Volume 6, Number 2 (Winter/Spring 2009)

The

Silk RoadCONTENTS

From the editors desktop ........................................................................ 2

Korea and the Silk Roads, by Staffan Rosn .......................................... 3

Alexander the Great and the Emergence of the Silk Road, by Yang Juping .............................................................................. 15

Centaurs on the Silk Road: Recent Discoveries of Hellenistic Textiles in Western China, by Robert A. Jones ...................................................... 23

Dialogue Among the Civilizations: the Origin of the Three Guardian Deities Images in Cave 285, Mogao Grottoes, by Zhang Yuanlin ..... 33

Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute: Possible Religious Symbolism within the Late-Song Paintings, by Lauren Arnold .............................................. 49

Shrine Pilgrimage among the Uighurs, by Rahil Dawut ........................... 56

Cover photo: The golden crown from the northern mound of Tomb 98 in Kyngju. Collection of the National Museum of Korea, Seoul. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

The Silk Road is a semi-annual publication of the Silkroad Foundation supplied in a limited print run to li-braries. We cannot accept individual subscriptions. Each issue can be viewed and downloaded at: . Please feel free to contact us with any questions or con-tributions. General guidelines for contributors may be found in Vol. 2, No. 1 (June 2004) on the website.

The Silkroad Foundation Editor: Daniel C. Waugh 14510 Big Basin Way # 269 dwaugh@u.washington.eduSaratoga, CA 95070

2009 Silkroad Foundation 2009 by authors of individual articles and holders of copyright, as specified, to individual images.

The Bridge between Eastern and Western Cultures

From the editors desktop

This is the eleventh issue (of the twelve published) of this journal for which I have had editorial responsibility. I trust readers will agree that we have made a lot of progress in providing a publication of some substance and of interest to a broad audience, in keeping with the Silkroad Foundations commitment to public educa-tion about the history and cultures of Eurasia.

An important part of our goal here is to make available information that may not otherwise be readily accessible. Clearly even specialists still have a difficult time accessing materials published in other countries and languages. I am particularly proud of our success in publishing the work of scholars whose writing otherwise might be inaccessible to an English-speaking audience of non-specialists. This is-sue of the journal offers several examples. Such articles are valuable not only for the specific information they contain but also for what they tell us about different emphases in scholarship, where the concerns of the authors and their audiences at home may often be different from those of readers in other countries. Those steeped in traditional European appreciation of the Hellenistic world might, for example, find Professor Yang Jupings emphasis on Alexander familiar, but in a tra-dition of scholarship where often the Silk Road has been viewed through an East Asian lens, his is a different approach. There is much in this issue which should be new to students of the Silk Roads, from the intriguing and important questions concerning the Korean connection raised by Professor Staffan Rosn to the pro-vocative hypotheses about the historic origins of Islamic mazar practices in Profes-sor Rahil Dawuts beautifully illustrated article.

The success of the journal depends on a continuing flow of stimulating and well-researched contributions. The next issue, to appear in autumn, will include articles on current directions in textile research, on the Tahilt excavations in Mongolia in 2008 co-sponsored by the Silkroad Foundation, and on an important ongoing proj-ect to document the Buddhist sites in Mongolia. Starting in 2010, the journal will appear as an annual, somewhat larger in size than an individual issue of the current semi-annual publication.

I have formatted the issue you have before you using software (Adobe InDesign CS4 ) which has the virtue of making it easy to reproduce non-Roman characters, something which is critically important for rendering terms and proper names in Chinese. I trust that this upgrade of the digital editing tools has not generated sig-nificant error, even though there is always a steep learning curve in computer mat-ters. There are many options here for continuing to improve the journals appear-ance and better accomodate authors wishes and readers expectations. A detailed style sheet for contributors should soon be available on the Silkroad Foundations Internet pages containing the electronic version of this journal.

Please send your contributions and suggestions to:

Daniel Waugh, EditorProfessor EmeritusUniversity of Washington (Seattle)dwaugh@u.washington.edu

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KOREA AND THE SILK ROADSStaffan RosnStockholm University, Sweden

In 1926 the then Crown Prince of Sweden and noted archaeologist Gustav Adolf (later King Gustav VI Adolf, 1882-1973), on the invitation by the Japanese authorities, visited Korea and the excavation of one of the royal tombs in Kyngju , the capital of the for-mer Silla kingdom [Fig. 1]. There was the expectation that the tomb, later to be named Sbong chong The Tomb of the Aus-picious (= Swedish) Phoenix in honor of its royal visitor, would yield a spectacular golden crown of a type similar to the one found by the Japanese archaeologists five years earlier in connection with the very first excavation of a Kyngju royal tomb, the so called Kmgwan chong The Tomb of the Golden Crown. Indeed the royal party was lucky, and as antici-pated could witness the excavation of a splen-did and exquisitely made golden crown with a stylized tree rising in front of the headband and a representation of antlers on each side [Fig. 2]. The whole construction was studded with

leaves of thin gold sheet and comma-shaped jade pendants. This type of crown, of which several more were to be excavated from the tombs in Kyngju, for a considerable time was considered unique to the Korean peninsula and to a large extent came to be used as a sym-bol of Korea and indigenous Korean culture (Choe 1992; Kim 1998).

While the crown embodied both religious and secular sym-bolism, only gradually did the obvious connection between the Silla gold crowns and their North Asian/Siberian shaman-istic parallels come to be rec-ognized. The Silla crowns in-deed seemed to indicate that the former monarchs of this kingdom must have fulfilled the double role of shaman and king, at least from the 5th century on. Further evidence to this effect was provided by other paraphernalia found in the royal tombs, especially the golden belts, which all reflect a CentralNorth Asian nomadic

Fig. 1. HRH Crown Prince Gustav Adolf of Sweden (front left) during the excavation of the Sbong chong tomb in Kyngju 1926. Photo National Mu-seum of Korea. Published with permission.

Fig. 2. The golden crown from the northern mound of Tomb 98 in Kyngju. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

3The Silk Road 6/2 (2009): 3-14 2009 by the Silkroad Foundation, the author, and the holders of rights to the illustrations.

model with a clear religious, shamanistic func-tion [Fig. 3]. In comparison to their nomadic parallels both the crowns and the belts from Silla represent a kind of aristocratized sha-manism, in the sense that the the Silla objects were made of pure gold and in an exquisite technique, while the Central and North Asian objects normally were of simpler construction.1

However, it would be a mistake to treat the de-sign and style of the Silla crowns as only an indigenous redesigning of a simpler Central and North Asian model. Rather, the development of the specific Silla features of these crowns was the result of Silla from the 4th century be-ing integrated into a culturalreligious sphere connected with Central and Northeast Asia. The technique of constructing a crown by add-ing upright trees and studding it with round or oval thin golden leaves attached to the crown by means of thin gold thread was used before the 4th century as far west as the old Kingdom of Bactria. A spectacular find of a golden crown (and many other golden objects) at Tillya Tepe in present day north-eastern Afghanistan made by the Russian archaeologist Victor Sarianidi in 1978, revealed a technique and craftsmanship strongly resembling those of the Silla crowns

[Fig. 4].2 Especially striking in this connec-tion is the technique of attaching small gold leaves to the crown in a manner that is almost identical to the one found on the Korean pen-insula. The golden objects at Tillya Tepe have been identified as belonging to the 1st century CE, and are also believed to have been locally made (Cambon 2006). From a stylistic point of view the Tillya Tepe objects reveal obvious influences not only from the Graeco-Hellenistic side, but also from the Scythian and more east-ern Scythoid3 cultures in the north, as well as features from China in the Far East and India in the south.

The striking parallels between the crowns from Bactria and Silla have led to far reaching specu-lations about early BactrianKorean connec-tions during the first four centuries CE. In her magisterial work on the technical lineage of the Silla crowns, Yi Songnan argues for a Bactrian origin under heavy Greek influence on the tech-nique and style of this kind of crown. According to Yi this technique and style spread via com-mercial contacts to the Xianbei and further via Kogury to Silla. The dating of the relevant artefacts so far found strongly speaks in favour of Yis argumentation (Yi 2005). Pierre Cambon confidently suggests that the relations between Tillia Tepe and Korean art in the Three

Fig. 3. Detail of Royal belt from the northern mound of Tomb 98 in Kyngju. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

Fig. 4. The crown from Tillya Tepe, tomb 6. Second quarter of 1st c. CE. After: photograph Thierry Ollivier/Muse Guimet, first published in Cambon 2006, p. 206, and reproduced as .

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Kingdoms period (1st7th centuries CE) demonstrate that there is a connection, but not via China, before the Tang period (Cam-bon 2006, p. 109). Be that as it may, at least it seems safe to state that the Bac-trian and the Silla crowns, in spite of some obvious differ-ences (the Bactrian crown is collapsable and lacks the comma-shaped pendants and antlers), nevertheless share a number of features (the tree of life, birds in the tree, the golden leaves) important enough to permit us to treat them as belong-ing to a common CentralNortheast Asian cultural sphere with clear nomadic traditions. It stretches from Bactria eastwards through the old Xiongnu and Xianbei areas and reaches the Kogury and Silla states on the Korean peninsula. During the first half of the 1st millennium CE many art ob-jects of this vast area show a complex picture involving a number of common techniques such as filigree, the type of leaves just mentioned, as well as a number of common features of ritual symbolism (like the tree and the birds) to be connected mainly with shamanism (Yi 2005). The exact nature of these BactrianKorean connections remains unclear, although existing differences and chronology strongly seem to argue for a movement of ideas and techniques from west to east.

The XianbeiKogurySilla cultural com-plex

The shamanistic symbolism is stronger in the eastern XianbeiKogurySilla group than in the Bactrian material. The stylized tree pattern or the so-called tree of life, ingeniously com-bined with the antler pattern, is represented in the material of this eastern group through a unique genre of objects excavated in present day Inner Mongolia, showing a deer head with antlers equipped with leaves of the Silla-type [Fig. 5]. In this way the upper part of the deer head fulfils the unusual double function of ant-ler and tree. The exact function of these gold-en objects is not quite clear, but their religious

symbolism is evident, and expressed in an artistically economic and minimalistic way, which is truly remark-able.4 Although so far this type of object has not been detected on the Korean pen-insula or its immediately ad-jacent areas, there can be no doubt of the existence of an intellectualartistic con-nection between these Xian-bei deer heads and the Silla golden crowns. Chronologi-cally they are close in time, since the golden deer heads excavated in Inner Mongolia

have been dated to the 5th century CE. It is es-sential to note that this genre is represented by several finds outside of the former Korean Three Kingdoms area.

The commashaped pendants (kogok ; Jap. magatama), which profusely adorn especially the Silla crowns, constitute another clear indi-cation of the close connection between Silla and the northern cultures. They are also found on the earpendants and necklaces from the same archaeological context as the crowns. The ex-act origin and meaning of these objects have been hotly debated, but much seems to speak for the interpretation that they represent an animal claw (bear or tiger?) in its function as a totemic symbol. Such commashaped objects and decorative elements are well-known from the Scythoid burials in Noyon uul and Pazyryk (Rudenko 1960), and consequently go back to at least the 5th century BCE, i.e. almost a mil-lennium before they appear on the Korean pen-insula. At any rate, the commashaped pen-dants constitute another tangible evidence of the longstanding existence of the northsouth axis in the North AsianPeninsular cultural flow during the millennium here under discussion.

In this connection it is important to remember that the construction of the Silla crowns does have parallels of much later date and of simpler making in eastern Siberia, pointing to a long-standing shamanistic tradition in this vast area.

Fig. 5. A Deer-tree from Inner Mongolia, excavated in Darhan Mumingan Banner, Ulanqab League. 3rd-5th century. After China 2005.

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Indeed, the Siberian shaman crowns very well might be late material representations of a very long local, and not necessarily aristo-cratic, tradition obviously going back to at least the 4th5th centuries CE (Kim 1998). It is reasonable to assume that it in fact is consid-erably older than that. The Scythoid tombs at e.g., Noyon uul, normally considered remnants of Xiongnu culture, which in its turn was heavily influenced by earlier and more western trans-formations of older Scythian artistic features, also have yielded several objects with shaman-istic associations. From the kurgans at Pazyryk ca. 5th3rd centuries BCE the Russian archae-ologists excavated the now famous deermask, obviously used to turn a horse into a religiously more important deer [Fig. 6]. Hence, this deermask, the commashaped decorative elements from Noyon uul, the deer with the treeantlers from Inner Mongolia and the royal crowns from Silla all are representatives of the northeastern culturalreligious complex, which found its per-haps most refined expression in the Silla cul-ture of the 5th and 6th centuries. Nowhere else within this area do the finds so clearly speak of the combination of political and religious func-tions in one person, and nowhere else does the aristocratization of the paraphernalia involved stand out in as clear, manyfaceted and refined a way as in Silla.

Not only the crowns, but also the golden belts found in the Silla tombs together with the crowns give eloquent testimony to the Central

and North Asian connections of the Silla royal paraphernalia. Indeed, these golden belts with their many symbolic pendants clearly were modeled on every day items prevalent among nomadic peoples in vast areas of both Central and perhaps even Western Asia. Such belts obviously were developed in order to provide a mounted war-rior quick and comfortable access to the various instruments (knife etc.) attached to the girdle by means of perpendicularly hanging leather strips. The Silla versions again represent an aristocra-tized and religionized version of

their Central and Western Asian counterparts. No longer are the pendants attached to the belt for practical purposes, but have acquired a totally symbolic function and are in fact only miniatures of the objects (knife, tweezers, fish, curved beads of jade or glass, whetstone) they represent. This development from a practical-ly oriented item to a symbolic one, signalling both religious function and social status, is not unique to the Korean peninsula, even though the peninsular belts (as well as the crowns) are the most luxuriously and exquisitely made of all types so far known. A similar development is traceable, for example, among Turks in Central Asia (Kubarev 1984 and Jansson 1986). It must be noted, though, that while the functional con-cept of the Silla belts clearly is Central Asian in origin, the artistic style in which the belts and their different components are manufactured very well might originate elsewhere, most likely in China.

It is an open question how to interpret the fact that the sudden emergence of golden objects, religious and otherwise, in the Kyngju royal tombs happens to coincide more or less with the new dynasty in Silla, the Kim or gold-en clan, which came to power with the reign of King Silsng Maripkan (r. 402-417). At any rate, it seems that the royal au-thority before the 5th century and its eventual priestly functions were represented neither by golden kingpriest paraphernalia nor by huge and laborintensive burial mounds of the type prevalent during the 5th and 6th centuries. The strengthening of hereditary principles within the monarchy, leading to increased trade in gold along the Silk Road, might be one of the factors

Fig. 6. Deermask for a horse. From Pazyryk tomb I. Late 4thearly 3rd century BCE. Photo @ 2005 Daniel C. Waugh.

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responsible for this development (Yi 2005).

The northsouth and westeast axes

The case of the Silla royal paraphernalia and their complex connections with the northern cultures clearly shows that, apart from the in-roads of influence from the Chinese mainland, the Korean peninsula and its early state for-mations were not only part of a westtoeast system of transportation, normally referred to as the Silk Roads. Perhaps more importantly, the peninsula, as well as the Japanese islands, were heavily dependent on a northsouth axis of cultural flow, which was partly independent from and partly interacted with the traditional Silk Road.

The westeast cultural flow is best represented on the Korean peninsula by a number of im-ported items, which partly have been found in tombs and partly standing on the ground. Such objects in most cases serve as undeniable tes-timony to the inclusion of the Korean peninsula to the Silk Road system, particularly during the 4th to the 9th centuries. However, in some cas-es indigenous archaeological materials equally clearly point to the import not only of the ob-jects themselves, but rather of the models or ideas of certain types of objects. In this way the case of the Korean peninsula well illustrates the wellknown fact that the Silk Road system transported not only material objects but also immaterial objects in the sense of designs and concepts. Speaking of the westeast axis, it is important to note that transportation in either direction of this complexity of roads and pas-sages did not necessarily take place only be-tween the extreme points of the road system, but just as often might have started or ended at practically any point along the way.

Here it is impossible to provide a complete list of Silk Road items found on the Korean penin-sula. It will suffice to give a few examples of the most conspicuous genres of objects that made the long journey either from the Far West or from the Western Regions in the present-day Chinese province of Xinjiang. The number of genres of objects directly imported via the Silk Road to the Korean peninsula is in fact sur-prisingly small.

Indeed, glass constitutes one of the very few evident and irrefutable evidences of such di-rect import. During the period of the golden

dynasty of the Silla kingdom larger glass ob-jects were not yet manufactured on the Ko-rean peninsula. Consequently, all glass objects from this period, except perhaps glass beads, found among the grave goods in Silla and adja-cent areas were imported. Glass vessels (cups, bowls and ewers) derive from the Mediterra-nean area, southern Europe and Persia [Figs. 7, 8] (cf. Silla 2008, p. 68). These fragile elite objects must have been extremely expensive once they had reached their destination in the Far East, and it is no wonder that they appear in such abundance in the royal tombs.5 However, glass was represented in the Silla and Paekche

Fig. 7 (above). Glass cup from the Kmnyngchong tomb in Kyngju. Excavated in 1924. Imported from

the Roman Empire (present day South Germany?), prob-ably during the 5th

c. CE. National Mu-seum of Korea. Pho-to 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

Fig. 8 (left). Glass ewer. Silla, 5th-6th century CE. From the South mound of tomb 98 in Kyngju. Import from the Mediterranean area. Kyngju National Museum. National Treasure No. 193. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

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elite tombs not only by vessels of various kinds, but also by glass beads in different colours and shapes as material for necklaces and bracelets. Some of these beads may have been locally manufactured.

In a splendid exhibition at the National Museum of Korea, devoted to early Persian art and early contacts between Persian culture and the Kore-an peninsula, a Persianstyle ceremonial dagger and scabbard made of gold and agate attracts special attention [Fig. 9]. This type of dagger and scabbard is well attested in other places along the traditional Silk Road, but the one ex-hibited was found in the vicinity of the tomb of King Michu in Kyngju. The tomb itself hardly was a royal one, but contained as well a number of swords of simpler manufacture and some other highquality items indicating high social status of the person buried in the tomb. The exquisitely manufactured dagger has lost its iron blade and wooden sheath, but its pro-fusely decorated golden hilt has been compar-atively well preserved. Scabbards of this type were in vogue in the Hun Empire (434454) and have been found in tombs from the end of the 4th to the 7th centuries in Siberia and Cen-tral Asia (Persia 2008). The scabbard from Kyngju was made in a technique which was common in Egypt, Greece and Rome. Although it has been suggested that it was locally made according to western models, there can be little doubt that we have here an object imported from the West which most likely reached Silla via the Silk Road.

A conspicuous and important example of im-material transport along the Silk Road is given by the few finds of rhytons (drinking horns) on the territory of the Silla kingdom (Kwn 1997) [Fig. 10]. We first meet with the idea of rhytons

equipped with an animal head (lion, ibex, ram, horse) at the lower tip in the Persian and Greek cultural context, where they appear already during the second millennium BCE [Fig. 11, fac-ing page]. The material used ranges from gold to simple clay. Unlike, e.g., Persian-style scab-bards, there is no evidence that rhytons were transported along the Silk Road as material ob-jects. Instead, it seems that the concept was utilized by local makers along the road, and eventually also came to serve as a model for craftsmen in Silla and Kaya during the 5th6th centuries. The time span for this category of objects thus is fairly long, ranging from the sec-ond millennium BCE in the West to the 5th6th

centuries CE on the Korean peninsula.

The Parthian Shot

Moving into the realm of paintings and their motifs, in his fundamental work on Central Asian art and Korea, Professor Kwn Yng-pil

Fig. 9. Persian scabbard from tomb no. 14 in Kyngju. 5th-6th century CE. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

Fig. 10. Rhyton. Silla 5th-6th century CE. This stone-ware rhyton is one of a pair, and was excavated in Bokchn-dong in Pusan. Dong-a University Muse-um, Pusan. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

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(1997) has elaborated on the fa-mous genre of The Parthian Shot, which is said to have originated in the Parthian kingdom as a military tactic. It depicts a mounted war-rior turning backwards and with both hands shooting with his bow towards his persecutors or prey, while riding forward at a gallop. This difficult technique became widely popular among the Scyth-ians, Huns, Turks and Mongols, and was often utilized as a motif in painting and sculpture. Even Roman artists, obviously work-ing for the Scythian market, pro-duced highly skilled metal objects, like the famous bronze lebes from Campania in Italy, showing such a scene. It is therefore perhaps not surprising that the Parthian Shot is found explicitly rep-resented also among the mural paintings in the so-called Dance Tomb in the king-dom of Kogury [Fig. 12]. Here it constitutes another clear and incontestable example of an intellectual concept rather than an object hav-

ing been transported along the Silk Road. That such was the case is further corroborated by the fact that this basically western or central Asian scene in the Kogury case is executed in a perfectly local setting, showing Kogury style clothes, horse harness, weapons etc.

Silk Road visitors

More direct evidence of Central AsianKorean peninsular contacts on the personal level dur-

ing the Silla period is found in the remark-able tomb guardians of stone standing in front of the grave mound tradition-ally ascribed to King Wnsng (?-798) at Kwaerng in the vicin-ity of Kyngju [Fig. 13]. There are many problems connected with the interpreta-tion of these stone statues, but there can be little doubt

Fig. 11. Rhyton. Northern Iraq. Late 1st millen-nium BCE. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

Fig. 12. The Parthian shot on a mural from the Dance Tomb, Kogury. After: Murals of Kogury Tumuli (n.p., n.d.).

Fig. 13. The Central Asian tomb guardian at Kwaerng, Kyngju. Photo Staffan Rosn.

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that at least one of them, and possibly two, in fact represent a person who is neither a local inhabitant nor a Chinese, but rather somebody from the Western Regions in Central Asia. The figures heavy full beard, his cap and other clothing reveal his western origin. Whether the direct model for this statue was a Central Asian mercenary or an ambassador is perhaps of little consequence. In any case, this effigy demonstrates that the Silla Kingdom still in the 8th century had living contacts with Central Asia that were strong enough to warrant the erec-tion of this exceptional kind of statue in a royal context.

Westward export from the Korean penin-sula?

So far our examples of material and immaterial transport along the Silk Road have been going exclusively in the direction from West to East. Unfortunately, evidence pointing in the oppo-site direction is disappointingly limited. A con-crete, but somewhat uncertain indication of a Korean presence in Central Asia is the much publicised section of a wall-painting in a pal-ace at Afrasiab near modern Samarkand (mid-7th century CE). It depicts among many other things two persons with round-pommel swords of a type common on the Korean peninsula and the Japanese islands at the time, and with clothes which well may be identified as Kogu-ry style, as we know it from the Kogury tomb murals. It is not inconceivable that these figures really depict officials from the Kingdom of Kogury having arrived as official represen-tatives in connection with some kind of state ceremony of great importance. However, such an identification must remain within the sphere of speculation until it can be corroborated by other evidences.

Equally surprising but more tangible evidence of what might constitute an example of early trade contacts between the Three Kingdoms and areas in or adjacent to Central Asia, is a painting of a Buddhist preta from the ruined city of Khara Khoto in the Xixia (Tangut) kingdom (1038-1227), once situated west of the bend of the Yellow River and covering ar-eas of present day Gansu, Shaanxi and Ning-xia. This painting, which together with many other paintings and thousands of manuscripts and blockprints was brought to St.Petersburg by Petr Kozlovs Russian expedition to Edzingol

and Khara Khoto in 19081909, shows the un-fortunate and constantly hungry preta with his narrow throat and swollen belly in the tradition-al pose, holding a bowl of rice in his left hand and a spoon in the other. Russian specialists have dated the painting to the late 12th to early 13th century, or possibly even early 14th century (cf. Lost Empire 1993, p. 179; Samosiuk 2006, p. 346). What is remarkable in this painting is the spoon which the preta is holding [Fig. 14]. It is a perfect representation of a type of shal-low bronze spoon with a snaketonguelike upper ending, which was prevalent in Silla and Kory (918-1392), but, to the best of my knowledge, did not occur outside of the three peninsular realms. Two explanations are pos-sible: either the painting itself was imported from the contemporary Kory kingdom, or the spoon might indicate that bronze utensils of this kind were exported by Kory westwards. If this last, and in my opinion more likely, case can be shown by further finds to be correct, we here have unique documentation of trade between the peninsula and a country closely connected to the Silk Road system during the centuries immediately preceding the Mongol conquest.

Paekche and the Scythian echo

When the untouched tomb of King Munyng (? - 523) of Paekche accidentally was found in 1971, close to the modern city of Puy in the Republic of Korea, one of the first items that met the archaeologists entering the elegant brick tomb was a guardian animal of stone in the corridor leading to the main cham-

Fig. 14. Detail of hand holding spoon in the Preta-painting from Khara Khoto. Late 12th-early 13th cen-tury CE (?). The Hermitage, St. Petersburg. After: Lost Empire 1993, p. 179.

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ber [Fig. 15]. This remarkable animal, of a spe-cies difficult to determine, is equipped with a strange, and in this context unusual, horn, the functional and art historic significance of which largely seems to have been overlooked in the literature on the subject. The beasts single horn is of a small scale that poorly match-es the rest of the animals body. It is pointing backwards with its wave-like profile stretching out over the animals head and beginning of its back.

Stylistically the figure might have its closest par-allels in China, but the very existence and form of the iron horn seem to point in the direction of Central Asia and its Scythian and Scythoid artis-tic traditions. In the Scythian so-called animal

style with its characteristic reduction of the natural forms, the stylized horns of the animals (stag, deer, ibex) more often than not were grossly overemphasized in size, and in some cases could cover practically the whole back of the animal. It is not inconceivable that this fea-ture had its origin in shamanistic beliefs akin to the ones we have met in connection with the Silla crowns. The wellknown golden stag [Fig. 16] from Kostromskaia in the Krasnodar krai in southern Russia is one of the finest objects of this kind of Scythian animal style (end of 7th c. BCE), which eventually spread eastwards and is found, e.g., in the kurgans of Tuekta I (ca. 5th c. BCE) [Fig. 17] and of Noyon uul (ca. 1st c. BCE). Several centuries later we find in the Paekche royal tomb a guardianbeast equipped with a horn or antler, which makes it difficult not to treat it as a bleak and perhaps dying echo of the Scythian horn or antler so magnificently represented by the golden stag from Kostrom-skaia and its generic relatives further east. The fact that the horn of the Paekche beast is not double but single, in combination with its wave-like profile further strengthens the idea that the intellectual and stylistic model of the Paekche horn indeed had its roots in the Scyth-ian or Scythoid artistic tradition, which essen-tially should be read in profile. Tomb guardian beasts whether Chinese or Korean or oth-

Fig. 15. Paekche tomb guardianbeast. From the tomb of King Munyng of Paekche. 523 CE. Kyngju National Museum. After: .

Fig. 16 (left). The Kostromskaia stag, a shield em-blem excavated in Kostromskaia kurgan no. 1, Ku-ban Region. End of 7th c. BCE. After: Dawn 1974, plate 36.

Fig. 17 (above). Saddle decoration from Tuekta kur-gan no. 1. 5th c. BCE. After: Golden Deer 2000, No. 185, p. 261.

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erwise do not normally sport a horn or antler. Although some features of the beast, like the flames on the sides of the animals body, might have been inspired by Chinese models (Goep-per and Whitfield 1984), the rest of the animal and its horn are completely unique, and seem to draw on Paekche traditions and mythology prevalent in the first quarter of the 6th cen-tury. Our Paekche beast bears silent, but nev-ertheless eloquent testimony to the existence of Scythoid artistic traditions however weak and distorted in the kingdom of Paekche at a time when the golden Kim dynasty with all its Central and Northern Asian traditions was still reigning in neighboring Silla. Whether these Scythoid artistic features had reached Paekche via China (from the Ordos area?), or through the northsouth axis will for the time being remain a challenging task for future research.

Conclusion

With these random notes on the Korean penin-sula and its early connections with the non-Chi-nese world in the West and the North, I hope to have demonstrated at least two important things. Firstly, the Silk Road(s) did not end in China as so often, and somewhat uncarefully, is implied in the popular (and sometimes not so popular) literature on the subject. Instead, the Silk Road system included the Korean peninsula with its Three Kingdoms Kogury, Paekche and Silla together with Kogurys successor Parhae (Chin. Bohai, 698-926), as well as the Jap-anese islands. Secondly, the Three Kingdoms cultures on the peninsula were part not only of the traditional Silk Road system, but just as importantly, also of a northsouth cultural com-munity, which played a crucial part in the cre-ation of the indigenous peninsular cultures and societies.

About the Author

In 1974 Staffan Rosn received his PhD in Ko-rean Studies at Stockholm University, where he now holds the chair of Korean Studies. He has been a member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities since 1994 and in 2004 received an honorary doctorate from the Russian Academy of Sciences in Mos-cow. As secretary of the Sven Hedin Founda-tion at the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, he organized in 1994 and 1996 with Chinese colleagues from Beijing and Urumqi two joint ChineseSwedish research expeditions through

the Taklamakan desert. In 2000 as a member of an international team of scholars, he pub-lished an extensive work on the history and his-toriography of the eastern part of the Silk Road, based on documents in Chinese, Japanese and Swedish collections. He has also published on Korean and Mongol historiography, Korean his-torical linguistics, the history of the Silk Road and early contacts between China and the Medi-terranean world. Among these works are Prob-lems concerning the Eastern Part of the South-ern Silk Road (in Japanese; 2001); Korea in Mongolian Sources (Paris 1989); Conquerors of Knowledge: Swedish Prisoners of War in Si-beria and Central Asia 1709-1734 (Stockholm 2004) and The Forged Saka Documents in the Sven Hedin Collection (in Japanese; 2001). Work on this article was supported by a fellow-ship from the Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study in Uppsala. Prof. Rosn may be contacted at .

References

Cambon 2006 Pierre Cambon et al. Afghanistan les trsors retrouvs. Paris: Muse national des Arts asi-atiques-Guimet, 2006. Note the English version of this catalogue, prepared for the exhibition of the objects in the United States and containing valuable essays and descriptive material not in the French catalogue: Fredrik Hiebert and Pierre Cambon, Afghanistan: Hidden Treasures from the National Museum, Kabul (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic, 2008).

China 2005

China. Crossroads of Culture. Tokyo, 2005.

Choe 1992

Choe Pynghyn . Silla kobun yngu [A Study on the Ancient Tombs of Silla]. Seoul 1992.

Chugoku 1983

Chugoku Nei Monggo Hoppo kiba minzoku bun-butsu ten [Exhibition of the Culture of the Northern Horse Rider Peo-ples]. Tokyo, 1983.

Dawn 1974

The Dawn of Art. Palaeolithic, Neolithic, Bronze Age and Iron Age Remains Found in the Terri-tory of the Soviet Union. The Hermitage Col-lection. Leningrad: Aurora Art Publishers, 1974.

12

Goepper and Whitfield 1984 Roger Goepper and Roderick Whitfield. Trea-sures from Korea. London: British Museum Publications, 1984.

Golden Deer 2000

The Golden Deer of Eurasia. Scythian and Sar-matian Treasures from the Russian Steppes. The State Hermitage, Saint Petersburg, and the Archaeological Museum, Ufa. Ed. Joan Aruz et al. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Yale University Press, 2000.

Jansson 1986

Ingmar Jansson. Grtel und Grtelzubehr vom orientalischen Typ. In: Birka II:2, Sys-tematische Analysen der Grberfunde. Ed. Greta Arvidsson. Stockholm: Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitetsakademien, 1986.

Kim 1998

Kim Byung-mo . Kmgwan-i pimil [Secrets of the Golden Crowns]. Seoul, 1998.

Kim and An 1993

Kim Wnnyong and An Hwijun . Sin pan Hangugk misul sa [New edition of A History of Korean Art]. Seoul, 1993.

Kubarev 1984

Vladimir Dmitrievich Kubarev. Drevnetiurkskie izvaianiia Altaia [Ancient Turkic Statues of the Altai]. Novosibirsk: Izd-vo. Nauka, 1984.

Kwn 1997

Kwn Ynggpil . Silkrod misul. Chun-gang Asia-es Hanguk-kkaji : [Silk Road Art. From Central Asia to Korea]. Seoul: Yrhwadang, 1997.

Lost Empire 1993

The Lost Empire of the Silk Road: Buddhist Art from Khara Khoto (X-XIII century). Ed. Mikhail Piotrovsky. Milan: Electa; Thyssen-Bornemisza Foundation, 1993.

Persia 2008

Hwangggi cheguk Persia [Persia the Golden Empire]. Seoul: Kungnip chungang pangmulkwan [National Museum], 2008.

Rudenko 1960

Sergei Ivanovich Rudenko. Kultura naseleni-ia tsentralnogo Altaia v skifskoe vremia [The Culture of the Population of the Central Altai in Scythian Times]. Leningrad: Izd-vo. AN SSSR, 1960.

Samosiuk 2006

Kira Fedorovna Samosiuk. Buddiiskaia zhivopis iz Khara-Khoto XII-XIV vekov. Mezhdu Kitaem i Tibetom. Kollektsiia P. K. Kozlova [Buddhist Painting from Khara-Khoto. XII-XIV Centuries. Between China and Tibet. P. K. Kozlovs Collec-tion]. St. Petersburg: Izd-vo. Gos. Ermitazha, 2006.

Sarianidi 1985

Victor Sarianidi. The Golden Hoard of Bactria. From the Tillya-tepe Excavations in Northern Afghanistan. New York; Leningrad: Abrams, 1985.

Silla 2008

Silla, sasiarl mannada (, ) / Silla meets West Asia. Kyngju (?): Na-tional Kyngju Museum and National Cheju Mu-seum, 2008.

Yi 2005

Yi Songnan (Yi Song-Ran) . Hwangnam taechong sillagwan-i kisulchk kyebo [A technical lineage of the Silla crowns from the Hwangnam taechong tomb]. Nurimedia Co. Ltd, 2005: pp. 111-147.

Notes

1. Cf. the purely religious/shamanistic models of crowns used by Tungus shamans in Siberia. They were all made of leather and wood and obviously had a purely ritual function. The nomadic belts con-sisted of a leather belt with a number of pendants to which various practical objects were attached and seem to have been designed to suit the needs of a person spending much time on horseback. This type of belt is found in various parts and cultures of Cen-tral Asia, e.g., on the Turkish stone figures in present day Mongolia, and on the wall paintings at Bezeklik.

2. The impressive treasure found in connection with the six burials at Tillya Tepe one man and five women consists of over 20.000 objects in gold, turquoise and lapis-lazuli, and is now in the custody of the authorities in Kabul. The treasure, which hap-

13

pily survived the Taliban destruction of the National Museum of Kabul in the 1990s and 2001, was exhib-ited in France 2006/7 and is currently on exhibit in the United States. See Sarianidi 1985 and Cambon 2006.

3. The term Scythoid is here used, in contrast to Scythian, to denote a culture or style which is a later changed form of the proper Scythian counter-part that originally developed in the Pontic area be-tween the rivers Danube and Don. The Scythoid style is found in the areas east of the Pontic Scythia, and stretches as far East as Noyon uul in present day Mongolia. Much speaks in favour of the suggestion that the so-called Ordos bronzes, produced around

the bend of the Yellow River (4th to 1st c. BCE) also belong to the Scythoid group.

4. In connection with an exhibition in Japan in 1983 of four such objects, they were identified in the catalogue as ornaments of [a] hat, in Japanese as golden ornaments of [a] hat/crown . Cf. Chugoku 1983, pp. 62-63 and 157.

5. Although glass vessels of various kinds were found in all the royal tombs excavated in Kyngju, such finds were not restricted only to royal burials. Glass has been found also in other elite tombs of Silla, Kaya and Paekche (Choe 1992; Silla 2008, pp. 76-91).

Some of the other objects excavated in the Sbong chong The Tomb of the Auspicious (= Swedish) Phoenix, Kyngju, and now displayed in the Kyngju National Museum and the

National Museum of Korea. Photos 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

14

Alexander the Great and the Emergence of the Silk Road*Yang Juping Nankai UniversityTianjin, China

It has long been considered that the dip-lomatic mission of Zhang Qian, a Chinese envoy from the Former Han court to the Western Regions, played the most important role in the opening of the Silk Road. Equally im-portant, as we emphasize in this article, were the eastward conquests of Alexander the Great [Fig. 1]. The creation of his empire and the en-largement of the Hellenistic world by him and his successors expanded communication and contacts between the Greeks and civilizations in the East and thus unintentionally prepared for the emergence of the Silk Road.

Prior to Alexander, there were certainly contacts among the main civilizations of the ancient world. Even some Greeks learned from hearsay that there was one country in the east which produced silk. The physician and historian Cte-sias (5th/4th century BCE) is alleged to have been the first Greek who called this country Seres.1 For all the classical authors the location of the Seres was not certain, but they came to be-lieve that it was in the Far East, and some even guessed it might be China.2 The Greek historian Herodotus mentioned a brave Greek traveler, Aristeas, who went into the East as far as the land of the Issedones (Herodotus 1920-1925, Vol. 2: 4. 13-14, 16). According to the opin-ions of some Chinese scholars, the land of the Issedones should be roughly in the region from the Ural Moun-tains eastwards to the area between the Tian-shan Mountains and Altai Mountains, per-haps even reaching the Tarim Basin (), Loulan (), and Dunhuang () (Sun

1985; Pdech 1976/1983, p. 22; Wang 1986, p. 53, n. 1; Ma and Wang 1990).

Two important archeological discoveries in the last century provided unequivocal evidence of connections across Asia from China in ancient times. One was the discovery of Chinese silk in a rich Celtic tomb of the 6th century BCE at Halstatt in Germany (Biel 1980). The other was the excavation of Chinese silk and bronze mir-rors in the Scythian tombs of the Altai Moun-tains in southern Siberia dating from the 5th to about the 3rd century BCE (Rudenko 1957). These facts prove the existence of the so-called Eurasian Steppe Road in ancient times. Since this road might often be disturbed by natural and human causes, it could not become the main channel of cultural communications be-tween East and West.

Fig. 1. Map of Alexander the Greats conquests. Source: Florida Center for Instructional Technology, Uni-versity of South Florida , from H. G. Wells, The Outline of History (New York, NY: The Macmillan Company, 1921): 323.

The Silk Road 6/2 (2009): 15-22 15 2009 by the Silkroad Foundation, the author, and the holders of rights to the illustrations.

As early as in the Aegean civilization, Greeks began to have contacts with Near Eastern civi-lizations, but it was in the period of the Persian Empire that direct, extensive contacts between Greek and Eastern civilizations really devel-oped.

To consolidate control of his vast empire across Asia, Africa and Europe, the Achaemenid ruler Darius I built a system of roads which led in all directions. The most famous was the 2000-km-long Royal Road which started at Susa, one of the capitals of the empire, passed through Mesopotamia, and ended at Ephesus on the coast of Asia Minor. Even though the channels of communication were open in the Persian Em-pire,3 in the 4th century BCE other civilizations in Eurasia, such as Rome, India and China, had not established contact with one another ei-ther because of their geographical isolation or their underdevelopment. There was as yet no link connecting the two ends of Eurasia. Forg-ing such a link was the task fulfilled by Alex-ander the Great and Han Wudi (15687 BCE), through his emissary Zhang Qian.

Alexander not only conquered the entire Per-sian Empire, but also added some areas to it. Although his empire fell apart after his sudden death in 323 BCE and was divided into several kingdoms, the pattern of Greek rule in the East did not change. Greek culture spread over the areas they occupied, even beyond, and the in-tercourse and fusion between Greek and east-ern cultures intensified.

A new network of communication connecting

West and East emerged in the Hellenistic world and its neighboring areas. There were three main trade routes between India and West at the time [Fig. 2]. On the northern one goods were transported via Bactria, then along the Oxus to the Aral Sea, and from there further to the Black Sea. The middle route in fact had two tracks: one led from western India to the Persian Gulf by sea, then went up the Tigris River to Seleucia, one of the capitals of the Se-leucid Kingdom; another ran by land across the Hindu Kush to Bactra in modern Afghanistan, traversed the Iranian plateau, and descend-ed to the same city of Seleucia. From there a road went westwards across the Syrian Desert to Antioch, the other capital of the Seleucids. Then its branches turned west and southwest towards the Phoenician coast, and northwest across Asia Minor, finally to reach Ephesus on the Aegean. A southern sea route led to the Red Sea. From the head of the Red Sea at mod-ern Aqaba a land road ran northward to Petra, Damascus, and Antioch, whilst from the Gulf of Suez the canal dredged by King Ptolemy II al-lowed Indian goods to be shipped across to the Nile and downriver to Alexandria. The discovery of the monsoon in the Indian Ocean around the 1st century BCE made the sea route look safer and more convenient (Walbank 1981, pp. 200-204). These three routes coincided more or less with the later routes of the western section of the Silk Road. There was only one section of the later Silk Road, namely the route from the Hexi Corridor to the Pamirs, that was not yet open at the time. But this unopened section was be-coming shorter and shorter as an unforeseen

result of the actions of both the Greeks and the Chinese.

According to Strabo, the Greek ruler of Bac-tria, Euthydemus, and his son Demetrius in the 2nd century BCE extended their empire even as far as the Seres and the Phryni (Strabo 1917-1932, Vol. 5: 11.11.1). At that time, the land of the Seres was still regarded by the peoples of the West as the region, however vague and hazy, where silk was produced, and not as the imperial China of the Han Dynasty. A. K. Narain has identi-fied the Seres and the Phryni as the Sule

Fig. 2. Schematic map of early trade routes in Western Asia. Source for base map: .

16

(, Kashgar) and Puli () of the Chinese sources (Narain 1957, pp. 170-171). His view-point is reasonable because these two locations were precisely in the districts of Kashgar () and Tashkurgan along the eastern side of the Pamir range in todays Xinjiang province in China. Thus it appears that even before Zhang Qian arrived in Central Asia, the section of the later Silk Road to the west of the Pamirs had actually already been opened.

Moreover, the political situa-tion and the cultural scene in the eastern Hellenistic world had changed greatly in the two centuries after the conquest by Alexander the Great. As early as the middle of the 3rd cen-tury BCE, the governor of Bac-tria declared his independence from the Seleucid kingdom. Following this, the Parthians re-volted and founded their own kingdom. In the early 2nd cen-tury BCE, Bactrian Greeks ex-tended their domains into the northwest of India, but within half a century they were forced to retreat there from Central Asia under the powerful pressures of Parthians and the nomads from the north.4 It is certain that Bactria had already been conquered by the Dayuezhi when Zhang Qian arrived there in ca. 129128 BCE. Zhang Qian called Bactria Daxia ().

Though the territory of the Greeks in Central Asia had been greatly reduced, the influence of Hellenistic culture stretched much wider and deeper. Wherever the Greeks went far away from their homeland, they kept their tradition of founding cities or settlements and living to-gether. It is estimated that they might have founded more than 300 cities and settlements in the East. Among them, 19 cities were in Bac-tria and 27 in India (Cary 1959, pp. 244-245). The existence of these cities was confirmed by the discovery of the site of Ai Khanum in Af-ghanistan in 1960s.

So far as Bactria and other neighboring areas were concerned, the changes of their cultural outlook were especially remarkable. According to Strabo, under the rule of Greeks, the num-ber of cities and towns in Bactria so increased that Bactria was called a state of one thousand cities.5 Parthians adopted the calendar of the

Seleucid dynasty and issued Greek-style coins, set up the statues of Greek gods, performed Greek plays,6 and even built a gymnasium in the palace.7 The Indo-Greeks were influenced much more by Indian culture, as can be seen from the bilingual coins issued by some Indo-Greek kings [Fig. 3].

It was against such a political and cultural background that Zhang Qian arrived in the for-mer territory of the Greek Kingdom of Bactria. What, then, did he see and hear there?

According to the Collective Biographies of Da-yuan in Shiji (Records of the Grand Scribe) (), Han Wudi sent Zhang Qian twice to the Western Regions (Sima Qian 1959). In the first mission (139 or 138 to 126 BCE) he passed through four regions: Dayuan (), Kangju (), Dayueshi (), and Daxia (outside of Xiongnu territory), and he received some hearsay information about five other large countries: Wusun (), Yancai (), Anxi (i.e. Parthia, ), Tiaozhi (), and Shendu (i.e. India, ). In the second journey (119115 BCE) he himself went into Wusun, and from there he sent his vice-envoys to Da-yuan, Kangju, Dayueshi, Daxia, Anxi, Yutian (), Hanshen (), as well as other neighbor-ing countries. Since these areas once had been ruled and influenced by Greeks, Zhang Qians report introduced into central China informa-tion about the Hellenistic world and provided some specific evidence about the remains of Hellenistic culture.

According to Zhang Qian, many walled cities and houses had been built in Dayuan, Anxi,

Fig. 3. Bronze coins of Bactrian King Eucratides I (170-145 BCE), with Greek and Kharosthi inscrip-tions. Collection of the British Museum CM 1894.5-6.1030; CM 36. Photo 2007 Daniel C. Waugh.

17

and Daxia. The sudden appearance of such nu-merous cities and towns must have been re-lated directly to Greek citybuilding activities. If the number of the cities and towns reported by Zhang Qian seems hard to believe, what Strabo said (a state of a thousand cities) is

even more exaggerated. But the site of Ai Khanum in Afghanistan beside the river Oxus directly illustrates that at least some cities and towns had Greek features [Fig. 4].8 The finds at the site, such as Greek statuary, Corinthian capitals [Fig. 5], coins, a gymnasium, a theater, and a Greek inscription of maxims and philosophi-cal texts [Fig. 6, facing page], confirm the existence of a Greekstyle city that was over 5000 km. distant from Greece. Having toured through these cities and towns left by the Bactrian Greeks, Zhang Qian must have felt that he was entering a wholly differ-ent world from that of central China.

In these regions, not only grain (rice and wheat) was produced but also the grapevine was planted, and especially good wine was made and preserved. According to Strabos account, Greeks were the first to introduce the new

viniculture into Western and Central Asia (Stra-bo 1917-1932, Vol. 7: 15.3.11). He noted in particular that the land of Aria (bordering on Bactria) was exceedingly productive of wine, which keeps well for three generations in ves-sels (Strabo 1917-1932, Vol. 5: 11.10.1-2). Similar evidence can be found in Shiji. Accord-ing to its source, wine was one of the special products of Anxi, Dayuan and other areas. The winemaking was so productive that the rich men even stored more than ten thousand Dan of it (roughly 300,000 liters or kg.), and the wine would keep well for several decades. The similarity between the records of Strabo and Sima Qian is not a coincidence, but a real re-flection of the historical development of vinicul-ture in these regions. With Zhang Qians return, viniculture was introduced into central China for the first time. The Greek name for grape, (botrus) might have been transliterated into Chinese as putao ().9

The political system in these countries, the same as in other Hellenistic kingdoms, was monarchy or kingship, but it appears that the aristocrats, local principals and chiefs of cities, could play important roles at key moments. For

Fig. 4. Plan of Ai Khanum. Copyright 2006 Jona Lendering .

Fig. 5. Corinthian capital from Ai Khanum. Source: .

18

example, the aristo-crats () of Dayuan could collectively de-cide to refuse to con-tribute the precious horses (Hanxuema, , blood-sweating horse) to the Han dy-nasty, attack and kill Chinese envoys, and even murder their own king ().10 Such evidence suggests a hypothesis that in Dayuan there was a political institution similar to the court coun-cils in the other Hellenistic monarchies.

According to Zhang Qian, there were many marketplaces in Daxia and Anxi. The discovery of numerous Greekstyle coins from this period indicates the extensive use of coinage for trade in the Hellenistic kingdoms and surrounding ar-eas [Fig. 7].11 As Zhang Qian observed, these coins were very different from Chinese coins of the time: The coin was made of silver with the face-image of the king on the obverse. As soon as the king died, the coin had to be changed immediately. The faceimage of the new king would appear on the new coin. Clearly the

coins of Daxia and Anxi were similar to those of the Hellenistic kingdoms.

In the report about Anxi, Zhang Qian provided additional very important, but usually unno-ticed, evidence of Hellenistic culture, namely that the people of Anxi wrote their records hor-izontally on leather (). This might surprise Zhang Qian, because in the time of the former Han Dynasty Chinese generally wrote vertically from top to bottom on bamboo and wood slips. Of course, the use of leather as material for writing had appeared long before. However, the term parchment (pergamenum in Medieval Latin) derived from the name of an-other Hellenistic kingdom, Pergamum. It was said that the king of Pergamum had invented parchment (Pliny 1938-1963, Vol. 4: 13.21). Possibly though the people of Pergamum only improved the process of parchmentmak-ing and created a new, higher quality kind of parchment. Anxi must have acquired parch-ment from Pergamum. Zhang Qian probably saw parchment as well as Greek script written on it in Daxia.

To sum up, it was Zhang Qian who brought information about Hellenistic culture into central China and whose adventures in the western regions marked the opening of the whole Silk Road, but the key role played by Al-exander the Great should not be ig-nored. Although he had no idea that was what he was doing, through the founding of his empire and its exten-sion of the Hellenistic world he paved the way for Zhang Qian and the other later travelers on the Silk Road.

Fig. 6. Greek inscription containing the Delphic maxims, from Ai Khanum. Source: .

19

Fig. 7. A coin similar to, if somewhat later than, one Zhang Qian may have seen. Silver tetradrachm of Parthian King Artabanos I, 126-122 BCE, minted at Seleuceia on the Tigris, dated 125/4 BCE. The re-verse shows Tyche seated, holding a cornucopia and Nike. Photo copyright Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. , published with permission.

About the author

Yang Juping () is Professor of History at Nankai University, Tianjin, China. He is a spe-cialist on the history of the Hellenistic world and is Vice-president of the Chinese Association for the Study of Ancient World History. His publi-cations cover a broad range of subjects in the history of Greece and Rome and regarding an-cient cultural interactions across Asia. Among his books is a study of Cynicism in the Greek and Roman world; he is chief editor of a book series on human civilizations.

References

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Paul Bernard. The Greek Colony at Ai Kha-num and Hellenism in Central Asia. Ch. 5 in Afghanistan: Hidden Treasures from the Na-tional Museum, Kabul. Ed. Fredrik Hiebert and Pierre Cambon. Washington, D. C.: National Geographic, 2008: pp. 81-129.

Biel 1980

Jrg Biel. Treasure from a Celtic Tomb. Na-tional Geographic 157/3 (1980): 428-438. [Ed. note: See also the website of the Hochdorf Celtic Museum: .]

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Edouard Chavannes. [Excerpt from rev. of F. Hirth, Ueber fremde Einfluesse in der chine-sischen Kunst, in Journal Asiatique, ser. 9, t. VIII (1896): 529-536]. Tr. by Feng Chengjun as Zhongguo Luxingjia [Chi-nese travelers]. In: Xiyu Nanhai Shidi Kaozheng yicong [Translations of Papers on the History and Geography of the Western Regions and the South Seas]. Beijing: Shang-wu yinshuguan, 1995, Vol. II, Ch. 8.

Coeds 1910/2001

George Coeds. Textes dauteurs grecs et latins relatifs lExtrme-Orient depuis le IVe sicle av. J.-C. jusquau XIVe sicle. Paris: E. Leroux, 1910. Tr. by Gengsheng as: Xila lading zuojia yuandong wenxian jilu

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Frank L. Holt. Into the Land of Bones: Alexan-der the Great in Afghanistan. Berkeley: Univer-sity of California Press, 2005.

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Berthold Laufer: Sino-Iranica: Chinese Contri-butions to the History of Civilization in Ancient Iran, with Special Reference to the History of Cultivated Plants and Products. Field Museum of Natural History. Publication 201. Anthro-pological series, XV/3. Chicago, 1919. Tr. by Linyunyin as Zhongguo yilang pian . Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2001.

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Guy Lecuyot. Ai Khanum Reconstructed. In: After Alexander: Central Asia before Islam. Ed. Joe Cribb and Georgina Herrmann. Proceedings of the British Academy, 133. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007: pp. 155-162.

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Ma Yong and Wang Binghua . Gongyuanqian qizhiershijide zhongguo xinji-angdiqu [The Region of Xinjiang in China from the 7th to 2th century B.C.]. Zhongya xuekan [Jour-nal of Central Asia] 3 (1990): 1-16.

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Pliny, the Elder. Natural History, with an English translation by H. Rackham. 10 vols. Loeb Clas-sical Library. Cambridge, MA.: Harvard Univer-sity Press, 1938-1963.

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Plutarchs Lives, with an English translation by Bernadotte Perrin. 11 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, MA.: Harvard Univesity Press, 1914-1926.

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Sergei Ivanovich Rudenko. O drevnikh sviazi-akh Kitaia s plemenami Altaia [On the Ancient Relations between China and the Tribes in the Altai]. Tr. as Lun zhongguo yu aertaibuluode gudaiguanxi . Ka-ogu xuebao /Acta Archaeologica Sinica (Journal of Archeology) 2 (1957): 37-48.

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Notes

* This is a condensed version of a paper presented at The Symposium of Japan, Korea, and China in Tokyo, September 20-24, 2007, which has appeared in English in the conference proceedings.

1. Ctesias once served at the court of Persia, where he probably heard of the Seres. The veracity of his material has been doubted by western scholars such as Henry Yule and George Coeds, and the Chinese scholar Zhang Xinglang (Yule 19131916,Vol. 1, p. 14; Coeds 1910/2001, pp. 1-2; Zhang 1977, p. 17). Yule especially pointed out that the name appears only in the Bibliotheca of Photius. But the Greek word Seres was already known in Ctesias time.

2. See also Coeds 1910/2001, pp. 1-54, 71-2. Hav-ing analyzed the related materials, Yule came to the same conclusion (Yule 19131916, Vol. 1, pp.14-15).

3. The Persian army invading Greece in 480 BCE came from all the satrapies of the Empire, and some of them even from far-away Bactria and India. Thus the important role of the Royal Roads should be evi-dent.

4. Parthia once seized a part of Bactria in the reigns of Eucratides (c. 175145 BCE) and his successors

21

(Strabo 19171932, Vol. 5: 11. 9. 2; 11.11. 2).

5. According to Strabo, at any rate, Eucratides, king of the Bactrians, held a thousand cities as his sub-jects. His information came from the Parthica of Apollodorus (Strabo 19171932, Vol. 7: 15. 1.3).

6. According to Plutarch, when the head of the Ro-man general Crassus, killed in the battle of Carrhae in 53 BCE, was sent to the palace of the Parthian king, a tragedy of Euripides, The Bacchae, was be-ing performed. This shows that the Greek language was in vogue in the upper-class society of Parthia. Plutarch also mentions especially one of the guests who was present, Artarvasdes, king of Armenia, who could not only enjoy the Greek poems and plays with the master of the banquet, Hyrodes or Orodes, King of Parthia, but could himself write tragedies, orations and history in Greek (Plutarch 19141926, Vol. 3: Crassus, 33). The wide spread of the Greek language and the deep penetration of Hellenistic culture can thus be clearly seen.

7. The features of Hellenistic culture in Parthia are also treated in Fox 1975, pp. 492, 493, and Wiese-hfer 1996, pp. 124-9.

8. For an excellent, lavishly illustrated essay on Ai Khanum, see Bernard 2008; for a reconstruction of the appearance of the city, see Lecuyot 2007.

9. According to Sima Qian, the envoys of the Han Dynasty brought the seeds of the grapevine and pur-ple medic back into Central China. So the emperor of Wudi (Tianzi, the son of heaven, ) began to plant them in the lands of fertility. The number of Horses of Heaven () was becoming more and more and many foreign envoys came to the capital, so that

the grapevine and purple medic were planted widely by the side of summer palaces and other buildings (Sima Qian 1959). Regarding the transliteration of into Chinese, see Liddell and Scott 1996, , p.323; Chavannes 1896/1995, Chapter 8, p. 7. According to Paul Pelliot, while this explana-tion had been put forward by Ritter and confirmed by Kingsmill and Hirth, he himself doubted it (Pelliot 1920/1995, Chapter 5, pp. 82-83). Another sceptic was the American scholar Berthold Laufer (Laufer 1919/2001, pp. 49-51), some of whose conclusions in his book first published in 1919 are wrong or in need of revision.

10. The name Wugua seems to be the translitera-tion of the eulogy title (Megas) of kings that appeared in the legends on Hellenistic coins. Coins of one Kushan period ruler did not name the king but used only the title (Soter Megas). Obviously Megas could have been understood as the kings name. Whether Wugua of The Records of the Grand Scribe was just the transliteration of Megas is uncertain.

11. Since the first coin of the Greek king of Bactria, Eucratides ( ) was discovered, numerous Greek-style coins have been unearthed in this area. The largest hoard was dis-covered at the tiny village, Nir Zakah, in Afghani-stan. An estimated 550,000 coins have made the journey from there to Japan, Europe, and America. This single hoard is almost six times larger than the total of all ancient hoards recorded throughout the territories of Greece and Macedonia (Holt 2005, pp. 125-148).

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Centaurs on the Silk Road: Recent Discoveries of Hellenistic Textiles in Western ChinaRobert A. JonesUniversity of Louisville

Among historians, the last century and a half has seen increased atten-tion paid to the role of the so-called Silk Road or Silk Roads in world history. Although coined only in 1877, by the 21st century the term has be-come an all-embracing brand that permeates scholarship, international commerce and the popular imagination. It is recognized that the network of economic and cultural ex-change occurring across the Eurasian continent since about 2000 BCE was part of a larger world system which assuredly included Africa. I am in agree-ment with historian David Christians assertion that the Silk Roads played a funda-

mental role in creating and sustaining the unity of Afro-Eurasian history (Christian 2000, pp. 1-2). Through the study of several specific cul-

tural objects, this paper seeks to provide some clarity with regard to cultural diffusion and economic exchange along the westtoeast corridor which linked the sedentary civiliza-tions of the Mediterranean, Persia, Central Asia and China.

For the last century, ongoing archaeological work in west-ern China has produced some spectacular finds, including the mummies of 3800yearold Caucasoid peoples, previously unknown written languages, the remains of Buddhist king-doms abandoned to the des-ert, and a plethora of early textiles and other artifacts. Climate and other geographi-cal factors have provided for the excellent preservation of organic and cultural material. The Tarim Basin of Xinjiang in western China is one of the dri-est places on earth, and within the basins Taklamakan Desert human and animal remains, clothing, food stuffs, and other organic material many thou-sands of years old have been preserved [Fig. 1].

Among these discoveries have been rare textiles, the motifs on some of which showing un-mistakable Hellenistic origins. At the site of Sampul (or Shan-pula), near the southwestern Tarim Basin oasis of Luopu, a Saka grave has yielded a piece of woven woolen cloth [Fig. 2] that shows Hellenistic and Per-sian inspiration in the depic-tions of a centaur and a lance-

Fig. 1 (below). Map showing lo-cations of Sampul and Yingpan. Photo source: NASA Visible Earth Tak-limakan.A2002088.0525.500m.jpg.

Fig. 2 (right). The Sampul textile depicting the centaur and warrior. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

The Silk Road 6/2: 23-32 23 2009 by the Silkroad Foundation, the author, and the holders of rights to the illustrations.

bearing warrior (Xinjiang weiwuer 2001). At the site of Yingpan, in Yuli county in the north-eastern part of the Tarim Basin, a tomb re-vealed the wealthy male occupant wearing a fine woolen robe decorated with Hellenistic mo-tifs that include nude fighting figures, bulls and goats, and pomegranate trees [Fig. 3] (Xinji-ang wenwu 1999).

While there is no doubt that the objects dis-cussed in this paper are distinctly Hellenistic in character, the question of Hellenistic artistic influence on local culture in ancient Xinjiang is not the focus of my research. That subject has been belabored over the last century. I make no contention one way or another regarding the possible influence of these objects on the indig-enous cultures, and I entertain the great pos-sibility that these are rare objects brought in by merchants or other travelers into the region.1

Instead, I ask two questions. The first is, how do these finds help determine the chronologi-cal range of trade in western textiles between Greek (Seleucid) Bactria or regions farther west and the intermediate Tocharian and Saka kingdoms of the Tarim Basin that lay along the trade routes to China? The second question is, how do the motifs that these objects display compare to those of other works of art in the Hellenistic tradition?

The Chinese silk trade in Eurasia has been the subject of much scholarship, but the study of trade in western textiles along the Silk Road caravan routes has not been so well addressed.2

Here I will compare these woven objects with artifacts found in western cultural contexts of the Hellenistic period in order to identify poten-tial derivative, or at least parallel, designs and

motifs, with special attention paid to mosaics.

The discovery of Hellenistic textiles in Inner Asia (comprising Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang) is not unprecedented. The Russian explorer Kozlov recovered such textiles during his ex-pedition to Mongolia between 1923 and 1926. Aurel Stein discovered a number as well at the ancient sites of Loulan in the eastern Tarim in the winter of 1906-07 and at Niya in the south-central Tarim.3

It is reasonable to assume now that at the time of the Han envoy Zhang Qians journey to Bac-tria in ca. 139 BCE one or more of these king-doms in the Tarim was of Saka origin, a people closely related to those whom the Greeks called Scythians. The dating of the material from Sam-pul suggests that that trade contacts between the Hellenistic kingdoms to the west and the kingdoms of the Tarim Basin already had some history. During the Hellenistic period (from the death of Alexander in 323 BCE until the battle of Actium in 31 BCE) and post-Hellenistic pe-riod up to the 7th century CE, trade in textiles by sea and by land was an important economic activity in the West. While silk began to move westward in ever increasingly quantities in the first century BCE, woolen textiles from across the Pamir Mountains had already been moving eastward.4

Centaur and warrior from Sampul

The ancient cemetery of Sampul is just south of the modern oasis town of Luopu and east of the important Silk Road city of Khotan in western Xinjiang. The cemetery was excavat-ed four times between 1983 and 1995 by the Xinjiang Museum and the Xinjiang Institute of Archaeology. Three separate grave areas were located and in all 168 graves and two sacrificial

Fig. 3. The Yingpan man. After: Waugh 2008a, p. 4.

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horse pits were excavated (Xinjiang Weiwuer 2001, Foreword, pp. 2, 4; text, [second pagination] p. 1). Radiocarbon dates for the cemetery fall between about 900 BCE and 300 CE. Half of the ten sam-ples tested fell between the 3rd and 1st centuries BCE (Xinjiang Weiwuer 2001, p. 43).

In 1984 one of four group tombs was excavated in the cemetery. In the tomb designated 84LS I M01 were found 133 individual corpses, with adult men and women in the majority. The tomb yielded many ancient textiles, especially arti-cles of clothing. Fifteen pairs of trousers were found. In one tomb was a pair of trousers (or knickerbockers) made of a cut-up woven wool-en tapestry. What distinguishes the find is that on the left leg fragment is a woven image of a warrior holding a spear at his side, while on the right leg fragment is the image of a running centaur, cape flying while playing a flute, within a rosette of flowers (Xinjiang Weiwuer 2001, pp. 37, 38, 188-189; pls. 360, 360-1, 360-4). Both images are clearly western in style and subject matter, and, given the C14 date of the tomb of about 100 BCE, Hellenistic in chronol-ogy.

Let us examine the centaur and associated im-ages first [Fig. 4]. The centaur is running to the viewers left, front legs raised in a gallop, and of the two rear legs, at least one is firmly on the ground. The centaur is holding and blow-ing a vertical flute, his left arm outstretched to grasp it firmly. A Hellenistic period mosaic from Delos also shows centaurs with simi-lar dramatic poses (Pedley 2002, p. 377; fig. 10.53). However, the Sampul piece seems to have a unique iconography. I am not aware of any other image that shows such a musically-inclined centaur. Centaurs are usually depicted brandishing more threatening objects in Greek art, if they hold anything at all. Usually they

clutch a bow and arrows, or a tree branch or club, as in the depictions of bel-ligerent and drunken cen-taurs battling the Lapiths on the Parthenon and on the Temple of Zeus at Olympia (Padgett 2003, pp. 129-224).5 Here we may have a weaver from the eastern provinces who might not have been so familiar with Greek my-thology and iconography, and who exchanges the flute of the satyrs (who are sometimes depict-ed playing the auloi, or double flute) for one of the preferred weapons of the wine-loving centaurs

(Padgett 2003, pp. 254-258; exhibits 11, 12).

Above and to the right of the rosette is the end of an outstretched wingtip, but the body to which it is attached is missing. It could very well have belonged to an erote, similar to Helle-nistic winged figures seen in many works in the

Greco-Roman world. Stein found several simi-lar painted erotes in Miran in the southeastern Tarim (Stein 1933, pp. 118-121; fig. 54) [Fig. 5].

The use of roundels and rosettes is a Persian (Achaemenid, Sassanian and even Sogdian) motif, as seen in many extant textiles and paint-ings from the first few centuries of the Common

Fig. 4. Detail showing the upper portion of the Sampul textile. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

Fig. 5. Erote in mural of Shrine M.III excavated by Stein at Miran. Source: Stein 1921, Vol. 4, pl. xl (Stein inv. no. M.III.viii).

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Era, and found com-monly enough in China in contexts dating from the Northern Dynasties to the Tang (Pope 1945, pp. 21, 47; pl. 31E; Rice 1965, pp. 111-113; figs. 95-99; Compareti 2003; Luo 2004; Zhao 2004) [Fig. 6].

Now let us turn to the other piece [Fig. 7]. The two trouser legs were at one time one piece of cloth, with the lon-ger left leg below the right leg fragment. This lower fragment depicts a standing warrior, spear

or lance held in his right hand and leaning against his right shoulder. He is seen in three-quarter view, peering out to the viewers right. His long hair, pulled back behind his ear, is bound with a headband or fillet. His black hair recedes from the forehead in rows. The hair style is reminiscent of that of the sculptured male figure from Halikarnnasus in Asia Minor, whose long hair is also pulled back in rows, Per-sian fashion (Pedley 2002, p. 303; fig. 9.24).

The warrior is clothed in a red long-sleeved blouse, open in a V at the neck. The front of the blouse is decorated repeatedly with a double quatrefoil, a petal-and-cruciform design of dark blue and red. To the side is a vertical stripe of al-ternating black (or blue) and white. Greek war-riors in Classical and Hellenistic periods were mostly rendered nude or at least with a cape. Here we can presume that despite the Hellenis-tic rendering of his face, the figure pictured is non-Greek, perhaps Persian or Saka, due to his hair style and the revealing fact that his upper body is clothed, not nude in the Greek style.

The particular double quatrefoil design which decorates his blouse is one which is found in many Hellenistic contexts, in both the West and in the Tarim Basin, and in both earlier and later

chronological contexts. The oldest knotted car-pet extant, of Achaeme-nian origin and found in frozen Scythian kurgan V at Pazyryk, shows the same motif repeated in one of the borders, and dates from ca. 5th3rd century BCE (Rice 1965, pp. 3435; fig. 26). Stein recovered at an-cient Niya in the south-central Tarim a piece of wooden furniture with the same motif carved on it, dating from the 3rd to 4th centuries CE (1933/1982, p. 84; fig. 41; Whitfield and Far-rer 1990, p. 153; fig. 124; Rice 1965, p. 177; fig. 163) [Fig. 8, facing page]. Farther to the west it is found among the mosaic designs from

Fig. 6. Drawing of silk textile with roundel pattern, excavated by Stein at Astana. Source: Stein 1928/1981, Vol. 3, pl. lxxx (Stein inv. no. Ast. ix.3.02).

Fig. 7. Detail of lower part of woolen textile from Sampul depicting a warrior with a spear. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

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a domestic building at Aphrodisias in western Turkey dating as late as the mid-fifth century CE (Campbell 1991, pp. 20-21, pl. 72). The motif is very likely Persian in origin, and spread both west and east through Hellenistic contacts.

The face itself seems almost painted, as the superb use of hue and tone in the threads re-veals a three-dimensionality usually associated with paintings employing chiaroscuro. The ren-dering, in the use of shading, highlighting and polychromy, is highly reminiscent of the faces

from the well-known mosaic of ac-tors from the Villa of Cicero at Pom-peii, which dates from the late 2nd to early 1st century BCE (Pedley 2002, pp. 377, 379; fig. 10.55; Ling 1998, p. 15; fig. 6), but the portrait of a woman from a Pompeii mosaic shows a closer resemblance in style and ex-pression (Ling 1998, p. 124; fig. 88) [Fig. 9]. The right side of the warriors face is shaded, as is his neck, and the use of shading elsewhere on his face

contributes to the three-dimensionality. It is much more realistic than the textile fragment with image of Hermes and associated cadu-seus (heralds staff) found by Stein at Loulan (1928/1981, Vol. 1, p. 241; Vol. 4, pl. xxx), which may possibly have been part of a shroud (Baumer 2000: 134).6 [Fig. 10]

Through radiocarbon dating, we are certain of the absolute chronology of the interment of the

Fig. 8. Wooden base for an altar or table (detail). Niya, 1st-4th c. CE. Collection of the British Museum OA 1907.11-11.85 (N.vii.4). Photo 2007 Daniel C. Waugh.

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Fig. 9 (left). Mosaic portrait, House IV 15.14, Pom-peii. Late 1st century BCE. In collection of Museo nazionale di Napoli. Source: .

Fig. 10 (above). Woolen textile fragment depicting Hermes, found by Stein in a grave pit at Loulan. Source: Stein 1928/1981, Vol. 3, pl. xxx (Stein inv. no. L.C.iii.010.a).

Sampul textile, bracketing ca. 100 BCE. Deter-mining how old it was when it was buried in the tomb would require further testing of a sample of the garment itself. I sug-gest a date of the mid-second century BCE, firmly within the early Hellenistic period in the East.

The Hellenistic robe from Yingpan

Han dynasty (206 BCE 220 CE) sources record a number of small kingdoms which dot-ted the local trading and com-munication routes, including those of ancient Kroran (Lou-lan) and Yingpan. Many lay di-rectly athwart the caravan routes from China to the west and because of their advantageous locations were the recipients of various cultural influences from China, India and the West.

The Yingpan site which lies in the northeast-ern Tarim Basin [Fig. 1] was visited by Kozlov, Hedin and Stein in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In 1995 the Xinjiang Institute of Ar-chaeology undertook emergency excavations at Yingpan. Thirty-two tombs were excavated and over two hundred relics were recovered. The tombs date roughly from the Han dynasty to the Jin (206 BCE 420 CE) (Li 2001, p. 149). One

shaft tomb, Number 15, contained plentiful relics including the body of an unusually tall (1.9 meters) male occupant buried in a richly decorated coffin and dressed in splendid attire [Fig. 3]. The corpse is of a young man about 30 years old. He was not buried with the usual collection of funerary items found in other Yingpan tombs. However, what he is buried in seems to make up for the paucity of accom-panying funerary objects. The wooden coffin was sumptuously painted and covered with a pile carpet depicting a lion. Placed upon the occupants face was a painted hemp mask with gold foil [Fig. 11]. The quality and decora-tion of his coffin and his attire indicate a high social status while he was still alive. He is dressed in several layers

of woolen clothing and he wears a pair of red-dish-purple wool pants decorated with chain-stitched embroidered double quatrefoil floral designs inside lozenges made up of circles and flowers (Li 2001, p. 155) [Fig. 12].

The design of the silk-lined caftan is com-posed of six different sets of nude figures and animals (goats and cattle), with pomegranate trees standing between them [Fig. 13, p. 29]. The character and poses of the nude puttis are clearly Western in style. Each of the six sets is composed of a balanced pair of confront-ing figures, with spear or sword, either leaning away from or toward each other. Capes swirl from their shoulders. The pomegranate tree is perhaps a Persian motif, while the motif of con-fronting pairs of animals, in this instance goats

Fig. 11. Detail of head and shoulders of the Yingpan man. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

Fig. 12. Detail of the legs and feet of the Yingpan man. Photo 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

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and oxen, is reminiscent of the animal art of Central Asia.

The stance and composition of the figures are not without precedent. A mosaic from the Villa of Good Fortune at Olynthos (4th century BCE) shows a similar, though female, pairing with weap-ons (Pedley 2002, p. 299; fig. 9.17). A floor mosaic (325 300 BCE) from Pella, the Macedonian capital, also shows two dramatic scenes of two nude youths, capes flying and weapons in hand, about to slay a lion in one instance, and a stag in the other (Pedley 2002, pp. 324, 333; figs. 9.58, 9.68; Ling 1998, p. 22; fig. 12) [Fig. 14].

That the robe was valued by the wearer in life there is little doubt, as he was buried in it. How-ever, whether it was a newly woven item or an heirloom piece is impossible to determine at this time. It can be tentatively concluded that the cloth was the work of a weaver familiar with both Greek and Eastern motifs, perhaps in an eastern Hellenistic kingdom. Whether the robe was tailored especially for entombment is un-known, though it may well have been, as the pieces that are sewn together are somewhat mismatched (Waugh 2008b). According to the excavation report, the deceased possibly may have been a rich merchant from the West.

The report also suggests a late Eastern Han dynasty date (25 220 CE), which falls comfort-ably within the post-Hellenistic period (Xinjiang Wenwu 1999, p. 16).

Intriguing connections and conclusions

From even before the time of the establishment of the ear-liest urban centers in Eurasia, the weaving arts provided tex-tiles for functional purposes and to adorn the human body. Records indicate that textiles were bartered and sold along the trade routes throughout

the ancient world. Discoveries of ancient textiles in arid western China have given us a window into the manufacture and especially trade in textiles along the trans-Eurasian trade routes. A relationship between the Hellenistic art of the Greco-Roman world and the textiles found in western China is seen clearly in the shared

motifs and subject matter. Motifs derived from Persian art are not so foreign to Hellenistic art, as seen in the sculpture of great architectural monuments of the period such as the Mauso-leum at Halikarnassos in Caria. The art of the Greek mosaic itself derives from Phrygia in Asia Minor, where Eastern, including Persian, influ-ences were strong (Pedley 2002, p. 323).

Of exceptional interest to the writer is the na-ture of the relationship between the textile arts

Fig. 13. Detail of the caftan of the Yingpan man. Pho-to 2008 Daniel C. Waugh.

Fig. 14. Floor mosaic from Pella (325-300 BCE) depicting two youths about to slay a lion. Source: .

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and mosaics. It is accepted that a great mosaic like the Alexander Mosaic from the House of the Faun in Pompeii (ca. 100 BCE) was a more du-rable version of a monumental wall painting by Philoxenos of Eretria, painted around 310 BCE. Indeed, Pedley addresses their relationship, al-beit briefly, when he discusses the importance of the textiles of the time: [I]t may be that the more striking of the woven textiles were influ-ential and also provided a stimulus to the cre-ation of mosaics, particularly border designs (2002, pp. 322, 326). There is an admission that scholars are ill-informed about these perishable objects, but it may be just as reason-able to suppose that mosaics (and paintings as well) provided as much stimulus and in-spiration for the creation of textile motifs as the oth-er way around.

Ling acknowledg-es the possibility of the connection between the two media, especially with regard to mo-tifs seen in the Olynthian mosaics (Ling 1998, pp. 20-21) [Fig. 15], while Dunbabin is con-vinced that mosaics share more than a pass-ing resemblance to similarly two-dimensional carpets. She says, Some of the common or-namental motifs [in mosaics] are among those found in textile decoration or [are] suitable for weaving; and it has been argued that the (apparent) sudden appearance of such floors should be seen as a