Chapter 1 NR Revised

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Chapter 1

The Problem and Review of Related Literature and Studies

Introduction

Working in a foreign country is doubly harder for people who have son or

daughter to leave behind in the Philippines. The decision to accept a job offer abroad may

mean that you will miss some of the growing up years of your child. Though some

overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) are luckier because their host country and visa may

allow them to bring dependents along, majority of the OFWs have to face the reality of

being away from their children. (OFW Guide, 2012)

A week away from the people you love can be difficult to bear. It is so much

worse if the time period is in months and even years, and in another country to boot.

Staying in touch with all your kids and keeping tabs on the going-on in their lives

becomes a challenge, especially if you are a parent to young children and teenagers.

(Villarin, 2010)

Children and adolescent cope differently when they are left behind depending on

their stage of development, and who is migrating or left behind parent of guardian.

(Tobin, 2008)

Coping is intimately related to the concept of cognitive appraisal and, hence, to

the stress relevant person-environment transactions. Most approaches in coping research

follow Folk man and Lazarus, who define coping as a cognitive and behavioural efforts


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made to master, tolerate, or reduce external or internal demand, and conflicts among

them. (Krohne, 2002)

Coping is an important construct in understanding how adolescence react to the

extensive stressors and adjustments they experience. (Garcia, 2010)

This thesis uses Bulacan State University, City of Malolos, Bulacan, College of

Nursing and College of Information and Computer Technology. This study is intended to

find out the difficulty experienced by students and mainly focused on how they cope with

the difficult experiences without their parents.

In addition, this study is concerned with the coping mechanisms of the students

with Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) parents. It will also seek to find out the coping

strategies of the students in terms of their identified difficult experiences. Their identified

individual experiences come not only from their demographic profile and diverse family

backgrounds, but will also be coming from their means of coping mechanism.

Identifying the difficult experiences of the student during challenging times

provide us the opportunity to emphasize the coping mechanisms and strategies of

students with OFW parent. This quantitative phenomenological study has a great

opportunity in appreciating and understanding the psychological and emotional problems

of students with OFW parent, and their coping strategies during that phase.


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This phenomenological study is of great benefit for the students to be aware of their

coping mechanism and strategies employed by them during challenging times since they are

the primary respondents of this study.

Significance of the Study

Since this research would determine the Coping Mechanisms of the students with

Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) parents at Bulacan State University, College of

Nursing. The significance of this study is that nowadays many children leave by their

parents to work abroad. This study will benefit the Nursing Students by being able to

identify and be given increased awareness on the difficulty they are experiencing as well

as their coping mechanisms in the identified difficulty. Awareness of their response to the

identified difficulty would help them improve their participation and involvement in

school activities. This study would also create opportunities for the primary respondents

to openly communicate their frustrations and feelings in relation to a particular

circumstance. Sharing and discussing it with the researchers would also have the

potential to lessen the tensions coming from the identified difficulty or experience.

The Educators will benefit by guiding children whose parents are working abroad how to

cope in that situation.They will respond to the needs of every learner. It will also equip

them with more useful information regarding the students behaviors and identify the

areas that are needed to be improved.


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The Community will benefit by being able to gain a better understanding of their

childrens difficulty and behaviors in school. This would enable them to help their child

identify more appropriate coping mechanisms in times of difficulties.

Review of Literature and Studies

This part presents the literatures related to the study on the Coping

Mechanism of Students with Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) Parents at Bulacan State

University College of Nursing.

Coping Mechanisms of Adolescents

Studies that directly examined the breadth of coping strategies found that, in

general, children and adolescents coping repertoires increase with age. As chi ldren grow

older, instrumental action is supplemented by planful problem-solving, which is among

the most common strategies adolescents report using when they encounter challenges.

Distraction tactics also become more diverse; compared to children, adolescents more

often draw upon both behavioral and cognitive strategies. The use of both behavioral and

cognitive strategies may also occur with the coping strategy of escape, although findings

were less clear. Further, adolescents are better able to attend to and reflect on their own

internal emotional states, and increasingly rely on more sophisticated strategies to deal

with emotions. During adolescence, such emotion-focused strategies can also lead to

more rumination, which may even become more common into early adulthood. At the

same time, other useful coping strategies are on the rise, including positive self-talk and

intentional self-regulation of emotion. Adolescent coping is increasingly self-reliant as


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cognitive strategies become more powerful in guiding action and regulating emotions in

the face of situational pressures. (Gembeck & Skinner, n.d.)

Children and adolescents report that they experience stress in their lives and that

they attempt to cope with that stress. Although most research on stress and coping has

focused on adults, recent attention to adolescents suggests there are developmental

changes in coping during adolescence and that particular coping strategies vary with

gender and the type of stressors adolescents experience. Older adolescen ts used a greater

variety coping strategies and used methods that directly reduce the impact of the stressor

and involved a cognitive component (e.g., planful problem solving; reappraisal) more

often than younger adolescents. Adolescents in all age groups varied their strategies in

relation to the type of stressor, but there were no significant gender differences. The

findings suggest that significant changes during a relatively short period during

adolescence may affect adaptive processes and have implications for intervention efforts

aimed at reducing the negative effects of stress during this period of development.

(Williams & McGillicuddy, 2000).

Common Stressors

Of the many stressors, problems with other people are the most commonly

reported and can be significant sources of distress for many adolescents. Compared to

children, adolescents encounter many new, potentially threatening or challenging social

experiences. These escalate all the way through later adolescence (about ages 20 to 22)

when there may be significant social transitions, such as leaving home, finding satisfying

educational or career paths, and forming intimate partner relationships.


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Outcomes of Stressful Experiences

It is probably not surprising that significant life events and many of the common

stressors of adolescence have been linked to mental health and behavioral problems.

These problems include depression and anxiety, as well as externalizing behaviors, such

as aggression and antisocial acts (Compas, Connor-Smith, Saltzman, Thomsen, &

Wadsworth, 2001).

Few studies have directly examined thepositive outcomes of coping with stressful

events for adolescents. However, related research has demonstrated that experiences of

dealing with just manageable challenge are important to the development of a wide

variety of capacities and skills. Researchers point out that mistakes, setbacks, and failures

are potential springboards for discovery and learning, offering adolescents the

opportunity to build resources for coping with

future negative events (Aldwin, 1994). Most researchers also agree that the outcomes of

stressful life events and daily hassles will be positive or negative depending on how

adolescents respond to them.

Stress Reactions and Appraisals

The impact of stressful events is dependent not only on the objective stressors

themselves, but also on adolescents subjective appraisals, defined as an evaluation of an

events potential impact or threat to well-being (Lazarus, 1991). For example, a stressful


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event can be appraised as a loss, threat or challenge (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Skinner

& Wellborn, 1994). Appraisal of

loss implies a harm that has already transpired, whereas appraisal of threat implies an

anticipation of harm in the future. An appraisal of challenge identifies a stressful event

that can potentially result in some positive outcome. These appraisals are linked with

emotional reactions to stressors and coping responses. Situations perceived as more

threatening prompt certain emotions and coping strategies, such as more fear and more

use of escape, withdrawal and support seeking. Situations perceived as more challenging

prompt different emotions and coping strategies, such as more interest and problem

solving (Irion & Blanchard-Fields, 1987; Skinner, Edge, Altman, & Sherwood, 2003;

Zimmer-Gembeck, Lees, Skinner, & Bradley, under review).

Another important appraisal is the controllability of a stressor (Rudolf, Dennig, &

Weisz, 1995; Skinner, 1995). Some stressors, such as academic difficulties, are perceived

as more open to influence through effort. As a result, adolescents respond to them more

instrumentally, using active strategies, persistence, exertion, and problem-solving. When

stressors are appraised as lower in controllability or as inescapable, such as for parental

conflict or medical events, they are more likely to prompt withdrawal, the use of

cognitive distraction, seeking social support, or responses aimed at reducing emotional

distress. As would be expected, adolescents stress appraisals are important correlates of

their mental health (Compas et al. 2001). For example, the appraisal of a stressful event

as more threatening has been associated with self-reported symptoms of anxiety,


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depression, and conduct-related problems following parental divorce (Sandler, Kim-Bae,

& MacKinnon, 2000).

Coping Responses

Coping describes the transactional processes through which people deal with

actual problems in their everyday lives (Aldwin, 1994; Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck,

2007, in press). Coping encompasses a range of emotional regulation strategies, thought

processes, and behaviors. This means that coping is founded in an individuals

physiological responses to stress, their appraisals of events, their attention, and their goals

or the outcomes they desire. Coping also depends on

social contexts and interpersonal relationships. Recent conceptualizations of coping have

highlighted the importance of two processes: stress reactions, which are largely

involuntary and might include behavioral and emotional impulses, and action regulation,

which are purposeful and serve to modulate or boost reactivity to stressful events

(Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007, in press). Most interventions target intentional ways

of coping, but the ability to cope well

depends on coordinating all of these systems under conditions of threat, challenge, or loss

(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007).


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Categories of coping responses

In order to describe how people cope in response to different stressors and to

identify adaptive means of relieving stress and building resilience, researchers and

practitioners need some way of organizing the multitude of coping responses. Yet, there

is little consensus about how to do this.

In one organizational scheme, coping behaviors have been grouped into those that

1) are more engaged and approach oriented, 2) serve to avoid or minimize stress, 3)

depend on seeking others for support, and 4) involve withdrawal or helplessness (Ayers,

Sandler, West, & Roosa, 1996; Seiffge-Krenke, 1995; Zimmer-Gembeck & Locke,

2007). The first category, approach-oriented coping, has included direct problem-solving

and actions taken to increase understanding of the

problem. The second category includes coping strategies that have a common function of

avoiding or minimizing the stress, such as trying not to think about the event or

distracting oneself. The third category of coping involves other people as resources,

either for emotional support or for direct assistance. Finally, the fourth set of strategies

includes escaping or becoming helpless and doing nothing.

The development of commonly used coping strategies during adolescence

It is clear that there are individual differences in how adolescents respond to

stress, but there are also typical patterns of change. Coping experts have concluded that


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attempts and behaviors aimed at changing the stressful situation (i.e., instrumental

coping) are very common, but decrease in use during adolescence, whereas coping that is

focused on managing emotions and reducing tension increases (Frydenberg & Lewis,

2000). In a recent review, we focused on specific families of coping and summarized

what is known about three families used most often by adolescents support seeking,

problem-solving, and distraction (Skinner & Zimmer- Gembeck, 2007).

Support seeking. Support seeking includes seeking information, emotional support, and

instrumental help. Adolescents patterns of support seeking differ from those of both

children and adults. Compared to children, adolescents are more likely to go to peers for

emotional support and help with daily hassles. At the same time there are declines in

seeking support from adults. However, these changes are dependent on the type of

stressor. When in situations that are appraised as uncontrollable or in which adults are

known to have authority, adolescents typically seek support from adults more often as

they get older. Hence, adolescents, especially those between 10 to 16 years old, still

benefit from adult guidance and they typically become better able to identify the best

source of support for particular problem domains. At the same time, adults often find it

challenging to provide adolescents with developmentally-attuned support.

Adolescents benefit most from support and guidance when it fits with their needs for

autonomy and increasing skills at self-regulation (Zimmer-Gembeck & Locke, 2007).


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Problem-solving. When assessed as cognitive rather than behavioral activity to guide

mastery over a problem, attempts at problem-solving increase with age. These increases

are found throughout adolescence, and between adolescence and young adulthood. This

is particularly true for self-reliance in decision-making and use of cognitive decision-

making strategies to deal with stress. These increases continue even into early adulthood.

As would be expected from recent

research on brain development (Spear, 2000), the use of particular cognitive strategies

such as strategizing, decision-making, planning, and reflection does not seem to be

widespread until late adolescence or even early adulthood. In fact, the pubertal transition

marks a time of less extensive use of problem-solving than in late childhood. This time-

limited decline in problemsolving may correspond to a particular time of heightened

stress reactivity that limits a young

persons capacity to direct attention to problem-solving coping strategies. At the same

time, increases in distraction, rumination, aggression, and avoidance are apparent.

Distraction. Most people, regardless of their age, rely on distraction to cope with stress as

much or more than support seeking and problem-solving. Young children rely on coping

strategies like playing with toys, reading or other behavioral distractions. Adolescents

continue to rely on behavioral distraction, but the use of cognitive distraction (such as

thinking about something positive) is increasingly used. Following a pattern similar to

advances in cognitive ability, thereare increases in the use of cognitive distraction

strategies beginning at about age 6 and continuing to about age 14. Distraction is often


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used to supplement other coping strategies, and the ability to shift between strategies, for

example using both problem-solving and distraction to full advantage, becomes more

advanced throughout adolescence and into early adulthood (Skinner & Zimmer-

Gembeck, 2007).

The Well-Being of Children: Does Migration Matter?

Comparisons between the children of migrants and the children of nonmigrants (and

further comparisons of the children of different types of migrants) provide some measure

of migration outcomes on selected indicators of well-being. By limiting the respondents

to children coming from two-parent families, the comparisons will not be affected by

extraneous factors. This detail is important to keep in mind in the interpretation of the

findings. We begin by turning to dimensions which show marked differences in the

conditions or perceptions of the children of migrants relative to the children of non-

migrants.

Where Migration Clearly Matters

Socio-economic Status

The familys socio-economic status (SES) shows a very clear divide between the children

of migrants and the children of non-migrants. This came out whether the measure was

perceived social class or the more objective indicators, such as home ownership and

ownership of durable goods. The childrens perception of their familys class status was

measured by the question: Filipino families have different statuses in life. Some are


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poor, some are not poor, and some are in the middle. In this card, where would you locate

your family? Most of the children, especially the children of migrants, put their families

in the middle. Compared with non-OFW children, fewer OFW children considered their

families as poor (31.2 percent among non- OFW children vs. 12 percent among OFW

children); conversely, more OFW children considered their families as not poor

compared with non- OFW children (28 percent vs. 19 percent). The childrens

perceptions about their families SES are also supported by childrens reports on home

ownership and ownership of durable goods. Families of migrants are more likely to own

homes than non-migrant families. Also, migrant families owned more appliances than

non-migrant families (8.41 vs. 5.65). Ownership of major appliances was distinctly

higher among migrant families. The access of migrant families to communication

facilities is also very notable _ OFW families are twice more likely to have a landline

telephone connection than non-OFW families (63 percent vs. 29 percent). Ownership of

cell phones is even more telling: some 94 percent of migrant families had cell phones as

opposed to 60 percent among non-migrant families. Children of migrants have also

become part of the proli-feration of cell phones _ more than a third (35 percent) of OFW

children had their own cell phones compared with only 12 percent among non-OFW.

This access to communications technology plays an important part in linking family

members separated by borders.


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Where Migration Seems to Matter, But

Being Family/Family Relationships

To have a better gauge about the parents' marriage, the study looked into the children's

perception of their parents' relationship. In general, the children viewed their parents'

marriage as positive _ less than three percent noted that their parents were often not in

good terms. Majority of the OFW and non-OFW children (59 percent) described their

parents' relationship as very good (magkasundong-magkasundo). More OFW children

described their parents' relationship as very good compared with non-OFW children (70

percent vs. 59 percent). However, among the children of migrants, the children of

migrant mothers were the least likely to describe their parents' relationship in the same

light.

The mean scores of the children's assessment of their parents' relationship and their own

relationship to various family members show interesting patterns. Mean scores were

computed using a four-point scale ranging from "1" (not very good) to "4" (very good).

The mean scores indicate that the children saw their parents' relationship as good to very

good (mean of 3.57), with OFW children reporting a higher mean score compared to non-

OFW children (3.66 vs. 3.56). Among OFW children, however, the children of migrant

mothers had the lowest score compared to children from other migrant and non-migrant

families. The Battistella and Conaco study (1998, 1996) also noted that children in

mother-absent families were more likely to describe their parents' relationship as


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problematic. The persistence of this finding over time suggests that the cracks in the

marriage in mother-absent families may have prompted the mothers' migration. Where

divorce is not an option or legal separation is a long process, migration is one of the few

options available to women wanting a way out of a difficult marriage.

On the whole, most of the children reported good to very good relationship with other

family members. Mothers figured as the family member the children were closest to. In

addition, mothers were also mentioned as the persons they wanted to be close to (see also

Liwag et al., 1998). Other male family members were more likely to be mentioned as

persons in the family the children felt distant to. The strength of family relationship,

particularly the children's closeness to their parents, is reflected in the children's choice of

their parents as role models. Indeed, despite the hype about celebrities and sports

personalities, majority of the children (64.1 percent) chose their parents as the persons

they would like to be. Similar findings were tapped by other studies among young people

(Abrera, 2002; Sandoval et al., 1998). Although the age group (15-21 years old) is

different, a Social Weather Survey of young people in 1996 found that young Filipinos

were more likely to report a good relationship with their parents compared with young

Americans (Sandoval et al., 1998).

Communication Makes Family

Most of the children - about three in four - said that they could talk to their parents about

anything. However, the frequency of communication between children and parents is on


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the low side: majority of the children (58.3 percent) reported that they talk with their

parents only "sometimes."

For the children of migrants, the majority said that they had regular communication with

their migrant parents. At most, some 10 percent (the children of seafarers) reported that

they had no regular communication with their migrant parents. The importance of

keeping in touch between those left behind and those who migrated was particularly

highlighted in the FGDs. Separated by migration, participants, particularly the caregivers,

related that communication not only kept family members updated about what goes on in

their daily life (for migrant parents, hearing the voice of their family members was very

important), but it has also made it possible for fathers and mothers to continue their

parenting role. Through phone calls, migrant parents are consulted over decisions

affecting the family, including discipline issues concerning the children.

Letters, the traditional way of communication between migrants and the left-behind

families, have definitely been replaced by the telephone and SMS (short messaging

services) or texting. As may be recalled, the children of migrants had higher ownership of

cell phones compared to the children of non-migrants; OFW families also had higher

ownership of landline telephones and cell phones. With cheaper long-distance calls, the

FGDs confirm the frequency of contacts and more opportunities for family members,

including children, to communicate with migrant family members.10

Academic Indicators


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As noted earlier, more children of migrants were enrolled in private schools than the

children of non-migrants. The investments OFW families make on education are not

surprising since providing for the education of children (and other family members) is

one of the reasons motivating people to work abroad.

Nine out of 10 children reported that they were happy or very happy with school. The

children's responses to the importance they attached to high grades, gaining knowledge,

learning good manners and seeing their friends in school were quite similar across all

groups. Getting high grades registered the highest importance.

At least during elementary, the children of migrants perform well in school. In fact, they

have fared slightly better than the children of non-migrants in several indices of academic

performance. As a measure of school performance, the study looked into the child's

general weighted average (GWA) during the past school year (2002-2003), awards

received in the past three years, inclusion in the honor roll or top 10, participation in

extra-curricular activities, and experience of failing or repeating a grade level.

Although the children of OFWs had higher general weighted average compared to non-

migrant children (83.7 vs. 82.3) last school year, the dif-ference is not so marked. In

terms of awards received in school in the past three years, around 31 percent of the

children of migrants have received various awards in school, with 23 percent receiving

academic awards. The corresponding figures among children with both parents present

are much lower, at 20 percent and 13 percent, respectively. When the grades and awards


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of parent absent children were compared, the children of mother-absent families did not

do as well in school as those who had fathers working abroad or both parents working

abroad.

Many more children of migrants are included in the honor roll and are more involved in

extracurricular activities. The data on failing or repeating a grade level also attest to OFW

children's good performance: fewer OFW children (three percent) repeated a grade level

compared to children of non-migrants (11 percent).

Turning to factors that could account for these school outcomes, the study examined the

number of hours children spent studying, the number of hours spent in school, and

number of absences. Around 60 percent of children, regardless of parents' migration

status, spend one to two hours studying at home. However, non-migrant children spend

longer hours in school than the children of migrants. About 65.5 percent of non-migrant

children reported spending nine hours or more in school compared to 56.3 percent among

children of migrants. The children of migrants have slightly fewer absences compared to

those of non-migrants for both the present and the previous school years. During the

month preceding the interview, chil-dren of non-migrants averaged 2.08 absences, while

children of migrants had a mean of 1.93. Sickness was the most common reason why the

children missed school.

In general, thus, the children of migrants are doing well in school, registering even better

school outcomes than the children of non-migrants. Among the OFW children, however,


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the children of migrant mothers tend to score lower than the other children. This finding

also came out in the 1996 study and seems to suggest the importance of mothers'

presence in the academic performance of the children.

Physical Health

The study tried to get some objective indicators of physical wellbeing, like the height and

weight measurements of the children. However, such infor-mation was patchy, except for

those in Negros Occidental, which provided complete data. Because of this, the analysis

of the height and weight data would be limited to the Negros sub-sample.

Based on the data, the children of migrants are generally taller and heavier than the

children of non-migrants. Among the females, the children of sea-based fathers are the

tallest (mean height of 145.32 cm) compared to the children of other migrant groups.

They are also the heaviest (mean weight of 42.45 kg). With the males, however, the

children with both parents absent are the tallest (mean height of 143.36 cm) and the

heaviest (mean weight of 44 kg) compared to children of other migrant groups.

Comparing children across migrant categories, those with land-based fathers working

abroad were found to be the shortest and lightest, regardless of gender. In the pre-teen

age group (10-12 years), the female children were also found to be taller and heavier than

their male counterparts, since most of the children have yet to experience physical

changes due to puberty.


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Unlike the 1996 study, the present study did not find any negative impact of mother's

absence on the children's physical well-being. It appears that the higher socio-economic

status of parent absent families may have more bearing on the nutritional status of the

children. The role of caregivers of parent-absent children may also be a factor in affecting

the children's physical well-being. Caregivers seem to have ensured that the children's

health does not suffer in the absence of their parents. Similar findings also emerge in the

children's susceptibility to common ailments.

A. Susceptibility to Common Ailments

Susceptibility to common ailments was explored by the question: "How often do you

experience any of the following: cold, coughing, fever/flu, headache, stomachache, and

loss of appetite."11

Children's responses were categorized into: (1) not experienced it at

all, (2) rarely, (3) sometimes, and (4) oftentimes. Based on the children's self-report, the

study found that, in general, the children of non-migrants are more susceptible to

illnesses than the children of migrants - this is suggested by the slightly higher mean

scores of the children of non-migrants vis--vis the children of migrants. This finding

differs from the 1996 study which did not find appreciable differences in the health

outcomes of the two groups.

When comparing the mean scores among the children of parent absent families, mother-

absent children were observed to be the most susceptible to cold, cough, headache,

stomachache and loss of appetite. The differences are slight, but they suggest that the


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mother's absence is associated with the children falling ill. In contrast, children with both

parents who are migrants appear to be the most resistant to common ailments. Fewer

children with both parents abroad reported experiencing cold, headache and stomachache.

B. Healthy Practices

Simple indicators of health-promoting practices and behaviors were explored in terms of

the amount of sleep and personal hygiene.

Most of the children enjoy adequate sleep, with about 70 percent sleeping more than

eight hours daily. However, more children of non-migrant parents get more than eight

hours of sleep daily compared to children of migrants (70.4 percent vs. 65.3 percent).

Among parent-absent children, those with mothers absent get the least amount of sleep

per day (60 percent).

For personal hygiene, basic health practices such as hand washing, tooth brushing and

bathing were asked of the children. Of these measures, some variability was noted in the

children's daily bath habits. Children of migrants reportedly take a bath more often

weekly than non-migrant children.

General Well-being

An overall measure of well-being was tapped by the children's responses to the following

question: "Overall, would you say that you are very happy, somewhat happy, somewhat

unhappy, and very unhappy?" On the whole, the mean scores suggest that the children


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described themselves as somewhat happy to very happy. Looking at the response

categories, it is interesting to note that none of the children considered themselves as very

unhappy; rather the responses generally reflect much optimism. Although the differences

are slight, among the children of migrants, the children of migrant mothers and those with

both parents abroad tend to have lower mean scores than the children of migrant fathers.

The study also probed into specific aspects of daily life which the children were busiest

with, what posed the most problem to them, and what made them happiest. Among the

choices presented to them, the children said they were most preoccupied with school (69

percent). Moreover, school matters not only kept the children busy, they also posed the

most problem (or stressor) to them. The emphasis on education (specifically, doing well

in school) in Filipino families can be a source of stress to the children (Arellano-

Carandang, 1995; 2001). Although respondents also acknowledged problems with other

issues - money, family, relationship with teachers and classmates, relationship with

friends - school was mentioned by most respondents (32 percent). On the other hand, the

source of happiness for the majority of children (67 percent) was the family. Among the

children of migrants, children who had both parents abroad were the least likely (49

percent) to identify the family as that which made them happiest. Thus, during this

period, children are most pressured by school requirements while the source of their

happiness is the family.


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A. Emotional Health

Several questions measuring anxiety and loneliness were included in the survey. A

modified Social Anxiety Scale (SAS) and Loneliness Scale (LS) were computed to

provide summary measures. The modified SAS ranged in value from 0 to 12 while LS

values went from 2 to 24 _ the higher the score, the higher the levels of anxiety and

loneliness, respectively. Other indicators of emotional health can be gauged from the

mean scores on children's responses to specific feeling states.

The present study suggests that the children of migrants are less anxious and less lonely

compared with the children of non-migrants these findings depart from what was

observed in the 1996 study. What is consistent with the earlier study is the pattern of

children of migrant mothers scoring higher in anxiety and loneliness scales. It must be

qualified, however, that the differences are slight. When the other measures are

considered, the same pattern holds. The children of migrant mothers reported feeling

lonely, angry, unloved, unfeeling, afraid, different from the other children, and worried

compared to all other groups of children, including non-OFW children.

B. Access to Social Support

Almost all of the chidlren (98.5 percent) claimed that they had close friends. Their usual

activities with their friends were playing, helping each other withschool-work and

talking. The study probed whether children had encountered problems in several life

areas - assignments and school-related work, relationships with teachers, classmates,


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siblings and parents, and "crushes" - and whether they had access to some support if they

did. Virtually everyone reported having had problems with school-related work; the least

of their problems had to do with crushes (28.9 percent said that this was not a problem).

When the problem relates to school matters, children readily seek out other family

members - typically, mothers, and to some extent, siblings and fathers (some departures

are observed in the case of OFW children). If the problem concerns teachers, classmates

and siblings, at least nine out of 10 children approach someone; if the problem has to do

with parents or crushes, 22 percent and 25 percent, respectively, do not approach anyone.

Other than approaching mothers and other family members, children also turned to

teachers (particularly when the problems concern classmates) and friends (specifically for

concerns related to crushes). At this stage, children are dependent on family members, es-

pecially mothers, for support. Due to the changed configuration and composition of

migrant households, a lower percentage of the children in migrant families consulted with

mothers. What is important to highlight is the fact that children have access to some

support and that for the most part, they take an active part in doing something about

difficulties that they encounter.

Where Migration Does Not Seem to Matter

In the earlier sections, we have considered outcomes in terms of measures such as the

economic status of the children's families, gender roles in the family, family

relationships, academic performance and so forth. In addition to outcomes, the 2003


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Children and Families Study also probed into the socialization of children, i.e., the

"inputs" side of the equation, which may have a bearing on indicators of outcomes.

The Socialization of Children

In the Philippines, many studies have documented the contributions of children in

household chores. The FGDs with caregivers confirm the importance of assigning some

chores to children as part of responsibility training. According to, the most common

chores assigned to children are cleaning the house (90 percent) and setting the

table/washing dishes (83 percent). Close to half of the children said that they render help

in the following: taking care of their siblings, helping siblings with school assignments,

buying items, and watering plants/taking care of animals. Fewer children were assigned

cooking/marketing and washing/ironing clothes. Chore by chore, the study found that

more non-OFW children are given assignments: non-OFW children have, on the average,

4.17 chores while OFW children were assigned 3.63 chores.

Values and Spiritual Formation

The transmission of values, including spiritual formation, from one generation to the next

is one of the major responsibilities vested in the family. Data in indicate that whether

parents are present or other caregivers are stepping in as parents, the values taught to

children are very similar. The rankings of the values may differ somewhat for children in

OFW families and those in non-OFW families - likewise, the rankings may shift a little

among children of different migrants - but what is quite striking is the convergence in the


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kinds of values passed on to children. The top ranking values nurture sensitivity to other

people: good manners/kindness, generosity and obedience. Foremost child psychologist

Arellano-Carandang (2001) noted that a Filipino child has to learn a lot ofpakiramdaman

(feeling out) in navigating through the extended family system. Interestingly, fostering

independence is less emphasized.

Almost all the children had a religious affiliation. The majority -- 82 percent -- were

Roman Catholic. The rest identified themselves as belonging to other religions or

churches: 4.5 percent were Iglesia ni Cristo; 2 percent were Protestant; 4.4 percent were

born-again; 0.6 percent was Islam; and 6.6 percent belonged to other churches. Belief in

God was not only nearly universal (98.6 percent), but also very important in the

children's life. Asked to rate the importance of God in their lives on a 10-point scale,

about nine in 10 children across all groups answered "10." In terms of religious practices,

the picture is less solid. The modal response to frequency of visits to the church or

mosque is "sometimes" (49.3 percent). Only 30 percent said that they often went to the

church or mosque, with the figure being higher among the children of migrants than

among non-migrants (42 percent vs. 30 percent). More children reported saying prayers

often (49 percent), and again, more children of migrants reported that they prayed often

than the children of non-migrants (57.1 percent vs. 48.5 percent). Close to 90 percent of

respondents said that they prayed as a family, with most respondents reporting that they

"sometimes" and "often" prayed together.


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The Problem of Estrangement among OFW Children

When asked, Why are you going abroad?, OFW parents will almost always say that it

is for their children. But many OFW parents are now finding out that their working

abroad has seriously damaged their relationship with the very people whose interests they

have gone abroad to serve.

Some stable families have weathered the separation of parents and children. Fr. Nilo

Tanalega has attributed this to what he calls enhancements in global parenting, in

which technology has encouraged parental presence, participation and engagement in the

lives of children. Parents who express interest in the activities of their children and make

a point to be available at set times more likely enjoy healthier relationships with their

children.

But Fr. Tanelaga qualifies that communication mediated by technology cannot replace

face to face interaction. Topics of long distance communication may go no deeper than

grades and the days happenings at school. By contrast, face-to-face conversations allow

parents to ask How are your friends? What are your dreams? What is hurting you?

Long distance communication between parents and their children has produced

superficial relationships. As one OFW child has said: My Mom tries to parent me when

she is home. But I dont feel she has the right anymore to do this because she does not

know me at all. How heartbreaking it is for a parent who has made so many sacrifices to


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come home to estrangement. I miss my Mom, said another OFW child.We used to

talk a lot, but now I do not know what to say to her.

OFW parents tend to overcompensate for their absence by indulging their children

materially, giving them more than what is proper, more than they need. It is unsurprising

that many of these children develop into materialistic, often rebellious, individuals with a

well-entrenched sense of entitlement. Moreover, the child-centered goals of the OFW

effort tend to foster narcissism in the children, instead of a healthy parental respect, other-

centeredness, and love.

Before we say we are going abroad to work for the sake for our children, let us

prayerfully consider the consequences and think twice.

Theoretical Framework

This section presents the relevant theories in relation to Students Psychosocial

Developments with Parents Working Abroad Living in Malolos City.

The Theory of Psychosocial Development, formulated by Erik Erikson, explains

eight stages, trust vs. mistrust, autonomy vs. shame and doubt, initiative vs. guilt,

industry vs. inferiority, identity vs. role confusion, intimacy vs. isolation, generativity vs.

stagnation and ego integrity vs. despair. In each stage the person confronts, he hopefully

masters new challenges. Each stage builds on the successful completion of earlier stages.

The challenges of stages not successfully completed may be expected to reappear as


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problems in the future. Failure to successfully complete a stage can result in a reduced

ability to complete further stages and therefore a more unhealthy personality and sense of

self. These stages, however, can be resolved successfully at a later time. Mastery of a

stage is not required to advance to the next stage. Erikson's stage theory characterizes an

individual advancing through the eight life stages as a function of negotiating his or her

biological forces and affect sociocultural forces. Through these definitions, we could say

that there are stages that werent completed by a child whose parents are working abroad

which will affect his/her psychosocial development and well-being as an individual.

Because of the absence of their parents at the stages of their lives where they need them

the most, there are great chances that they wont be completing that specific stage

successfully which will greatly affect their psychological development. In the later years

of a students life, his academic performance will be affected in many ways if a certain

stage is not mastered. Their psychosocial development as an individual will affect them

as a person, their outlook in life, and how they interact with other people, especially with

other students, how they manage their selves, thus, affecting their academic performance.

Also, the Social Cognitive Theory formulated by Albert Bandura which is is a

learning theory based on the ideas that people learn by watching what others do and will

not do, these processes are central to understanding personality. People learn by

observing others, with the environment, behavior, and cognition all as the chief factors in

influencing development. There are three core concepts of social learning theory. First is

the idea that people can learn through observation. Bandura demonstrated that children

learn and imitate behaviors they have observed in other people. Second, is the idea that


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the internal mental states are an essential part of this process. Bandura noted that external,

environmental reinforcement was not the only factor to influence learning and behavior.

He described intrinsic reinforcement as a form of internal reward, such as pride,

satisfaction, and a sense of accomplishment. Finally, this theory recognizes that just

because something has been learned, it does not mean that it will result in a change in

behavior. In relation to the Social Cognitive Theory, a childs parent can greatly affect

their behavior in the future. Their behavior can affect their study habits, which will

greatly affect how well a student performs in school. The parents are the first teachers of

their child, and they are also the ones who will teach their children good study habits and

they also provide support and encouragement as their child go to school. But if a parent

or both are abroad, their childrens behavior would be affected in a positive or a negative

way. They wont be able to monitor their childs studying habits, how they interact with

other students, and guide their behavior which will have a great impact in their academic

performance.


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Conceptual Framework

Figure 1

As shown in the figure 1, the independent variable is the age, gender, birth order ,

parents occupation, and parents educational attainment. Dependent variable is the

coping mechanism development of the students . In this study we must determine the

relationship between the coping mechanism development of students and with their

parents abroad . As the outcome , we determine the academic performance of students

living in Malolos , Bulacan .

Statement of the Problem

The major concern of the study is to determine the relationship between coping

mechanism of students of BulSu-Con and their parent working abroad.

Specifically, it sought answers to the following questions:

1. Determine the demographic profiles of the student enrolled in BulSu-Con.1.1 age

Age

Gender

Birth order

Parents Occupation

Parents educational attainment

Coping

Mechanism

Academic

Performance


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1.2 gender

1.3 birth order

1.4 parent working abroad

1.5 parent job abroad

2. What are the three must employed coping mechanism of a child during difficultproblems especially in their academic performance?

3. How may the coping mechanism of a child with parents working abroad bedescribed?

4. Is there a significant relationship between the profile of respondents and theircoping mechanism?

5. Is there any significant relationship between the academic performance of thechild & their use of coping mechanism?

Hypothesis

HO:

There is no significant relationship between the profile of respondents and their coping

mechanism.

H1:

There is a significant relationship between the profile of respondents and their coping

mechanism.


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HO:

There is no significant relationship between the academic performance of the child &

their use of coping mechanism.

H1:

There is a significant relationship between the academic performance of the child & their

use of coping mechanism.

Definition of Terms

The following terms are operationally defined to identify and clarify how they will be

used in the study:

Age is the period of human life, measured by years from birth. It was used to determine

patterns of similarities or differences that could be factors for the coping mechanism

employed.

Birth Order refers to the position of birth of the respondents in their family which will

also be used to determine patterns of similarities or differences that could be factors for

the coping mechanism employed.

Coping Mechanisms are ways by which the students manage a difficult situation or

experience.

Coping Scales refers to the eight Coping Mechanisms used in this study which are as

follows:


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Confrontive Coping (Scale 1) describes aggressive efforts to alter the situation and

suggests some degree of hostility and risk-taking.

Distancing (Scale 2) describes cognitive efforts to detach oneself and to minimize the

significance of the situation.

Self-Controlling (Scale 3) describes efforts to regulate one's own feelings.

Seeking Social Support (Scale 4) describes efforts to seek informational support,

tangible support, and emotional support.

Accepting Responsibility (Scale 5) acknowledges one's own role in the problem with a

concomitant theme of trying to put things right.

Escape-Avoidance (Scale 6) describes wishful thinking and behavioral efforts to escape

or avoid the problem. Items on this scale contrast with those on the Distancing scale,

which suggests detachment.

Planful Problem Solving (Scale 7) describes deliberate problem-focused efforts to alter

the situation, coupled with an analytic approach to solving the problem.


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Positive Reappraisal (Scale 8) describes efforts to create positive meaning by focusing

on personal growth. It also has a religious dimension.

Family Background includes the name, marital status, occupation and the work place of

the parents and the type of family. It will be used to identify patterns of similarities or

differences that could be factors for the coping mechanisms employed.

Gender is the division of people into two categories, men and women, that will

also be used to identify similarities or differences that could be factors for the coping

mechanisms employed.

Ways of Coping Questionnaire is an instrument that can identify the thoughts and

actions used by an individual to cope with a specific stressful encounter.

Scope and Limitation

This study is limited only on the Coping Mechanisms of Students with OFW

parents at Bulacan State University school year 2012-2013. This study focuses attention

only on the 50 nursing students whose parents are overseas Filipino workers. This study

includes the demographic profile of nursing students at BSU. It will give emphasis on

identifying most critical experience they had. It will also determine the coping

mechanism employed by the students in their identified critical experience.


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Documents

Chapter 1 NR Revised