clarke datum, which produce good representations of the reality of the local area for which the datum has been established. But with so many datums in question it is assured that the location of a place A (i.e., latitude and longitude or the coordinate system of the point) in a map with Everest datum would vary with a map of the same region with Clarke datum, since both of them are measuring a single point from different reference points. Therefore, to address the issue of variance in location and measurements, which bring practical predicaments, it was decided to adopt a universal reference system called WGS 84 with GRS 80 Ellipsoid and WGS 84 datum in the 1980s. This system was adopted after the availability of a huge number of data from satellites, and also used for Global Positioning Systems worldwide.

With the Generating globe approximated, the maps are made by projecting the generating globe on a projecting plane, with projecting plane developed into a developable surface.8 With three shapes (plane, cylinder and cone) developable surfaces are the medium which are developed for projecting the desired area on a projection (figure 2). For instance, if a cartographer wants to project the polar areas, he will choose plane as the developable surface, which would touch the globe at the poles. And likewise if he wants equatorial and tropical areas to be projected he would use a cylinder as the developable surface and would use a cone for extra-tropical



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areas. Moreover, projections are used keeping in mind the properties of the ground area to be preserved on the map—whether to preserve the area of the projection (equal area projections), to maintain the shape of the area projected (orthomorphic projections), to preserve the actual distance between two points (equidistant projections) or to preserve the angular distance between two points (azimuthal projections). Furthermore, the point, line or area of contact between the developable surface and the generating globe preserves the true scale9 and there is increasing intensity of distortion as one moves away from the contact, i.e., the properties of the area beyond that gets unconformable to the generating globe. The Latitude along which the scale is preserved is known as Standard parallel.10

Today the world is moving towards universalising a single projection to meet both the local and global needs. And to cater to this need Universal Transverse Mercator (UTM) projection has been adopted. Mercator projection is a non-perspective cylindrical orthomorphic projection, which has remained in the political mayhem for more than three centuries. But, UTM, in spite of being a member of the Mercator system, does not entail any political chaos. The developable surface (cylinder) in case of UTM touches the generating globe along a longitude instead of a latitude, and may be referred to as standard meridian11 (against the standard parallel, though the jargon has been maintained as central meridian) (figure 3). The world is divided into 60 UTM zones (figure 4) at 6 degrees intervals, thus, UTM comprises of 60 cylindrical projections. And, in this projection, any area within ±6 degrees of the central meridian is saved from the distortion.

Therefore, any extension can be mapped and synchronised with other maps made under UTM projection with WGS 84 datum. This universal projection has been started to be used worldwide for mapping and navigational purposes. The globalisation of datum and projection has brought a much needed change in cartography and spatial data maintenance, use and synchronisation.

3. Cartography in IndiaMapping in India is carried out by two agencies—Survey of India (SOI) and National Atlas and Thematic Mapping Organisation (NATMO). Both



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of these agencies are under the Department of Science and Technology, Government of India. But, between the two, SOI is the real gatekeeper of cartography in India and being the “Principal Mapping Agency” of the country, has the only right to engage in settling the issues of International borders and state boundaries. NATMO, on the other hand, is an agency to publish various kinds of atlases, both nationally and state-wise.

Survey of India, established in 1767, is the oldest scientific department of Govt. of India. SOI engages in various activities, which includes: being adviser to the Government of India on all survey matters related to Topography, Geodesy and Photogrammetry and carry out Geodetic, Geophysical and topographical surveys. They also predict tides at 44 ports and publish Tide tables and topographical data in digital and analogue form. Furthermore, SOI is also responsible for maintaining the internal and external sovereignty of India through determining the spelling of the geographic names in the country, demarcating the border of the country and their depiction on maps published in the country and also advise on delineating the boundaries between states. They also engage in scrutinising and certifying the depiction of borders and coastlines on maps published by private publishers. Thus, SOI does not only engage in mapping the political space but also invests in other activities related to the physical space of the country—its geology, natural resources, coastal dynamics, topography among others.

NATMO, established as National Atlas Organisation on August 18, 1956, transformed into a fully fledged agency to prepare atlases and thematic maps12 for every part of the Indian territory. It also prepares special occasion maps and India and adjacent country maps. To be precise, NATMO is an agency which has no say in any border disputes, and only engages in cartographic activity devoid of any ground measurement function. It also engages in regular training of civilians, students and researchers in various courses on GIS, Remote Sensing, Photogrammetry and Global Positioning System. It digitises the map of India for various mapping activities using the Everest datum and Polyconic projection.

With the adoption of the National Map Policy, 2005 (NMP), the use of WGS 84 datum and UTM projections have been started to be used by SOI for preparation of Topographical maps.13 The policy has vested the



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responsibility to produce, store and disseminate the topographical map database with SOI. Following which, SOI have to create and maintain the National Topographical Data Base (NTDB) consisting of key spatial data, which includes, inter alia, the toponyms and administrative boundaries. This database would function as the “foundation of all spatial data” in the country. Apart from that, SOI will have to produce two types of topographical maps—Open Series Maps (OSM) and Defence Series Maps (DSM). OSMs are created based on the WGS 84 datum using UTM projection. These maps are for the public and for the sake of security civil and military Vulnerable Areas and Vulnerable Points14 are not shown. Even grids are absent which used to be there in the earlier topographical maps before NMP. Besides, no contours and heights are identified in restricted areas as instructed by the Ministry of Defence. Also OSMs larger than 1:1,000,000 will have to be procured through an agreement between SOI and the agency.

On the contrary, DSMs are made using Lambert Conformal Conic projection and UTM, referring to datum Everest and WGS 84. These topographical maps for the country cover all the information as they cater to national security and defence. The use and dissemination policy of DSMs has been formulated by the Ministry of Defence. Furthermore, SOI has also been entrusted to prepare large-scale15 maps of cities, the content of which will be finalised after consultation with the Ministry of Defence.

To conclude, SOI is the real gatekeeper of cartography in India but the dissemination of political maps is mainly through the outlet of NATMO. In fact SOI rarely publishes maps of Indian polity and India and adjacent countries. On the contrary, such maps are made regularly at NATMO, which also meets easy disposal through sale. SOI is the real preserver of India’s border, but it is NATMO which disseminates the same through publication and sale of the atlases and thematic maps.

4. Cartographic ContestationThe clamour related to India-Pakistan feud has become a cliché by penetrating into regular discourse and dialogues. But, this sense of banality of the issue is a veneer, underlain by huge chunk of contestation on many fronts. Cartography, among others, has been solidified as one of such



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fronts where the power and interests of both the countries are contested and subverted. Mapping that with this forms the major cauldron of the contestation, ranging from maps portraying POK as part of Pakistan to maps portraying POK not integral to India. To substantiate, use of hue and toponyms are made deliberately to create something ostensibly legitimate. The following paragraphs will focus on these contestations, classified under three heads, to reflect on the power of maps.

4.1. StateDrawing from Harley’s binary, state is a major patron of cartography—the external force of the science of map-making. And this external force is the paramount of all forces to exert spatiality through maps. Websites of both the countries have been observed to find the intensity of the territorial claims being made. From which it has surfaced that Pakistan is exerting their illegitimate claims more rambunctiously through using a map (figure 5), though small, at the upper left hand corner of the official website of Pakistan.16 Besides, the colour used for portraying Kashmir excluding the area occupied by China, is coloured dazzlingly red and use of flash technology made to make that area of the map more legible and attractive, thus asking the onlooker to legitimise the claims Pakistan have been making. On the contrary, the official website of India17 has no maps (figure 6) to claim what is her, though the website looks more suave and charming than that of Pakistan’s but the absence of a map of the republic misses out her interests in exerting the spatiality. However, a download menu on the right-hand edge of the website says, “download maps of India,” which takes the user to an external website (Survey of India) from where the maps are downloadable. It is known that the legitimacy of territorial claim is bestowed with India but that claim is not visible at first glance—a user entering both the portals would subliminally get influenced by the overt visibility of Pakistan’s map, and in the process will be restrained from knowing the true picture of India’s existence altogether. The external force of cartography in India remains bleak when juxtaposed to that of Pakistan.



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4.2. State Cartographic AgenciesThe cartographic agencies of a state come next in the lexicon of bodies accountable for exerting the spatiality of a state. A similar study has been made with the agencies in both the countries, and the picture turns out to be more dismal. Survey of Pakistan portal18 opens with a huge map (covering roughly 65% of the page)—properly labelled and capable of being called a true cartographic product (figure 7). The map refers to the whole of Jammu and Kashmir, except the Chinese part, as a “disputed territory” and in the process it astutely makes the territory its own. For if the area is disputed there is no point in including it in a country’s map, giving it a colour which blends easily with the rest of the land. A narrow glance will give the impression that the state of J&K is a natural part of Pakistan and the word disputed territory will work as an undercurrent to sympathise with the claims of Pakistan, thereby ratifying the keenly sought after legitimacy of her territorial claims. On the other hand, Survey of India19 has got an illegible background map of India and a rectangular block showing a satellite image of the Indian subcontinent (figure 8); no true cartographic product is visible on the home page, though a download option takes the user to a web page, in a similar fashion to that of India portal. The map is a scanned copy of a paper map (figure 9) that brings forth an authority, as paper maps remain “dominant over equivalent digital media” (Hurst and Clough, 2013, p. 49). This dominance accrues from the tangibility, popularity and ease of use of paper maps but more from a belief that in times when producing digital media is a matter of clicks, a tangible media is comparatively much harder to produce and reproduce, and even if produced it certainly commands legitimacy. And also, under the main menu of “General Information” of the portal there opens a webpage, where a hyperlink “The Official Boundary of India” downloads the map (figure 10). As can be seen the map is close to a Paramap, talking explicitly of the Indian claim—through enlisting two constitutional acts tied to preserving the territory of India and providing the emails to be contacted in case of an encounter with any dissenting map. But here again the visibility of the Indian map is not exposed, where the exposed map of Pakistan expresses her claims in a non-negotiable manner. As stated the subliminal influence is more intense with the Pakistani map than that



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of India. NATMO portal20 is also devoid of any map of Republic of India, and none of the menu options takes the user to any of the Indian maps. To conclude, the internal force of Cartography in India is also not at par with its counterpart in Pakistan.

4.3. Non-state ActorsIn International Relations Non-state Actors (NSA) play a huge role in mobilising and manoeuvring the political circumstances. In this regard, the following paragraphs would indulge in classifying the NSA into Inside and Outside of the country.

4.3.1. InsideTo start with, in 2012 it came to light that the map practice exercise book for schools run by Army Education Welfare Society showed PoK as “Azad Kashmir.”21 Though the publisher was a private player, it was the responsibility of SOI to check for any error in the map. Besides, the end users of the book were the students of class III in a school based in Srinagar—which is the most vulnerable area to propagandise the wrong map of the country. And, to work on young and tender minds of the place would be fatal, as they tend to conceptualise the wrong map and consequently, would sympathise with the violent forces to destabilise the territorial integrity of the nation. The aboriginal forces that weaken the Indian claim, come more as an embarrassment than a challenge to get rid of.

Even the domestic media houses are not aware of the mistakes they make—one online posted news by India Today group implicitly has shown22 Kashmir as a part of Pakistan, paying no attention to the harm they are construing. In fact the matter of the news does not need any inclusion of a map (figure 11), but even if it had been so, only the map of southern part of Pakistan would have sufficed the purpose, as the news was endemic to Karachi (located at the southern tip of Pakistan). Though the toponym used for the area was correct (Jammu and Kashmir), but its presence in news that matter with Pakistan, and also the use of a colour that merges well with other areas, cannot be accepted in the crudest of form.



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Callousness in producing a wrong imagerial representation of India is not restricted to media and publishing houses; it is as much mirrored in individual presentation by people at the higher tier of administrative functioning. In one instance, a presenter literally presented a wrong map of India—and he was, paradoxically, the principal secretary, Industries in Govt. of Gujarat. While convincing the audience of the benefits that can be capitalised by investing in the state the secretary showed a map portraying Jammu and Kashmir as part of Pakistan!23 And, this presentation was uploaded on the web without the needed rectification.

The impetuosity of these errors stems from the absence of a conception that has not germinated among the common mass of our country—the conception which would drive them to think the vivacity of India’s imagerial representation and in turn to acknowledge how these representations bestow an identity of their own.

4.3.2. OutsideBodies and institutions external to a state portray maps that are detrimental to its claim and their ready acceptance owing to a tag of being an unbiased object of a neutral body reinforces the unfavourable circumstances. The aforementioned analysis will be done in the following paragraphs on three differentiating characteristics—Hue, internal content of the map, position of the toponym and how the map has been worked on to propagate insurgency.

Astute use of colour on maps is made so as to either merge J&K with Pakistan or to exclude it from Indian territory, and some of the sources of these maps are of considerable importance. For instance, a map (figure 12) archived in University of Texas library24 used colour to portray POK not integral to India, whereas, a map of Pakistan (figure 13) from the same archive25 shows it to be a part of Pakistan. Though, the border mark in both the maps portray it to be a disputed territory, but the use of colour overplays and bulldozes the differentiating mark, even if it may not be intended. To one’s dismay, the beheaded India map is available at more than 100 portals on the web, at times manipulated to serve a definite purpose. It mirrors what Harley has called “the silences” on a map—use of differentiating colour eschewed to accommodate the subjectivity of the cartographer. In



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a similar fashion, maps produced by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), have shown POK as the territory of Pakistan through use of colour in two maps, that of India26 (figure 14) and Pakistan27 (figure 15). Error in the portrayal of legitimate territory also surfaced when the US Department of State showed a map on its portal where POK was neither shown as a part of India nor was it shown as a disputed territory.28 Another map (figure 16), of Pakistan’s administrative divisions, with the same portrayal is available on more than 40 websites!

Lonely Planet is the “world’s largest travel guide publisher, which publishes 500 titles a year and employs some 360 authors,”29 which is enough to gauge the dimension of its pervasiveness and acceptance. The official portal30 of the organisation shows the same discrepancies with the maps (figure 17 and 18) of both the countries and in this case the disputed territory is not even marked through definite cartographic icons. With escalating sale of its tourist guides the wrong maps must have had subliminally influenced many.

A political map of a state connotes political influence but a physical map is certainly considered to be an object which exists per se and produces what is there on the ground. But, as mentioned in the introductory paragraphs, these physical and environment maps exert the power through including within them what they claim to be their to make it seem natural and legitimate. A physical map of Pakistan (figure 19) obtained from Survey of Pakistan portal31 showing the height above MSL, engulfs J&K so efficiently, so as to naturalise the area as being its primordial part. Furthermore, the bold heading—PAKISTAN PHYSICAL—inclines a user to consider the map and the resultant territory as true. Not to conclude, Pakistan’s unfettered claims have surfaced in an uglier form—through publishing of a map (figure 20) territorialising Pakistan’s major ethnic groups32—where the states of Punjab and Haryana and the peripheral areas of Rajasthan and J&K has been territorialised to be under Punjabi ethnic group. The content is true but the way it has been territorialised and the use of the title—PAKISTAN—MAJOR ETHNIC GROUPS—is highly contentious. This map is available on more than 40 portals on the web!



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The violent NSAs have tried uprooting the territorial integrity of India explicitly through the fastidious use of the internet. To pick one of the instances, numerous blogs over the web have stated the presence of a strategy to initiate the “second partition of India”—to create a Muslim nation of Mughalstan33—which also portrays a map (figure 21) that includes the Gangetic plain of India and Assam, apart from Pakistan and Bangladesh. This initiative to carve a Muslim nation out of Muslim dominated areas of India, through merging with Pakistan and Bangladesh, is said to have been conceived in Mughalstan Research Institute (MRI) of Jahangir Nagar University (Bangladesh) being supported by Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Bangladesh’s Director General of Forces Intelligence. The idea of a second partition and also that of Mughalstan may be hearsay but the exertion of that through use of a map is something that endeavours to authenticate the attempt. The map is a true Paramap—including the epimap and the perimap. The authority of the map is publicised with district-wise data and other maps, a full length article and numerous newsfeeds. Though the article is published to caution India, the use of data and maps are enough to attest the authority of the map.

The positioning of toponym on maps also convey meanings. And, in one of the maps (figure 22) procured from UNMOGIP showing the deployment of forces in J&K and Pakistan positions the toponym “India” below the state of J&K—over the state of Himachal Pradesh.34 Even though the map neither portrays J&K as a part of Pakistan, but the position of the toponym makes it look not as a part of India either.

5. Reinforcing India’s Cartographic StanceThe damage manifested through portraying India’s wrong image can be managed with retrofit-mapping. Mapping practice within the country should be adapted to the need—the need to restrict the publicising gesture of Pakistan. A move to publicise our own maps, and through that claiming what is our own, is exigent in the contemporary situation.

Thence, a few of our moves can publicise and in turn legitimise our claims through retrofit-mapping:



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1. Official portals of all the government departments and agencies should carry a map, which must be downloadable. It must look like a true cartographic product, so as to command authority from the onlookers.

2. Relating to the Relative thinking theory (Azar, 2007), which talks of economic decision making, it is argued that relative thinking process percolates to the overall thought process of an individual. In our case, the ethnocentricity of India by being at the centre of an Indian Subcontinent map will be fortified when the relative differences between the states turn the conception in India’s favour. By relative differences it is meant that the size differences between all the states (excluding India and Pakistan) and Pakistan, and that of all the states and India would reflect India’s dominance, through the topographic size it commands relative to that of Pakistan. Therefore, an Indian subcontinent map would be ideal for getting positioned on websites, and also can be used for propagandising the claims. Figure 23 shows a map, which I consider should be used for the purpose.

3. India has got a strong ground to popularise its paramap through publicising maps accompanied with the constitutional acts that secures India’s territorial integrity. Pakistan, on the contrary, is certain to be staying afar, as the country’s constitution is silent on Gilgit-Baltistan area, and its idea of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, as mentioned in article 1, is not fully conducive to her claims either (IDSA, 2011).35 Two of India’s Constitutional acts—Section 2, Criminal Law Amendment Act, 196136 and Section 69A, IT Amendment Act, 200037—clearly talk of her power to secure her territorial integrity. The first act dissuades questioning of territorial integrity or frontiers of India in a manner prejudicial to the safety and security of India. Apart from that anybody who publishes a map of India, which is not in conformity with the map of India as published by the Survey of India, shall be punishable with imprisonment which may be extended to six months, or with fine, or with both. The act even tells of forfeiting the newspapers and books containing anything detrimental to India’s sovereignty. Whereas the second act talks of blocking the websites and any aspect of the internet domain which is detrimental to India’s security and defence. Taking a



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cue, India’s map must accompany these acts at one of the corners. 4. As a last resort, India must engage in practising the terms of the acts

on the ground. It can be realised through effective monitoring of the contents of the publications made inside the country and the contents of the web. In this respect, Survey of India must play an important role at its disposal.

Notes1. Peters Projection was devised by Arno Peters in 1980 as a strong and critical

reaction to Mercator’s Projection, which exaggerated the size of Europe and other developed northern countries. Peters replaced the size distortion of Mercator’s with portraying of accurate area, thus his map gave prominence to the underdeveloped word—diagonally opposite to what Mercator did (Klinghoffer, 2006: 120-123; Wood, Rethinking the power of maps, 2010: 127-129).

2. Mercator’s Projection (sixteenth Century) was initially constructed for helping the navigators, and was later used as a tool for propaganda. The dominance and supremacy of Europe was reflected through the use of this projection—where the size of countries gets exaggerated with the distance from the equator. As it is an orthomorphic projection, it preserves shape while trading off with the area (Klinghoffer, 2006: 46; Wood, 2010: 126).

3. It is a wired or glass replica of earth, from which the graticule and the corresponding area is traced on paper.

4. Projecting plane is a sheet of paper on which the area and grid (graticules) is projected from the generating globe with the help of a light source.

5. Due to rotation of Earth the equator bulges out and as a result poles get tapered. 6. Properties of a projection are five—Equal-Area: In this projection area of the

projected segment is preserved; Orthomorphic projection: In this projection shape of the projected segment is preserved: Equidistant Projection: In this projection distance between two points of the projected segment is preserved; Azimuthal Projection: In this projection azimuth defining the directions between two points of the projected segment is preserved and Aphylactic Projection: In this projection neither of the four properties of the projected segment is preserved.

7. For list of local datums follow NIMA WGS 84 Update Committee, 1997: Appendix B.1.

8. It is desired that an area is projected as accurately as possible on a projecting plane. To address this, projecting planes are developed into cones and cylinders, so as to get as much area wrapped and projected, as required.

9. The measurements of dimension of the point of contact in a projection are same as that of the generating globe which otherwise gets exaggerated as one moves away from the contact point.



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10. Parallel is also used for Latitudes.11. Meridian is also used for Longitudes.12. Thematic maps portray a particular facet of a natural or a social domain, e.g.,

Population maps, Natural Vegetation maps, and Festival maps. 13. Topographical maps are the base of all other maps. These maps are constructed

at 15 minute intervals (though it is one of the many topographical maps, it is used pervasively) over the ground and contain all the information pertaining to planning and personal use—e.g., settlements, water tanks, rivers, any man-made features.

14. Vulnerable areas and points on topographical maps are those places and features whose portrayal on maps would be against the security of the nation. It comprises, among others, Radar stations, Airports, Dams, factories and also water features in desert area maps (for example in Rajasthan).

15. Scale of a map is a ratio between the map area and the ground area. For example a map with a scale 1:100 means that 1 unit on a map represents 100 units on ground. A map which has a smaller denominator (100 in this case) produces a larger value than a map with a larger denominator. A large-scale map show things in more detail than a small-scale map.

16. http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/gop/index.php?q=aHR0cDovLzE5Mi4xNjguNzAuMTM2L2dvcC8%3D

17. http://india.gov.in/18. http://www.surveyofpakistan.gov.pk/19. http://www.surveyofindia.gov.in/20. http://natmo.gov.in/21. PTI. (2012, April 22). Pak-occupied Kashmir shown as “Azad Kashmir” in class three

text book. Retrieved March 16, 2013, from The Times of India: articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-04-22/india/31382284_1_ncert-textbooks-army-school-pok

22. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/blast-rips-through-security-forces-vehicle-in-pakistan/1/260548.html

23. The Times of India (2013, January 7). “Sahu’s Pak problem,” The Times of India, Ahmedabad, p. 4 (Times city).

24. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/india_pol01.jpg25. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/pakistan.html/middle_east_and_asia/middle_east_

and_asia/pakistan_rel_1991.pdf?p=print26. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/in.html27. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pk.html28. S. Parashar. (2011, November 21). “Map reflects diplomatic tilt towards Pakistan.”

Retrieved April 4, 2013, from The Times of India.29. N. Fildes. (2007, October 2). “BBC gives Lonely Planet guides a home in first major

acquisition.” Retrieved June 5, 2013, from The Independent: www.independent.co.uk/news/media/bbc-gives-lonely-planet-guides-a-home-in-first-major-acquisition-395739.html

30. http://www.lonelyplanet.com/maps/asia/pakistan/ & http://www.lonelyplanet.com/maps/asia/india/



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31. http://www.surveyofpakistan.gov.pk/downloads/pakphysical.pdf32. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/pakistan/images/Pakistan_Ethnic_80.

jpg33. http://mughalistan.wordpress.com/category/uncategorized/34. http://www.un.org/depts/Cartographic/map/dpko/unmogip.pdf35. http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/36. http://indiacode.nic.in/fullact1.asp?tfnm=19612337. http://thedemandingmistress.blogspot.in/2012/09/blocking-of-websites-under-

information.html

References1. Azar, O. H. 2007. “Relative thinking theory.” The Journal of Socio-Economics, 36, 1-14.2. Cederberg, E. n.d.. The cartographic authorship of the state: Developing a theoretical

position regarding states and maps. Retrieved March 24, 2013, from Lund University Publications:http://lup.lub.lu.se/luur/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=3158798&fileOId=3166114

3. Crampton, J. W. 2001. “Maps as social constructions: power, communication and visualization.” Progress in Human Geography, 25 (2), 235–52.

4. Crampton, J. W. and J. Krygier. 2006. “An Introduction to Critical Cartography.” ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, 4 (1), 11-33.

5. Fotiadis, P. 2008/2009. The Strange Power of Maps: How maps work politically and influence our understanding of the world. School of Sociology, Politics, and International Studies (Working Paper No. 06-09). Bristol: University of Bristol.

6. Goodchild, M. F. and D. G. Janelle. 2010. “Toward critical spatial thinking in the social sciences and humanities.” GeoJournal, 75, 3-13.

7. Harley, J. 1989. “Deconstructing the Map.” Cartographica, 26 (2), 1-20.8. Harley, J. 1988. “Maps, knowledge, and power.” In D. Cosgrove and S. Daniels, The

Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic Representation, Design and Use of Past Environments (pp. 277-312). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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10. IDSA. 2011. Pakistan Occupied Kashmir: Changing the Discourse. New Delhi: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses.

11. Kaplan, R. D. 2012. The Revenge of Geography. New York: Random House.12. Kitchin, R., C. Perkins and M. Dodge. 2009. “Thinking about maps.” In M. Dodge, R.

Kitchin and C. Perkins, Rethinking Maps (pp. 1-25). Oxon: Routledge.13. Klinghoffer, A. J. 2006. The Power of Projections: How Maps Reflect Global Politics and

History. Westport: Praeger.14. Lefebvre, H. 1991. The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell.15. Monmonier, M. 1996. How to Lie with Maps (2nd ed.). Chicago: The University of

Chicago Press.16. NIMA WGS 84 Update Committee. (1997). Department of Defense World Geodetic



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18. Starr, H. 2005. “Territory, Proximity, and Spatiality: The Geography of International Conflict.” International Studies Review, 7, 387-406.

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20. Wood, D. 2010. Rethinking the power of maps. New York: The Guilford Press.21. Wood, D. and J. Fels. 2008. “The Natures of Maps: Cartographic Constructions of

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Figures

Figure 1. Ellipsoid as distinct from the surface of the Earth.

http://www.esri.com/news/arcuser/0703/geoid1of3.html

Figure 2. Developable Surfaces.

http://www.microimages.com/documentation/refman/xhtml/ii/c0prjtyp.gif



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Figure 3 (a). Mercator Projection. See how the Cylinder Touches the Latitude.

http://www.nationalatlas.gov/articles/mapping/a_projections.html

Figure 3 (b). Universal Transverse Mercator Projection.

See how the Cylinder Touches the Longitude.

https://www.e-education.psu.edu/natureofgeoinfo/c2_p22.html



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Figure 9. India Political Map from Survey of India web site.



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Figure 10. Official Boundary Map from Survey of India web site.

Figure 11. Map of Pakistan from the India Today web site.



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Figure 12. Beheaded Map of India from University of Texas Archives.



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Figure 13. Map of Pakistan from University of Texas Archives.



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Figure 14. The Same Beheaded Map of India from CIA Portal.

Figure 15. The Map of Pakistan from CIA Portal.



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Figure 16. Pakistan Administrative Divisions Map.

Figure 17. Beheaded India Map from Lonely Planet web site.



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Figure 18. Map of Pakistan from Lonely Planet web site.

Figure 19. Pakistan Physical Map.



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Figure 20. Pakistan Major Ethnic Groups Map.

Figure 21. Map of Mughalstan.



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Figure 22. UNMOGIP Map.



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Figure 23. An Ideal Map of India. (India–Political)

Source: Author


Documents

Cartographic Contestation between India and Pakistan— with regard to Pakistan Occupied Kashmir