CHAPTER-V

RUSSO-INDIAN STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP IN THE NEW MILLENNIUM AND ITS FALLOUT FOR

PAKISTAN:-

President Boris Yeltsin appointed Vladimir Putin as his

Prime Minister on the 9th day of August 1999. Vladimir Putin

emerged as his real successor and assumed the office of

acting President after the voluntary resignation by the

President Yeltsin on the eve of the new millennium (31st

December 1999). On 26th March 2000, he achieved a clear

victory in the presidential elections and became formal head

of the Russian Republic. The election of President Putin as

head of the Russian state marks a qualitative change in

leadership of the country. His ·background and social outlook

offer a promising future to the nation. I

Putin's foreign policy concepts were published for the

first time in an article known as 'Russia at the turn of the

millennium' which was brought out by the Russian Centre for

Strategic Studies on 27th December 1999. In this article he

believed that Russia could achieve her former status of

"Great ·Power" by combining the principles of market economy

and Democracy with the realities of new Rusia. 2 Putin was

widely considered in Russia and abroad as a symbol of

See the inaugural address by Shri I . K . Gujral, former Prime Minister of India, in a round table conference on Indo-Russian relations organised by the Centre for Russian, Central Asian and East European Studies, School of International studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi in September 2000 days before the visit of Russian President. The summary of this address was published in the form of a catalogue of the centre by Prof. Nirmala Joshi and Bhaswati Sarkar of the centre, p. 3 of the catalogue.

2 Alexander Chubarov, Russia's Bitter Path in Modernity, A History of the Soviet and Post-Soviet Eras {New York: Continuum, 2001), p. 257.

175

consolidation and resurgence of new Russia in the new

millennium. Thus, departing from President Yeltsin's

approach he asserted the independence of Russia in the

internal and external affairs of the country. When the

Chechens attacked Dagestan and tried to declare it as

independent Islamic republic, despite the American and

European pressure, President Putin ordered Russian military

to wipe out the Chechens from there and even ordered to

march to Chechnya to finish the extremists permanently. In

this way, Putin had proved himself as a protector of Russian

territory and determined fighter against terrorism, even

before his formal election as the President of Russian

Republic on 26th March 2000. The rise to power of a young

and energetic President was regarded as a positive

development in the entire Russia.

After consolidating his power in Russia President Putin

began to pay attention towards Indian sub-continent and,

before visiting India, he sent his special envoy Sergei

Yasterzhembsky to Islamabad on 26th September 2000.

Unlike former policy of blaming Pakistan for extremism in

Russia, Sergei Yasterzhembsky appreciated Pakistan's

policies and practices in the region and conceded that

Moscow has no evidence of any Pakistani citizen fighting in

Chechnya. His statements such as "terrorism has no

religion", "traditional Islam and enlightened Islam has no

tolerance for violence" and "we have a better understanding

of Pakistani position on Chechnya"3 etc. indicated Russia's

3 Nasim Zehra, "Pak-Russian Relations: A bid to turn around", Geo-Political Affairs (Islamabad), October 2000, p. 90.

176

positive posture towards Pakistan. It seems that this visit was

a strategic move on the part of Russia to persuade Pakistan

to check Pakistan-based Islamic extremists from creating

problems for Russia in Chechnya and neighboring Central

Asian Republics.4 Further, Mr. Sergey Yasthzhombsky,

during this visit to Pakistan, was not just about taking up

the issue of terrorism which was of great concern to Russia,

but the first step towards a serious dialogue with Pakistan .5

President Putin's decision to dispatch a special envoy to

Pakistan just day before arriving in India .. .led to some

speculation in New Delhi about the changing direction of

Russian policy towards the sub-continent.6

The landmark visit of President Putin to India took

place in October 2000. This visit proved to be very crucial in

developing bilateral relations between India and Pakistan.

Infact, this visit not only marked the beginning of a new era

in bilateral relations but also opened up new avenues for

Russo-Indian cooperation 1n the new millennium.

Appreciating the Indian Democratic system Vladimir Putin

stated that the success of democratic system in India as a

"positive experience is very valuable" for Russia because

"Russia, like India, is a huge pluralistic state".7 This visit was

essentially aimed at importing a new dimension to the

bilateral relations, particularly in sensitive political affairs,

4

5

6

7

Jyotsna Bakshi, "Russia and South Asia" World Focus (New Delhi), October­December 2000, p. 57. See the article of C. Raja Mohan, "Putin playing the Pakistan card," accessed from the website www.hinduonnet.com on 29th September 2000.

Ibid. See the text of the speach of the Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Central Hall of the Indian Parliament on 4th October 2000, in Mainstream, vol. 33, October 14, pp. 7-9.

177

technology related matters and defence cooperation.s

During the visit Vladimir Putin forcefully spoke against

the terrorism and said that, "the same individual; the same

terrorist organizations, are organizing and, very often, the

same individuals participate in organizing, conducting and

igniting terrorist act from the Philippines to Kosovo

including Kashmir, Afghanistan and Russia's Northern

Caucasus"9 According to a Sovietologist, Sergei Lounev of

RAS institute of International Economics and International

Relations the common problems of self-determination,

terrorism and separatism whether in Chechnye_ or in Kashmir

were causes of grave concern for both India and Russia.

Therefore, among many common goals between the two

cpuntries, one important goal was to wage "decisive fighting

against Islamic extremists" .10

Both the countries also signed a document on 'Strategic

Partnership' to extend cooperation between the two nations

and hoped to impart a qualitatively new chapter and long

term perspective to their multi-faceted relations.ll The

'Strategic Partnership' document comprised the principles of

sovereignty, equality and territorial integrity of both the

nations, non- interference in their internal affairs, mutual

respect and mutual benefit.12 Further, this document also

ensured to convene annual bilateral summits between the

8

9

10

11

12

The Hindu (Madras), 27 September, 2000. Ibid. Sergei Lounev, "Russia and India: Political Cooperation in the Sphere of Global, Regional and Bilateral Relations", China Report, vol. 38, no. 1, January- March 2002, pp. 109-111. National Herald (New Delhi), 6 October, 2000. The Hindu (New Delhi), 4 October, 2000.

178

two countries. Both the countries also agreed for closer

cooperation in the United Nations and joint initiative on key

international and regional issues.l3 Leaders of the two

countries also decided to coordinate their strategy in dealing

with Taliban-dominated Afghanistan which had become a

puzzle for both India and Russia due to Afghanistan's

proximity to both Russia and India. In this context, it was

decided to constitute a joint-working group on Afghanistan to

evolve a common strategy as soon as possible to combat

cross-border terrorism, drugs and arms trafficking and

contributing to the efforts for bringing peace and stability in

the region.l4

Visiting president also spoke on Indo-Pak conflict over

Kashmir question and stated that, "Kashmir has been the

cause of tension between India and Pakistan ... foreign

interference should be stopped", "the issue should be

resolved on a bilateral basis through compromise" and there

must be "unconditional support for the line of control" .15

Critics of President Putin regarded the statement of President

Putin that there must be "unconditional support to the line of

control" as a silent support of Western position because

Americans had also stressed the inviolability of line of control

during the Kargil conflict. However, Russian President

Vladimir Putin threw his weight behind India's Kashmir

policy advocating a "tough approach to external forces" of

13 National Herald (New Delhi), 6 October, 2000. 14 Jyotsna Bakshi, op.cit., p. 58. 15 The Hindu (Madras), 5 October, 2000.

179

violence and calling for a united front against terrorism. 16 He

further said that the Kashmir dispute should be resolved

through bilateral talks, but threats to territorial integrity

should be dealt with firmly .11

Vladimir Putin also made clear that neither he nor his

Russian foreign minister had planned any visit to Pakistan in

near future. Thus, he tried to end all the speculations and

misconceptions which were created in Indian foreign policy

circles during the Yasterzhembsky's visit to Pakistan. Infact,

it was being speculated in India that President Putin may

visit to Pakistan in near future. Apart from this, he also

extended full support of Russia to the India's claim for

permanent membership of the United Nations Security

Council.

Economic and technological cooperation particularly

the trade between the two countries was given special

attention in strategic declaration signed between the two

countries. Declaration specifically mentioned that there

would be "further enhancing of the quality and

competitiveness of there goods by ... promoting the joint

development and sharing of the latest technologies and

taking advantages of the new opportunities from the

integration process ... " .1s Both the countries also signed a

defence deal worth three billion dollars. Indo-Russia Joint

Government Commission on military technology was also

16

17

18

See the article, "Putin backs Indian Policy on Kashmir," published in Dawn, a leading news daily of Pakistan, on October 5, 2000, accessed from the website, www.dawn.com on 5th October 2000.

Ibid. National Herald (New Delhi), 6 October, 2000.

180

setup to further enhance the cooperation in the defence

research and development. Both Russia and India also signed

statement for consolidating defence and military-technical

cooperation in a long term perspective.19 According to I.K.

Gujral, prior to his visit President Putin's acquitance with

India was limited. The visit made him look at India more

closely that made him say, "we are natural partners".2o

On 6th June 2001, Russian ambassador Eduard

Sevehenko said that his country was always interested in

see1ng peace and stability in South Asia and having good

relation with the countries in the region. He also said that

Russia was happy that V ajpayee has finally invited chief

executive Pervez Mussharraf to visit New Delhi. According to

him "once Pakistan and India will resolve their disputes the

two counties can become very good trade partners and a new

phase of development and progress can begin" .21 Sevehenko

further said that Russia's aim is not to cut down its trade or

cool its relations with India to Pakistan but to lift the ties

with Pakistan to the level of those with India.22

In another significant development, Russia has clarified

that Pakistan cannot qualify for membership of Shanghai-5,

a grouping of five countries that includes Russia and China,

19

20

21

22

See the joint statement of 5th October 2002 between Russia and India signed during the visit of President Putin to India. This joint statement was accessed from internet site, www.acronym. org, on 14th October 2002. See the inaugural address by Shri I . K . Gujral, former Prime Minister of India in a round table conference on Indo-Russian relations organised by the Centre for Russian, Central Asian and East European Studies, School of International studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, op.cit., p.

See the article, "Russia wants negotiated settlement of Kashmir," from The News International website available from www. google.com. on 6th June 2001.

Ibid.

181

because it supports terrorism. "How can Islamabad that aids

and abets international terrorism, religious extremism and

drug trafficking become a member of the Shanghai forum

aiming at combating these evils," said Mikhail Margilov,

deputy chairman of the international affairs committee of the

Federation Council, the Upper House of Russia Parliament.

"It is the Taliban-ruled Afghanistan that poses great threat to

the security and stability of Central Asian countries, forming

the southern flank of the Commonwealth of Independent

States (CIS)," Margilov told Russian channel NTV in the wake

of the forum's summit that began Thursday.23

Terrorist attacks of 11th September 2001 on World

Trade Centre in United States of America reoriented

international relations. Cross-border terrorism became main

plank in international politics now. Russia regarded this

incident as a challenge to pluralistic and democratic nation

states and urged the world community to fight collectively

against this challenge. President Putin spoke strongly in

favour of uniting world community to fight against this

menace. Regarding terrorism as plague he said, "today's

events once again underscore the urgency of Russia's

proposals to unite the efforts of the international community

in the fight against terror: the plague of 21st century'' .24 There

was convergence in the views of Russia and India on the

question of terrorism because both countries were facing

terrorism in Chechnya and Kashmir respectively. Therefore,

23 The Pioneer (New Delhi), 16 June 2001. 24 Gail W. Lapidus, "Putin's War on Terrorism: Lessons From Chechnya", Post­

Soviet Affairs, vol. 18, no. 1, January-March 2002, p. 4.

182

India also asserted her stand against cross-border terrorism

at international level. Addressing the nation on 14th

September 2001, Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee asserted

that "the international community must come forward to take

concerted effort against the evil".2S Apart from this he also

urged world community to setup an international convention

to fight against terrorism under the leadership of United

Nations. Thus, both Russia and India were trying to make

global consensus against terrorism because the interests of

both converged on this issue.

During this phase of goodwill and cooperation, Indian

Prime Minister visited Russia in November 2001 to enhance

the degree of closeness and to bring the dynamism in the

bilateral relations. Both the countries committed themselves

to cooperate bilaterally and at the multi-lateral level on

strategic issues.26 Both the countries wanted to establish a

multi-polar world based on new cooperative security order.

This visit reflected collective will of Russia and India to fight

against the menace of the cross-border terrorism. For the

first time in the history, two countries signed 'Moscow

Declaration on International Terrorism' affirming the position

of the two countries that international terrorism is a threat to

world peace and international security. International

terrorism was regarded as gross violation of human rights

and as a cruel crime against whole human civilization. Both

25 The detailed text of this address can be seen in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol. 31, no. 40, p. 1375.

26 Joint Statement of India and the Russian Federation on Strategic Issues Signed on 6 November 2001, published in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol. 31, no. 11, p. 1472.

183

Russia and India supported the proposal of the Security

Council to sign an international conference to eliminate

nuclear danger effectively. "Moscow Declaration on

International Terrorism" mentioned that " .. .in multi-ethnic

and democratic societies such as India and Russian

federation, violent actions being perpetuated under the

slogan of self determination, in reality represent acts of

terrorism." .27

Both sides emphasized that decisive measures on the

basis of international law should be taken against all the

states, individuals and entities which support, harbor,

finance, instigate or train terrorists anywhere in the world.

All terrorist activities irrespective of their motives- political,

racial, religious, ethnic, ideologies or individual, were

regarded as unjustified in the declaration. Both the sides

recognized the existence of close nexus of terrorism and

illegal arms supply and resolved to cooperate in fighting

against the new challenges of the possible links between

terrorists and nuclear, chemical, biological arms weapons

trafficking. Infact, both the countries called for the creation of

'a new cooperative security order' as the launch-pad for the

development of "a multi- polar world" .2s

As far as the question of Afghanistan is concerned, two

countries were on the similar views and agreed to extend

support to American policy of wiping out the terrorism 1n

27

28

See the text of the Moscow Declaration signed between India and the Russian Federation on International Terrorism on 6 November 200 1 published in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), val. 31, no. 11, November 2001. pp. 1474-1475. P.S. Suryanarayana, "India Russia Sign declaration to Combat Global terrorism," published in The Hindu (New Delhi), 7 November, 2001.

184

Afghanistan but on the condition that there should not be

double standard in identifying and treating terrorism. Thus,

Russian and Indian viewpoints were unambiguous on the

question of international terrorism and leaders of both the

countries insisted that "one good terrorist or bad terrorist,

our terrorists or their terrorist" should be dealt with the same

eyes.29 Infact, spread of terrorism in Afghanistan is very

critical for the security of Russia as well as for the security of

India because of Afghanistan's role as a buffer state between

Russia and India. According to Sovietologists like Thomas

Withington Russia is afraid of spread of radical Islam through

Afghanistan in the 'Soft undervalley' of Russia- Uzbekistan,

Tajikistan and Turkrnenistan.30

On 13th December 2001 terrorists attacked Indian

parliament which shocked the world community. This event

not only enhanced tensions between India and Pakistan but

also evoked strong condemnation of Pakistan by many

countries including Russia. Russian foreign ministry strictly

warned Pakistan to stop cross-border terrorism.

Authoritative statement of the Russian foreign ministry over

the heightened tensions Between India and Pakistan read,

"main reason .. .is unending anti national activities of the

extremist groups ... under Pakistani control" .31 However,

despite the American Secretary of State, Colin Powell's

recognition of India's right to take action in self defense,

29

30

31

The Pioneer (New Delhi), 8 November, 2001. Thomas Withington, "The Other Allies: Russia, India, and Afghanistan's United Front", Current History (Philadelphia), vol. 101, no. 651, January 2002, p. 41. See the Russian Foreign Ministry Statement of 24 May 2002, published in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol. 32, no. 5, p. 737.

185

Russian position was very diplomatic. Infact, Russia's public

advice to India to maintain restraint and Russian diplomatic

efforts to diffuse the crisis did not make a favorable

impression in both the official and non-official circles in

India.32

President Putin himself talked to Indian president after

attacks on telephone and sought no retaliatory strikes at

Pakistan and also told him that the attack could have been

masterminded by Osama Bin Laden to provoke an India­

Pakistan conflict and to facilitate his escape from the

region.33 However, both Russia and India were agree on the

view that the commitment of the Pakistani President

Musharraf to fight against terrorism in his public speech of

12th January must be seen on the ground. There seemed to

have emerged a common position on the question of

terrorism in Chechnya and Kashmir between Russia and

India.

Both Russia and India signed a Joint statement on 3rd

February 2002 and stressed in this statement for "a

comprehensive, long-term, multi-dimensional cooperation" to

combat the ties of Al Quida and Taliban with the terrorist

organizations in Chechnya and Kashmir. 34 India also received

clear Russian endorsement for its position on Pakistan

during the visit of Russian foreign minister Igor Ivanov. A

32

33

34

Devendra Kaushik, "Islamabad-Moscow-New Delhi", World Focus (New Delhi), October-December 2001, pp. 58-60. See Vladimir Kadyahin's article titled "Putin Urges India to Maintain restraint", published in The Hindu (New Delhi), 16 December, 2001. See the Joint Statement of India and the Russian Federation on 3 February 2002 during the visit of Russian Foreign Minister, Ivanov to New Delhi, published in Strategic Digest vol. 32, no. 2, February 2002, p. 235.

186

joint statement issued after the meeting between Ivanov and

external affairs minister Jaswant Singh exhibited Russia's

willingness to clearly side with India in the Indo-Pak stand­

off. Russia supported India's position saying Pakistan would

have to stop infiltration and take steps to end terrorist

violence in India. While Russia extended full support to the

Indian position mandating resumption of Indo-Pak dialogue

on the basis of concrete steps by Pakistan on the ground,

Ivanov said there would be discussions on "settlement of

regional conflicts". 35

After the terrorist attack on the Indian Parlia.11-ent in

Decmber 2001, the Kaluchak Massacre of 14th May 2002

took place in which more than thirty people were killed by the

terrorists. This event again vitiated the atmosphere and

escalated the already protracted offensive deployment in the

border.36 India indicated a military action against Pakistan by

placing large number of paramilitary forces on the border and

along the line of control under the operational command of

the Army and Coast Guard under the Navy. 37 This issue

became one of the main subjects of discussion at the summit

between Russian President Vladimir Putin and United States

President George W. Bush in Moscow in the last week of the

May 2002.38 Both the leaders urged India and Pakistan to

settle the dispute amicably and stressed in a joint press

conference in St. Petersburg, that their countries would take

35 The Times of India (New Delhi), 4 February, 2002. 36 The Hindu (New Delhi}, 15 May, 2002. 37 Saurabh Shukla, "India put forces in action mode", in The Hindustan

Times, 20 May, 2002. 38 John Cherian, "Active Interventions", Frontline (Chennai}, 21 June, 2002. ·

187

steps together to prevent the escalation of the Indo-Pak

conflict. Infact, Russia supported western countries in

advising India "to keep emotions under control."39

Russian President Vladimir Putin also planned to meet

Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and Pakistani

President Pervez Musharraf next month in the Conference on

Cooperation and Confidence Measures in Asia in Almaty,

Kazakhstan. He said, "I hope to meet them both early next

month to discuss the conflict". He also criticised Pakistan's

missile tests of Saturday saying "conducting tests 1n

conditions of a conflict leads to escalation, we -1regret the

tests". 40 However Russia accepted India's position and

unambiguously told the Pakistan to stop cross-border

infiltration permanently. Russia also made it clear that if

need arises it will exercise it's veto in India's favour at the

United Nation Security Council.41 Russian Foreign Ministry

also offcially condemned Pakistan's missile tests and urged

Islamabad to refrain from taking any steps that might

escalate tension in South Asia. Foreign Ministry of Moscow

also condemned "the incessant anti-Indian activity of

extremist groups based on Pakistan controlled territory ... we

view as baseless attempts to justify the crimes (committed by

the extremists), including the Killings of civilians, by invoking

the Kashmir freedom fight".42

39

40

41

42

Further, according to Kremlin official spokes person "we

The Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 16 May, 2002. The Hindu (New Delhi}, 26 May, 2002. See the article wrtten by Saurabh Shukla titled "Russia Opens Military Supply line for India," in The Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 27 May, 2002. The Hindu (New Delhi}, 26 May, 2002.

188

have told India that war should be avoided but in case

Pakistan does not respond to India's demands and a military

operations happens, Moscow will play it's role as New Delhi's

strategic partner". 43 It is also to be noted here that even the

Russian ambassador to Pakistan Eduard Sevehenko has said

in Islamabad that his country was always interested in seeing

peace and stability in South Asia... . 44 When Indian and

Pakistani ambassadors to Russia conveyed to Russian

Deputy Foreign Minister, Alexander Losyukov, the willingness

of there leaders, the Prime Minister, A.B. Vajpayee, and the

President, Pervez Musharraf, to meet the RussiQ.n President, I

President Putin also offered to mediate between India and

Pakistan during a Regional Security Conference 1n

Kazakhstan. 45

In Almaty, signifying the intense international concern

over the Indo-Pak military tensions, Russian President

Vladimir Putin compared the situation in South Asia to the

Cuban missile crisis that nearly led to a nuclear clash

between the former Soviet Union and the United States in

1962. During his 'wrap-up' remarks at the Conference on

Interaction and Confidence Building in Asia (CICA}, President

Putin pointed out that the entire world was following the

situation in South Asia with great concern. He said the

European Union, NATO and the US President, George Bush,

were gravely concerned about the situation. He observed that

this was the first occasion after the "Caribbean crisis" that

43

45

Ibid. See the article, "Russia wants negotiated settlement of Kashmir," available on website, www.google.com., accessed on 14th October 2002. The Hindu (New Delhi), 30 May, 2002.

189

such a dangerous situation had developed anywhere in the

world. President Putin also appealed "to the wisdom of the

two leaders (Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Bajpayee and

Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf) to apply political

means to resolve there differences".46 Thus, Russia's main

concern was to avert Indo-Pak war which could have become

a nuclear catastrophe in South Asian region.

When Chechen terrorist seized Moscow theatre in

October 2002. Russia and India once again got opportunity to

open a front against international terrorism as both the

countries were suffering from the menace pf cross-border

terrorism. Chechen terrorist demanded immediate call back

of the Russian Army from Chechnya otherwise they

threatened to massacre all the hostages captured in the

theatre by blowing up the theatre. President Putin rejected

any demand for any kind of political dialogue and declined

any kind of compromise with the Chechen separatists. He

again compered the situation in Chechnya and Kashmir and

said that Osama Bin Laden, Mullah Omar ... are calling shots

in Kashmir ... Chchnya and elswhere in the world ... any body

at home or abroad urging for talks with the terrorist

leadership in Chechnya would be seen by Kremlin as an

accomplice of terrorists.47 Thus, interests of both Russia and

India converged on the question of cross-border terrorism

and Russian Foreign Ministry had already regarded the "the

killing of innocent people in the name of freedom struggle in

46 Ibid., 5 June, 2002. 47 The Times of India (New Delhi), 10 November, 2002.

190

Kashmir are unpardonable". 48

In the beginning of Decmber 2002, Russian President

Vladimir Putin paid a crucial visit to India. During his visit to

New Delhi Russia and India signed Delhi Declaration on

Further Consolidation of Strategic Partnership "to widen and

strengthen the framework of the existing cooperation between

India and the Russian Federation in different areas". 49

During this visit both Russia and India agreed to intensify

their cooperation against terrorism bilaterally and 1n

multilateral fora. Both countries exchanged views on terrorist

activity which threatens the stability of..1their region. Recent

terrorist acts in various parts of India, in Moscow, Bali,

Mombasa and elsewhere have show that terrorism is seeking

ever-newer targets.

In an opening statement during a joint press interaction

of President Putin and Prime minister Bajpayee, Vladimir

Putin stated, "I would like to say a couple of words about the

results of our work. First of all, the declaration on the further

strengthening of strategic partnership between Russia and

India has been signed. This is a political document which

lays a solid basis for our interaction in all aspects of

international and other activities. We have also singed the

joint Declaration on strengthening and developing economic,

scientific and technological cooperation, and a number of

48 See the statement of 24 May, 2002 of the Russian Foreign Ministry on the question of rise of tensions between India and Paki~tan. This statement was published in the Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol.32, no. 5, May 2002, p. 738.

49 Quoted in Delhi Declaration on further consolidation of Strategic Partnership between India and Rusia, signed on 4th December 2002 published in Strategic Digest (New Delhi),Vol.32, No.2, December 2002, pp. 1427-30.

191

other documents. By strengthening the legal framework of

our bilateral relations, we made yet another step towards the

developments of strategic partnership between our states" .so

He further said, "we have a joint objective to make the world

in which we live more just, democratic and secure. I think

that in the environment of a complex international situation,

our constant dialogue is of special importance. And our

multi-faceted cooperation 1s an important factor of the

international policy. On a whole number of issues our

positions are close or coincide. This pertains, in the first

instance, to the issues of provid~i.ng strategic stability and

security, combating international terrorism, extremism and

separatism as well as international and trans-national

crime.s1

Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Pakistani

counterpart, Pervez Musharraf, held talks in Moscow on 5th

February 2003. Both leaders were pleased with the results,

although for different reasons. The Pakistani leader managed

to stir Russian interest in his initiatives, while the Russian

leader managed to keep a certain distance, since reducing

that distance would have greatly irritated India, Russia's·

main strategic partner in South Asia. 52 On the eve of his

departure for Moscow, Pervez Musharraf has said repeatedly

that he had great hopes from his trip to Moscow. The

50 Excerpts of joint press interaction of H.E.Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Prime minister of India and H.E. Mr. Vladimir Putin, President of The Russian federation on 4th December2002, held during the visit of President Putin to India in December 2002 availed from the website ,www.google.com. on lOth December, 2002.

51 Ibid. 52 The Current Digest of Post-Soviet Press (Ohio), vol. 55, no. 5 (2003), pp. 17-

18.

192

problem was that the brief surge of interest in Islamabad that

arose in the initial stage of the anti-terrorist operation in

Afghanistan is now coming to an end. Moreover, the

Pakistani leadership failed to make skillful use of the moment

to confirm the country's status as a full and, more

importantly, permanent member of anti-terrorist coalition. As

a result, lately Pakistan has been drifting once more toward

the backwaters of international politics. Pervez Musharraf

hopes to enhance the international status of Pakistan, which

the world powers notice only at times in world history when

events demand it. And Pervez -\Yiusharraf sees Vladimir Putin

as ideally suited for the role of locomotive to pull Pakistan

back from the periphery of international politics.

Infact, General Pervez Musharraf has carefully devised

his strategy to attract Moscow's interest in Islamabad.

Therefore, Pervez Musharraf suggested that Vladimir Putin

try on the laurels of peacemaker by resolving the long­

standing India-Pakistan conflict. In addition Pakistan

expressed a desire to JOin the Sanghai Cooperation

Organisation that Russia has nurtured. At the same time, the

Pakistani side studiously avoided the question of potential

military-technical cooperation with Russia because

Islamabad knew that under no circumsta..11.ces would Russia

do anything that might strain its relations with New Delhi

and thus jeopardise military contracts worth billions of

dollars. Further, Islamabad also urged Russia to forget past

grievances and to put the emphasis on economic cooperation

193

and shake off the influence of a "third party"- i.e., India.s3

Officials in Moscow only appreciated Pakistani proposals to

cooperate in different fields with Russia and to help resolve

conflict with India but they made it very clear that they do

not intend to rush events.

Overall, the three day visit of Pakistani President

General Pervez Musharraf was an exercise in futility. New

Delhi shouted that it was a failure, and a number of Russian

commentators, who saw no tangible results from the trip,

concurred. However, it has been nearly two decades since a

Pakistani President visitll:d Moscow. It is itself an indicator

that this was not an ordinary visit. 54 These two decades were

particularly tumultous for the whole South Asian region.

During this period the Soviet Union as a nation came to end

and muslim-majority central Asian nations emerged and

began developing their own foreign policy to engage the major

nations of the region - Rus,sia, India and China as well as

us.ss

During this visit Pakistan and Russia stressed the need

for continuous sincere efforts by the parties conc_emed of

South Asia to create conditions for resuming the dialogue

between Pakistan and India 1n order to resolve all

outstanding issues between them on the basis of equity and

justice. Moscow appreciated the withdrawal of Pakistani and

Indian troops from the border to peacetime locations. Moscow

53 Ibid., p. 18. 54 See the article, "Putin and Musharraf look to the Future", accessed

from the website www.atimes.com. Februry lOth 2003. 55 Ibid.

194

also welcomed the fulfilment by Pakistan and India of their

obligations to exchange the list of nuclear facilities within the

framework of 1988 bilateral agreement on the prohibition of

attack against nuclear installations and facilities of each

other. 56 Two counties also agreed that a comprehensive

approach was needed to combat terrorism and "this should

include firm measures against manifestations of ethnic and

religious extremism, trafficking of illicit nuclear materials and

drugs .... " The successful launch of the "Badr-2" satellite of

Pakistan with the use of Russian launch vehicle was cited as

an example of frui.(-ful cooperation between Pakistan and

Russia in using space technologies for peaceful purposes.

The two sides affirmed their desire to further develop

cooperation in this sphere. 57

In March 2003, Indian defence Minister, George

Fernandes, visited Russia and signed a bilateral agreement

between the two countries' defence industries. According to

Fernandes, the bilateral agreement includes provisions for

the joint research and development of a next generation, as

yet unspecified, weapons projects. During his trip the Indian

visited the Sukhoi Design Bureau in Moscow to discuss

collaborative work of a new generation, fighter. He also visited

the MIG Corp facilities for a more detailed review of the MiG-

29 K/ KUB naval fighter programmes. The MiG - 29 K was to

be produced as part of the Gorshkov package. The MiG-29 K

and its combat trainer version, the two-seated MiG-29 KUB,

56

57

Dawn (Karachi), 7th February 2003 availed from the website www.dawan.com. Ibid.

195

were further developments of the original MiG-29 K basic

version, developed in the mid - 80s for the Russian Navy. 58

The upgraded fighter was equipped with fly-by-open­

architecture avionics suit. Thus, this visit proves that Indian

government wanted to "possess the preponderance of

conventional military strength in South Asia". 59

Further, India announced that it intends to finalize

acquisition of the partially gutted Russian Kiev-class aircraft

carrier 'Admiral Gorshkov' and the related lease - purchase

of two Akula (Bars) - class type 971 nuclear-powered

submarines aAd four Tu-22 M strategic bomber/maritime

strike aircraft by the end of its fiscal year 2002-03 in March.

The value of the package was estimated at $ 2.5 billion.6o

According to Indian version, "we have agreed that all efforts

will be made to complete all three contracts by the end of

March". Indian defence Minister, Fernandes said in Moscow

at the end of the third meeting of the Indo-Russian Inter

Governmental Commission (IRIGC) for military-technical

cooperation.6I

Russia and India confirmed a fuel supply agreement for

the Koodankulam nuclear power plant in March 2003. Work

on the two 1000 MW plants, which started in March 2002,

58

59

60

61

See "India and Russia Move to expand Collaborative Defence efforts", in Defence Disarmament Review Colum of Strategic Digests (New Delhi), vol. 33, no. 3, March 2003, p. 246. Steven A. Hoffman, "The International Politics of Sou then Asia", Journal of Asian and Affican Studies (Leiden), Vol. XXXIII, no. 1, February 1998, p. 45. See "India Signals Closure of Gorshkov package" in the Defence and Disarmament Review Column of Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol. 33, no. 3, March 2003, p. 247. Ibid.

196

/

was expected to be completed by 2007. At the present rate of

progress, the work was likely to be completed in six months

in advance. According to the official version, "the best part of

the_ agreement is that the Russian Federation will supply fuel

_to the plant for its entire lifespan, be it 30 yeas or 60 years.

Also the agreement is between two governments, not merely a

commercial contract".62 An intergovernmental agreement is

much more stronger than a commercial agreement. The deal

also said that there will be no cost variable for the first five

yeas. In, effect, the price from 2006 to 20 11 will be constant.

No other1country would offer this. Further, the spent fuel will

be under the international atomic energy associations

safeguards and could be an input for the fast breeder

reactors, proposed to be set up at Kalpakkam.63

Infact, Russia's arms sales 1n South Asia are

concentrated in the Indian market and cover a wide range of

weapon types. Currently, 80% of India's military equipment is

of Russian origin. 64 The potential for renewed arms sales to

Pakistan prompted the Indian government to sign a new ten­

year arms agreement with Russia, worth $ 3 billion. In the

first year Russia was to supply a number of weapons,

including 150 Su-MKI fighter aircraft, 40 Mi-17 helicopters,

and upto T-90 main battle tanks.65 Because of the potential

62

63

64

65

See the "Fuel Supply agreement with Russia for Koodankulam" published in Strategic Digest, (New Delhi), vol. 33, no. 4, April 2003, pp. 327-28. Ibid., p. 328. Report on "Arms sale major field of Russia - India Cooperation: Interfax Military News Agency, 2nd October 2001. Vivek Raghuvanshi, "India Plans Board Arms Deal with Russia, Worth$ 3 Billion", Defence News, 22nd October 2001 p. 6.

197

US competition, Russia has sought to secure as many

agreements with India as possible. In particular, Russia has

endeavoured to steam live the acquisition process for parts

and to expand the lease option for equipment. 66 Russian

arms manufacture also hope to utilise the lower costs of their

products as a marketing tool against the more expensive US

weapons. Russia has also offered to export highly

sophisticated technology to India, including non-lethal

microwave - beam weapons, and to sell advanced air-defence

system as a 'non-strategic missile shield'. Thus, Russia's

efforts to retain and expand market access in India and in

the region in general reflect the need for it's the beleaguered

arms industry to maintain market share. This is especially

true as more US equipment becomes available for ~xport.

Arms sales are also seen by Moscow as the optimum means

of preserving influence in both India and the potentially

economically important regions of Central Asia. This

influence in necessary if Moscow hopes to be a part of new

energy development in the region. 67 Although Russian arms

sales are concentrated in India, it has also limited markets in

other South Asian nations. However, Russia has specifically

avoided arms sales to Pakistan in order to not to alienate its

most profitable customer in the region - India.68 But,

according to the news of INTER-FAX news agency of 24th

September 2001, in the aftermath of the 11 September

66

67

68

Vladimir Radyuhin, "Russia to Vie with US for India arms market", The Hindu (New Delhi), 7 November 2001, p. 14. Tom Lansford, "The great game renewed? US - Russain rivalry in the arms trade of South Asia", Seurity Dialogue, vol. 33, no. 2, June 2002, p. 135. Ibid.

198

''i'

attacks, Russia announced that it would sell 16 Mi-17

helicopters to Pakistan and reopen military cooperation.69

On 7th May 2003, Russia opposed Pakistan's move to

rake up the Kashmir issue in the United Nations Security

Council saying the council President can not impose any

issue as the majority of its members were against it. Visiting

Deputy Foreign Minister, Yuri V. Fedotov, said that "this

issue is not on agenda of the world body". Mr. Fedotov also

said, "the Security Council President cannot impose any

issue and the majority of the council members were against

raising of the Kashmir issue ... central problem was not

Kashmir but that of terrorism and training camps for

terrorists operating 1n Pakistan. 70 He also mentioned that

Russia was trying its best to "encourage and stimulate" this

trend.7 1

According to a report of 14th June 2003, Russia's

Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Losyukov said that

Russia shares India's view that for a dialogue with Pakistan

to take off, Islamabad must fully honour its commitment to

stop cross - border terrorism. According to him, "we favour

resumption of dialogue. We believe this would serve interest

of India and Pakistan and advance the cause of peace and

security on the sub-continent".72 He further, said that, "at the

same time we are in solidarity with our Indian friends that

69

70

71

72

See "Pakistan Announces Purchase of Russian Hellicopters", INTERFAX neww agency report, 24 September 2001. The Hindu, (New Delhi), 7th May 2003. Ibid. See Defence and Disarmament Review Reports in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), val. 33, no. 7, July 2003, p. 656.

199

the maJ.n condition for Indo-Pakistani dialogue to make

progress 1n full implementation by Islamabad of its

obligations to stop infiltration of terrorists across the LOC

into Jammu and Kashmir, as well as elimination ·of all

terrorist infrastructure on Pakistan - controlled territory". 73

Both Russia and India voiced 'mounting concern' over

the regrouping of the Taliban and Al-Queda activities on

Pakistani land in September 2003. According to India and

Pakistan, "our principal concern in the resurgence of the

Taliban activities from Pakistani soi1."74

The fallouts of Russo-Indian Strategic Partnership in

the new millennium are far reaching. New vigour in Russia­

India relations in the new millennium was a painful

experience for Pakistani foreign policy circles particularly

when Pakistani leaders were hopeful of bringing Russo­

Pakistani relations at par with Russo-India relations in the

changed international scenario. Pakistani leaders were

confident that change of leadership in Russia, upperhand of

the United States of America in internatonal politics and

unavoidable Russian economic dependence on the West will

weaken Russo-India ties in the new millennium and Russo­

Pakistani relations will grow up. However, President Putin

adopted a balanced approach between the East and the West.

He realised that India is a time-tested partner of Russia

in international politics since the cold war era and Pakistan

has a track-record of hobnobbing with The United States of

73 Ibid. 74 The Hindu, (New Delhi), 18 September, 2003.

200

America throughout the history. Therefore, Pakistan cannot

be trusted beyond a limit. In a globalised world when nation

states were interested in improving there bilateral relations

sheding cold war legacies, Pakistan was also trying to

improve its relations with Russia. But, India factor in Russia­

Pakistan relations has ever been crucial and Russian policy

towards Indian sub-continent has ever reflected a traditional

tilt towards India. It is also well known to Pakistan that it is a

remote possibility to nurture Russia-Pakistan ties at the cost

of Indo-Russian bilateral relations.

201