106

CHAPTER 4

PUBLIC PASTORAL CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE

DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONSCIENCE

Anglican Puritans put great emphasis on living morally. As has been shown,

they were adamant that Christians should exhibit their faith through personal holiness. It

has been demonstrated that these Puritans viewed the conscience as integral to ethical

living and that its development was a focus of much of their work. It has been

established that within this framework of moral formation, the church, in general, and the

pastor, in particular, were understood as performing central duties relating to the

education and formation of the conscience. As such, Anglican Puritan pastors sought to

cultivate ideas and methodologies which would allow them to maintain effective

influence over those under their supervision.

As has been exhibited in chapter three, Puritans placed great emphasis on the

role of the individual. Therefore, one of the significant concepts which developed in

relation to the pastoral work of conscience building was the importance of personal,

individualized efforts. Anglican Puritans taught that it was through such practices that

the pastor would be able to significantly influence his congregants and, ideally, bring

about a strong sense of morality in their daily living.1 Thus, Puritan pastors sought to

1John T. McNeill, A History of the Cure of Souls (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1951), 263.

See Chapter 2 of this dissertation for further discussion.

107

find means by which they could personally minister to their flock individually. The

outgrowth of this mentality was the development and insistence on several methods

whereby the Anglican Puritans believed the pastor could significantly assist in the

positive formation and strengthening of the conscience.

The focus on personal pastoral ministry in Anglican Puritanism impacted

numerous aspects of clerical life. It helped transform duties which were public and

performed on a corporate level by adding an emphasis on the significance of the

individual. In addition, the private pastoral functions were also strengthened and

expanded upon in an effort to make meaningful contributions to the congregants’

consciences. In both of these realms of ministerial work, the Anglican Puritan pastor

sought to provide personal and individualized guidance.

It is important for this study to present a detailed account of the Anglican

Puritan understanding of pastoral ministry and how its personal focus was perceived in

the task of moral formation. As such, this chapter will be devoted to presenting the

various ways in which the public ministry of the Puritan pastor was individualized so as

to influence the morality of those being ministered to. Having presented these various

public functions in the current chapter, chapter five will go on to demonstrate the private

duties in which the Anglican Puritan pastor endeavored to use to lead personally those

under his care. In both of these chapters, the purpose is not to simply provide a survey of

the pastoral efforts of the Anglican Puritan clergy. Rather, the aim is to understand how

these men sought to transform the morality of the church, in general, and the consciences

of their congregants, in particular, through efforts which focused on the individual.

108

Introduction to Public Ministry

The Anglican Puritan pastor was a very public figure. As such, his public

ministry was an important component of his work. Therefore, the Puritans maintained

that it was necessary for the minister to use his public duties to develop the consciences

of those with whom he came into contact.2 This mentality resulted in the transformation

of some church practices to be more personal and individualized, as well as,

reestablishing some long-neglected aspects of ministry in an effort to renew a focus on

morality in church life.

As one studies the various aspects of Puritan ministry, there are four public

arenas which are particularly notable in relation to moral development. In each of these,

there was a noticeable emphasis on personal ministry so as to help ensure that the

conscience was positively affected. The first of these to be presented is one of the most

2Richard Baxter, A Christian Directory, vol. 1 of The Practical Works of Richard Baxter,

(Morgan, PA: Soli Deo Gloria, 2000), 562, 582-83; William Fulke, A Briefe and Plaine Declaration,

Concerning the Desires of all those Faithfull Ministers, that Have and Do Seeke for the Discipline and

Reformation of the Church of England (London: n.p., 1584), 34; Thomas Cartwright, A Replye to an

Answere Made of M. Doctor Whitegifte Against the Admonistion to the Parliament (n.p., 1573), 159;

William Perkins, The Arte of Prophecying: or A Treatise Concerning the Sacred and Onely True Manner

and Methode of Preaching, trans. Thomas Tuke (London: Felix Kynston, 1607), 123-24; Richard Baxter,

Five Disputations of Church-Government, and Worship (London: R.W., 1659), 440; William Ames,

Consciences with the Power and Cases Thereof (n.p., 1639; Norwood, N.J.: Walter J. Johnson, 1975), 77;

William Ames, The Marrow of Theology, ed. John D. Eusden (Boston: Pilgrim, 1968; reprint, Grand

Rapids: Baker, 1997), 191-92; Peter Hall, ed., The Parliamentary Directory, vol. 3 of Reliquiae

Liturgicae: Documents, Connected with the Liturgy of the Church of England (Bath: Binns and Goodwin,

1847), 37; Richard Sibbes, The Bruised Reede, and Smoaking Flax (London: n.p., 1630), 63; W. H. Frere

and C. E. Dougland, eds., “Admonition to Parliament” in Puritan Manifestoes: A Study of the Origin of the

Puritan Revolt with a Reprint of the Admonition to the Parliament and Kindred Documents, 1572, (New

York, Burt Franklin, 1972), 13; John Rogers, A Godly and Fruitful Exposition upon all the First Epistle of

Peter (London: 1657), 624-25; Richard Baxter, Gildas Salvianus; the Reformed Pastor: Showing the

Nature of the Pastoral Work (London: n.p.,1657), 214, 281; Thomas Taylor, A Commentarie upon the

Epistle of S. Paul Written to Titus (Cambridge, 1612), 91; William Ames, English Puritanisme: Containing

the Maine Opinions of the Rigidist Sort of Those that are Called Puritans in the Realme of England (n.p.,

1641), 11.

109

significant and frequently presented: the Puritan preaching ministry. This will be

followed by discussions on the sacraments, church discipline, and, finally, the pastor’s

own lifestyle.3 It is hoped that through this presentation that the reader will be able to

ascertain more fully the methods employed by the Anglican Puritans to develop the

conscience so that it might assist in the moral living of believers.

Conscience Building through Puritan Preaching

Anglican Puritans were very outspoken and passionate about their beliefs in

regards to the preaching ministry.4 Thomas Taylor went so far as to claim, “The

preaching of the word is the greatest blessing that the Lord bestoweth upon any people.”5

These Puritans maintained that the function of preaching was the central duty of the

pastorate and that it should be performed in a manner which was faithful to Scripture and

impactful on church-goers. Thus, John Rogers concluded, “This we are sure, that there is

no more weighty part of any Ministers duty, nor none like unto it, than to Preach the

3The first three of these are directly related to what Richard Fitz called the true marks of the

church. The exception is the latter, which deals with the manner in which the pastor, as an individual,

conducted himself and relates to his effectiveness as a leader over these other areas. Though Fitz was a

Puritan Separatist, his words are beneficial is understanding Puritan thought on the workings of the church.

He wrote concerning the marks of the church, “Fyrst and formoste, the Glorious worde and Euangell

preached, not in bondage and subiection, but freely, and purlye. Secondly to haue the Sacraments

ministered purely, onely and all together according to the institution and good worde of the Lorde Iesus,

without any tradicion or inuention of man. And laste of all to haue, not the fylthye Cannon lawe, but

dissiplyne onely and all together agreeable to the same heauenlye and almighty worde of our good Lorde,

Iesus Chryste.” Richard Fitz, “The Trewe Markes of Christes Church,” in The Early English Dissenters in

the Light of Recent Research (1550-1641), vol. 2, ed. Champlin Burrage (Cambridge: University Press,

1912), 13.

4Taylor, Titus, 49; Rogers, First Peter, 632; Cartwright, Replye, 159; Perkins, Arte of

Prophecying, 123-24; Frere and Dougland, “Admonition to Parliament,” 11; Ames, English Puritanism, 11;

Baxter, Five Disputations, 440.

5Taylor, Titus, 49.

110

Word of God.”6 Similarly, Fulke wrote, “the firste part therefore, and the cheefest of a

Pastours office or duety is, to feede with wholesome doctrine, the flocke that is

committed to his charge.”7

Anglican Puritans believed that one of the great functions of the preaching

ministry was to influence the morality of their churches. Thomas Cartwright stated in his

defense of preaching, “And although reading doe helpe to nourishe the faythe which

commeth by preaching yet thys is geven to the preaching cath exochen, that is by

excellency and for that it is the excellentest and most ordinary meanes to worke by in

hartes of the hearers.” 8 Thus, Ryken aptly summarized this Puritan perspective by

stating, “It is obvious that Puritan preachers knew what they wanted to achieve with their

preaching. They were goal-oriented. The ultimate goal was holy living; doctrinal truth

was a means to that end.”9 Likewise, Davies concluded, “What was perhaps most

interesting about the structure of the Puritan sermon was that it was streamlined in the

direction of changing man’s mind with a view of improving his behavior.”10

As a result,

6Rogers, First Peter, 632.

7Fulke, Faithfull Ministers, 34.

8Cartwright, Replye, 159.

9Leland Ryken, Worldly Saints: The Puritans as They Really Were (Grand Rapids: Zondervan,

Academie, 1986), 102. He went on to write, “The purpose of preaching, in other words, was judged, not by

what went on in the church, but by the effect of the sermon outside the church” (104).

10

Horton Davies, Worship and Theology in England: From Cranmer to Hooker 1534-1603

(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 305.

111

the function of preaching became one of the primary avenues whereby the Puritans

believed the pastor could influence and educate the consciences of those under his care.11

As Anglican Puritan pastors worked to employ their public oratory

opportunities to build and develop the conscience, they began to insist on various

distinctives which they believed would be most effective. The Anglican Puritans argued

that there were some necessary means by which ministers were to preach in order to

affect their audiences. Of these, there are three which surface most prominently and

which were particularly relevant to the task of morally equipping the church through the

strengthening of the individual conscience. In each of these areas, the Anglican Puritans

noticeably emphasized and insisted on providing a preaching ministry which was

purposefully personal in relation to congregants.

The first aspect of the Puritan preaching ministry to be presented relates to the

theory of the proper method whereby the pastor was to deliver the message. It will be

demonstrated that the Puritans were adamant that the minister present a sermon to the

congregation, as opposed to reading a homily.12

One of the arguments for this insistence

was the belief that a sermon was much more personal than a homily. Having established

this important facet of Puritan preaching, the second aspect of preaching which will be

discussed will be the various components of the sermon, namely the emphasis on the

application of the biblical text. Lastly, the third aspect to be presented will be the manner

11Perkins described the application of the sermon as a central way in which morality is taught.

Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 123-24.

12

For the purposes of this dissertation, homilies should be understood as pre-prepared sermons

produced in written form for multiple ministers to publicly read to numerous audiences. Sermons, on the

other hand, were personally crafted messages by individual pastors for a particular audience.

112

of delivery for the Puritan sermons. It will be shown that the Anglican Puritans adopted

the view that the style of preaching should be very plain and memorable so that the

congregants might more fully comprehend and apply the words spoken. In these three

ways, the Puritans sought to provide preaching which would affect the conscience of the

individual and effectively bring about moral living.

The Superiority of Preaching a Sermon over Reading a Homily

As has previously been discussed, the Puritans under study were attempting to

live within, yet reform, the Anglican Church.13

This is particularly evident in their efforts

to establish a preaching ministry which differed from that of the state church. During the

period of study, the Church of England maintained strict guidelines as to the content of

the local church services. The Book of Common Praier was the standard by which all

churches were to conform.14

Within the pages of this work was explicit instruction as to

the liturgy to be followed when the church assembled.15

As such, it established the

structure and much of the content of the English worship services.

13Peter Lewis, The Genius of Puritanism (Haywards Heaith, England: Carey, 1975), 14. See

Chapter 1.

14

The 1559 Act of Uniformity set forth these guidelines: “the said book [Edwardian Book of

Common Prayer], with the order of service, and of the administration of sacraments, rites, and ceremonies,

with the alterations and additions therein added and appointed by this statute, shall stand and be, from and

after the said feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist, in full force and effect according to the tenor and

effect of this statute. . . all and singular ministers in any cathedral or parish church, or other place within the

realm of England, Wales, and the marches of the same, or other the queen’s dominions, shall. . . be

bounden to say and use the Matins, Evensong, celebration of the Lord’s Supper and administration of each

of the sacraments, and all their common and open prayer in such order and form as is mentioned in the said

book. Henry Gee and William John Hardy, eds., “Elizabeth’s Act of Uniformity, A.D. 1559” in Documents

Illustrative of English Church History (New York: Macmillan & Co., 1896), 459.

15

The Booke of Common Praier, and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and

Ceremonies of the Church of England, (n.p., 1559).

113

One of the elements noticeably absent from The Book of Common Praier was

any instruction regarding a form of preaching. It did require lessons to be read, but these

referenced particular scriptural passages to be read, not sermons or homilies to be

presented.16

Therefore, there was some ambiguity as to how a preaching ministry could

be conducted. However, Queen Elizabeth clarified the state’s position on the subject by

declaring that there should only be three or four preachers per English county and that

these men should be the only ones licensed to preach.17

When these preachers were not

present in a church, the local clergyman was to read from the published Book of

Homilies.18

This text was a collection of several prepared sermons which could easily be

recited before a congregation by any minister able to read, regardless of education or

preparedness.19

The preface of this book is beneficial in providing explicit instruction in

how it was to be used. It stated,

All whiche homelies her Majestie commaundeth and strayghtly chargeth all persons,

bycars, curates, and all other havyng spirituall cure, every Sonday and holy day in

the yere, at the ministryng of the holy communion, or if there be no Communion

ministred that day, yet after the Gospell and Crede, in suche order and place as is

appoynted in the book of Common prayers, to reade and declare to theyr

paryshyoners playnly and distinctly one of the sayde homelies in such order as they

16Ibid., Aiii, “Proper Lessons to be Read;” D. M. Lloyd-Jones, The Puritans: Their Origins

and Successors (Carlisle, PA: Banner of Truth Trust, 1991), 375.

17

Edmund Grindal, “The Most Remarkable Letter of Archbishop Grindal, in Defence of

Prophecies and Church-jurisdiction,” in The Church History of Britain, from the Birth of Jesus Christ until

the Year MDCXLVIII, vol. 3, 3rd

ed., ed. Thomas Fuller (London: n.p., 1842), 10; John Strype, The History

of the Life and Acts of the Most Reverend Father in God, Edmund Grindal (London: n.p., 1710), 221.

18

The Book of Homilies was actually published under the title Certayne Sermons Appoynted by

the Queenes Majesty, to be Declared and Read by All Persones, Vycars, and Curates, every Sonday and

Holy Daye, in theyr Chrches, but is commonly referred to as The Book of Homilies. John Griffiths, The

Two Books of Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches (Oxford: University Press, 1859), viii.

19

Davies, Worship and Theology, 229.

114

stande in the booke, except there be a Sermon according as it is injoyned in the boke

of her hyghnesse Injunctions.20

The combination of the Book of Homilies and the The Book of Common Praier resulted in

a church which was uniform in weekly worship, but it also limited the subjectiveness of

the pastor’s public ministry.21

The aim of the monarchy dictating that ministers read homilies instead of

preaching sermons was not to have rote worship without any flexibility. Rather, the

purpose was to ensure that quality proclamations in agreement with the crown were being

made. This was evident from the preface of the Book of Homilies. In giving the

reasoning for the text, it stated,

Consydering howe necessary it is, that the worde of God, which is the onely food of

the soule, and that moste excellent lyght that we muste walke by, in this our moste

daungerous pilgrimage, should at all convenient tymes be preached unto the people,

that therby they may bothe learne theyr duetie towardes God, theyr Prynce, and

theyr neighbours, accordyng to the mynde of the holy ghoste, expressed in the

scriptures: And also to avoyde the manifolde enormities, whiche hearetofore by

false doctrine, have crepte into the Churche of God: and howe that all they whiche

are appoynted ministers, have not the gyft of preaching, sufficiently to instruct the

people, which is commytted unto them, whereof great inconveniences myght ryse,

and ignoraunce styll mantayned, if some honeste remedye be not speedily founde

and provided. The Quenes moste excellent Majestie. . . caused a Book of Homilies.

. . to be printed anew.22

20Certayne Sermons Appoynted by the Quenes Maiestie, to be Declared and Read by all

Persones, Vycars, and Curates, every Sonday and Holy Daye, in theyr Churches (n.p., 1559), Ai.

21

Archbishop Grindal, who was not a Puritan, even defended the use of preaching because of

its ability to be applied to the church in his letter to Queen Elizabeth. He wrote, “Now, where it is thought

that the reading of godly Homilies, set forth by public authority, may suffice, (I continue in the same mind I

was [in] when I attended upon your Majesty,) the reading of Homilies hath his commodities; but it is

nothing comparable to the office of preaching. The godly preacher is learned in the gospel. Fidelis servus

qui novit, who can apply his speech to the diversity of times, places, and hearers, which cannot be done in

Homilies. Exhortations, reprehensions, and persuasions, are uttered with more affections to the moving of

the hearers, than in Homilies.” Grindal, “Letter of Archbishop Grindal,”12.

22

Certayne Sermons, i-ii.

115

As might be recalled from chapter two, many Anglican clergy were ill-educated and

corrupt men. As such, many of them were not adequately capable of preparing and

presenting sermons which were scholarly and faithful to the words of Scripture.23

Thus,

the queen’s reaction to this was to insist on the reading of homilies which had been

approved by Anglican authorities. The great advantage of these homilies was that they

were of great quality and could be read by any untrained minister.24

While the goal of the Anglican Church may have been noble, Puritans were

unwilling to accept the practice of reading homilies.25

The Admonition to Parliament

provides a good presentation of the Puritan perspective on this subject. It read,

Then the ministers wer preachers: now bare readers. And yf any be so well

disposed to preach in their own charges, they may not, without my Lords licence. In

those dayes knowne by voice, learning and doctrine: now they must be discerned

from other by popish and Antichristian apparel, as cap, gowne, tippet, etc. Then, as

God gave utterance they preached the worde onely: now they read homilies, articles,

injunctions, etc. Then it was paineful: now gainful. Then poore and ignominious:

now rich & glorious.26

In a similar vein, Ames argued that all ministers should be capable of presenting a godly

sermon. He stated,

They hold, that the people of God ought not to acknowledge any such for their

Pastors as are not able by preaching, to interpret and apply the word of God unto

them in manner and forme aforesaid. And therefore that no ignorant and sole

reading Priests are to be reputed the ministers of Jesus Christ, who sendeth none

23Horton Davies, The Worship of the English Puritans (Westminster: Dacre, 1948), 64.

24

Davies, Worship and Theology, 296.

25

Davies, Worship of the English Puritans, 64. “The conforming Anglicans were frequently

caricatured by the Puritans as ‘dumb dogs’. This description was applied to them not merely because they

used set forms of prayer, as opposed to extempore utterance in prayer (for the Puritans did not, in the main,

object to set forms as such); the term castigated the practice of reading Homilies, as a substitute for

preaching Sermons.”

26

Frere and Dougland, “Admonition to Parliament,” 11.

116

into his ministery and service, but such as he adorneth in some measure with

Spirituall gifts. And they cannot be perswaded that the faculty of reading in ones

mother tongue the Sriptures, &c. which any ordinary Turke or Infidell hath, can be

called in any congruity of Speech a ministeriall guift of Christ.”27

Instead of providing homilies to be read by ministers, Puritans worked to

ensure that preachers were properly educated and prepared to preach sermons. One of

the most pronounced methods for this was the establishment of prophecy meetings. In

these gatherings, many preachers would present sermons in succession on a particular

text. Fuller described in detail how these meetings would proceed. He wrote,

2. The junior divine went first into the pulpit, and for half an hour, more or less, as

he could with clearness contract his meditations, treated upon a portion of Scripture,

formerly by a joint agreement assigned unto him. After him, four or five more,

observing their seniority, successively dilated on the same text.

3. At last a grave divine, appointed on purpose, as father of the Act, made the

closing sermon, somewhat larger than the rest, praising the pains and performance

of such who best deserved it; meekly and mildly reproving the mistakes and failings

of such of those, if any were found in their sermons.28

Those in attendance at these gatherings would, therefore, have the opportunity to listen to

numerous explanations of Scripture and determine proper understandings of passages.29

Through this, the Puritan ministers hoped to be more fully equipped to present their own

sermons to their local congregations.30

27Ames, Puritanism, 11.

28

Thomas Fuller, ed., “The Model and Method of Prophsyings” in The Church History of

Britain, from the Birth of Jesus Christ until the Year MDCXLVIII, vol. 3, 3rd

ed. (London: n.p., 1842), 6.

29

Davies, Worship of the English Puritans, 189.

30

Grindal, “Letter of Archbishop Grindal,” 14-15. In his defense of these meetings before the

Queen, Archbishop Grindal listed seven advantages of the prophecy gatherings: “(1.) The ministers of the

church are more skilful, and more ready in the Scriptures, and more apt to teach their flocks. (2.) It

withdraweth them from idleness, wandering, gaming, &c. (3.) Some, afore suspected in doctrine, are

brought to the knowledge of the truth. (4.) Ignorant ministers are driven to study, if not for conscience, yet

for shame and fear of discipline. (5.) The opinion of laymen touching the ableness of the clergy is hereby

117

The Puritan insistence on an educated clergy resulted in their belief that

ministers should be allowed the opportunity to preach their own sermons as they saw

fit.31

Thus, one of the primary complaints the Puritans lodged against the reading of

homilies was that they believed them to be too limiting for the ministers. They

maintained that pastors should be allowed the freedom to preach as they saw fit. This is

seen in Baxter’s Five Disputations where he stated, “If I know my hearers to be most

addicted to drunkenness, must I be tyed up from preaching or reading against that sin,

and tyed to read and preach only against covetousness or the like, because it seemeth

meet to Governours to tye me a constant course?”32

Thus, the Puritans argued adamantly

for the allowance of preaching sermons which could be adapted to the situation in which

they found themselves, something not possible with the reading of homilies.33

The Anglican Puritans cited many advantages to the preaching of sermons over

the reading of homilies in their justification for their position.34

Among these was the

moral effectiveness of sermons. Puritans believed the preaching of sermons allowed the

pastor to penetrate the consciences of the hearers and exhort the individual to live out the

removed. (6.) Nothing by experience beateth down popery more than that. (7.) Ministers, as some of my

brethren do confess, grow to such knowledge by means of those exercises, that where afore were not able

ministers, not three, now are thirty able and meet to preach at Paul’s Cross, and forty or fifty besides, able

to instruct their own cures” (15).

31

Davies, Worship of the English Puritans, 188.

32

Baxter, Five Disputations, 440.

33

Davies, Worship of the English Puritans, 188.

34

Jacob Henry, A Confession and Protestation of the Faith of Certaine Christians in England,

Holding it Necessary to Observe, & Keepe all Christes true Substantiall Ordinances for his Church Visible

and Policall (that is, Indued with Power of Outward Spirituall Government) under the Gospel; though the

Same doe Differ from the Common Order of the Land (n.p., 1616), C3; Baxter, Five Disputations, 440-41;

Cartwright, Replye, 173; Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 40; Frere and Dougland, “Admonition to

Parliament,” 11.

118

commands of Scripture in ways homilies could not. Cartwright very eloquently argued

that one of the great powers of a sermon was its adaptability to those in attendance. He

wrote, “For where the preacher is able according to the manifold windings and turnings

of sin to wind and turn in with it to the end he may strike it, the homilies are not able to

turn neither off the right nor off the left, but to what quarter soever the enemies are retired

it must keep the train wherein it was set of the maker.”35

Davies rightly related this

Puritan perspective when he wrote, “The Puritans argued that while the word was all one,

whether read or preached, nonetheless the preached word was more effective when it was

applied to the minds and hearts of the congregation, whether for information, consolation,

or rebuke.”36

By this means, preachers were able to personally minister to churchgoers in

ways they believed impossible via the reading of homilies.

The Centrality of Application in Puritan Sermons

As has been demonstrated, the ability of the pastor to preach sermons was of

great advantage to him as he sought to educate and train the consciences of individuals

within his congregation. It was within this sermonic style that the Puritan minister was

able to craft his message so as to make it more personal and effective.37

As a means to do

this, the Anglican Puritans began to place a greater emphasis on the application of the

words of Scripture to the lives of their hearers. By doing this, they sought to provide

35Cartwright, Replye, 173.

36

Davies, Worship and Theology, 263.

37

Davies wrote, “The second ground for Puritan insistence on preaching was the complete

inadequacy of the alternative – the reading of approved homilies. It was not only that a sermon was

unpredictable and therefore provided an element of novelty in the prescribed service; it was the

applicability of a good sermon to the conditions of the congregation.” Davies, Worship and Theology, 296.

119

tangible ways in which the congregants could take the truths of the Bible and utilize them

in daily practice. Packer fittingly summarized this Puritan perspective. He wrote,

The most characteristic feature in the Puritan ideal of preaching was the great stress

laid on the need for searching applications of truth to the hearers’ consciences. One

mark of a ‘spiritual’, ‘powerful’ preacher, in the Puritan estimation, was the

closeness and faithfulness of application whereby he would ‘rip up’ men’s

consciences and make them face themselves as God saw them. The Puritans knew

that sinful men are slow to apply truth to themselves, quick though they may be to

see how it bears on others. Hence unapplied general statements of evangelical truth

were unlikely to do much good. Therefore (said the Puritans) the preacher must see

it as an essential part of his job to work out applications in detail, leading the minds

of his hearers step by step down those avenues of practical syllogisms which will

bring the word right home to their hearts, to do its judging, wounding, healing,

comforting, and guiding work . . . Application is the preacher’s highway from the

head to the heart.38

This emphasis can be seen in Ames’ response to what the most important aspect of the

sermon was. He wrote, “Some special occasion may make the large explication of the

text, or handling of the Doctrine to be necessary; but regularly, and ordinarily the

prinicipall worke of the Sermon, if it be not Catecheticall, is in the use and application.”39

He went on to explain the reasoning for this claim by stating, “the use is the principall

end, both of the explications and doctrines.”40

As the Anglican Puritans fought to instill the practice of preaching sermons in

their churches, while also realizing the importance of providing application to the texts of

Scripture, they began to develop a formalized structure to their preaching. It was through

this structure that the Puritans believed they were able to best produce changed behavior

38J. I. Packer, Among God’s Giants: The Puritan Vision of the Christian Life (Eastbourne,

England: Kingsway, 1991), 152.

39

Ames, Conscience, 77.

40

Ibid.

120

in their congregants’ lives. Thus, Davies rightly concluded, “What is perhaps most

interesting about the structure of the Puritan sermon is that it is streamlined in the

direction of changing a man’s mind with a view to improving his behavior. . . . The

paramount concern is that godliness which desires to know the will of God in order to

follow it.”41

Therefore, these Puritans advanced a concept of sermon delivery in which

they believed several areas of importance would be addressed. There was great freedom

within this structure, as ministers were left to determine the content on their own, but key

aspects were insisted upon to help ensure that a biblical text was thoroughly presented.42

The structure whereby Anglican Puritans sought to present their sermons

contained two major areas of concentration: doctrine and application. Perkins described

this structure of sermons by stating,

The partes thereof are two: Resolution or partition, and Application. Resolution is

that, whereby the place propounded is, as a weavers web, resolved (or untwisted and

unloosed) into sundrie doctrines. . . Application is that, wherby the doctrine rightlie

collected is diverslly fitted according as place, time, and person doe require.43

Similarly, Ames wrote, “In setting forth the truth in the text the minister should first

explain it and then indicate the good which follows from it. The first part is concerned

with doctrines and proofs; the latter with application or derivation of profit from the

doctrines.”44

It was through this division of the sermon that the Puritan pastors worked to

explain the text of the Scripture and then allow it to affect the listeners.

41Horton Davies, “Elizabethan Puritan Preaching I,” Worship 44 (1970): 105.

42

R. Bruce Bickel, Light and Heat: The Puritan View of the Pulpit and the Focus of the Gospel

in Puritan Preaching (Morgan, PA: Soli Deo Gloria, 1999), 26; Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 35-42.

43

Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 90-99.

44

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 191-92.

121

While doctrine and application are the two large divisions within a Puritan

sermon, there were other sub-components which the ministers sought to emphasize. In

relation to doctrine, or as he called it, resolution, Perkins wrote, “Resolution is either

Notation, or Collection. Notation is, when as the doctrine is expressed in the place

propounded. . . Collection is, when the doctrine not expressed is soundly gathered out of

y text.”45

Likewise, the Westminster Directory encouraged that “doctrine is to be

expressed in plain terms; or if any thing in it need explanation, is to be opened, and the

consequence also from the text cleared.”46

Thus, Davies divided the sense of doctrinal

explanation into two aspects of the sermon and described the sermons as having three

components: “Doctrine, Reason and Use.”47

Perkins, in giving his order of a sermon,

took a similar step, but changed the description somewhat and also emphasized the

reading of the text. He wrote,

The order and summe of the sacred and only methode of preaching

1. To read the Text distinctly out of the Canonicall Scriptures.

2. To give the sense and understanding of it being read, by the Scripture it selfe.

3. To collect a few and profitable points of doctrine out of the naturall sense.

4. To applie (if he have the gift) the doctrines rightly collected to the life and

manners of men, in a simple and plaine speech.48

Thus, in these ways, the Anglican Puritan pastor hoped to provide a comprehensive

analysis of the biblical reference in discussion, while also giving a means to understand

and apply the written words.

45Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 91-92.

46

Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 37.

47

Davies, Worship of the English Puritans, 191.

48

Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 148.

122

Whereas the doctrinal components of a Puritan sermon were important for

theological contemplation, the application of the text is of particular note for this study.

It was through this means that Anglican Puritan pastors believed they were best able to

affect the consciences of their hearers and provoke them to moral living.49

Ames

explained, “In order that the will of God may be set forth fruitfully for edification two

things are necessary: First, the things contained in the text must be stated; second, they

must be applied to the consciences of the hearers as their condition seems to require.”50

This emphasis on the application is also expressed in A Directory for the Publike Worship

of God, which stated, “He is not to rest in general doctrine, although never so much

cleared and confirmed, but to bring it home to special use, by application to his

hearers.”51

It was in this component of the sermon which the Anglican Puritans

maintained they were most likely to influence the lives of their congregants. Therefore,

they put great emphasis on ensuring that godly sermons included an element of

application. In fact, Ames went so far as to claim, “They sin, therefore, who stick to the

naked finding and explanation of the truth, neglecting the use and practice in which

religion and blessedness consist. Such preachers edify the conscience little or not at

all.”52

As can be seen, the Anglican Puritans were adamant in their view of the

importance of application in a sermon. Furthermore, they were also explicit in regards to

49Ryken, Worldly Saints, 101.

50

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 191;

51

Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 38.

52

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 192.

123

what this component should entail. According to Perkins, there was a duality to practical

application which was important to comprehend. He stated,

Practicall application is that which respecteth the life and behaviour. And it is

instruction (and correction. . . Instruction is that, whereby doctrine is

applied to frame a man to live well in the family, common-wealth, and Church. . .

Correction is that, whereby the doctrine is applied to reforme the life from

ungodlines and unrighteous dealing.53

Likewise, in explaining the contents of a sermon, Ames wrote,

41. Direction, needed in the practice of life, consists of instruction and correction.

42. Instruction is a setting forth of the life which ought to be followed.

43. Correction is a condemnation of the life which ought to be shunned.54

Thus, it was through the use of application which allowed the Puritan preachers to

practically inform the individual congregants in how they should be living. This was

viewed as a very personal ministerial function that helped influence and grow

churchgoers’ consciences. Perhaps Ames provides the best summation of the Puritan

perspective. He stated, “To apply a doctrine to its use is to sharpen and make specially

relevant some general truth with such effect that it may pierce the minds of those present

with the stirring up of godly affections.”55

The Plain Style of Puritan Preaching

The emphasis on application within a sermon was an important feature which

allowed the Puritans to provide practical exhortations to churchgoers. Yet, the Puritan

preachers also sought to find ways in which the sermons would be better understood and

53Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 123-24.

54

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 193.

55

Ibid.

124

comprehended so that the congregants would be more apt to apply the principles

delineated therein. To do this, Anglican Puritan pastors began to emphasize the need for

sermons to be delivered in a very plain manner and to be memorable.56

In these two

ways, which made the sermons even more personal, the Puritan ministers believed they

would be better able to help individuals follow in obedience the principles set forth in

their messages.

The audience to which Anglican Puritan pastors delivered their sermons was

comprised of a variety of classes of people, many of which were uneducated, or simple.57

This meant that sermons or homilies employing scholarly or classical language were

unfamiliar and confusing to many of those in attendance. Perkins, therefore, explained,

“A strange word hindereth the understanding of those things that are spoken.”58

Likewise, Ames declared that “strange words doe hinder the understanding, and interrupt

the attention of the auditors.”59

Therefore, as the Puritans perceived this, they determined

to provide sermons which would be easily comprehended by all in attendance.

The manner of delivery developed by the Anglican Puritan pastors to make

their sermons more understandable was one which they termed “plain.”60

This plain

preaching meant that there would be very little employment of terms from ancient

56Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 132-34; Ames, Marrow of Theology, 192, 194-95; Sibbes,

Bruised Reede, 63; Thomas Fuller, Holy State (Cambridge: R. D., 1642), 89-90.

57

Ames gave specific instructions in presenting a sermon in such a way that the simple might

understand. Ames, Conscience, 74-75.

58

Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 135.

59

Ames, Conscience, 75.

60

Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 41.

125

languages, as well as, a limiting of non-essential language which might be perceived as

elaborate.61

This can be seen in the Parliamentary Directory where preaching is said to

be done thusly:

Plainly; that the meanest may understand: delivering the truth, not in the enticing

words of man’s wisdom. . . abstaining also from an unprofitable use of unknown

tongues, strange phrases, and cadences of sounds and words, sparingly citing

sentences of ecclesiastical or other human writers, ancient or modern.62

Ames also warned that such rhetorical ornaments should not be utilized. He explained,

“they are repugnant to the powerfull demonstration of the Spirit. They doe foolishly

therefore which in their Sermons, affect sounds ending alike, but specially they which

propound such rimes in unknown Latine and Greeke words.” 63

The plainness of Puritan sermons should not be equated with a lessening of

scholarly preparation or a diluting of content. Rather, the plain style of delivery was

merely a change in manner of presentation and not in substance.64

As has been

demonstrated, the Anglican Puritan pastors were insistent on thorough and faithful study

and explanation of Scripture.65

Perkins went to great lengths to express the thoroughness

of sermon preparation, writing over sixty pages on how it should be done.66

This attitude

concerning the necessity of properly considering Scripture before presenting a sermon

can be seen in his basic explanation of interpreting Scripture. He simply stated, “In

61Ryken, Worldly Saints, 105.

62

Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 41.

63

Ames, Conscience, 78.

64

Bickel, Light and Heat, 23-24.

65

See footnotes 27-29 of this chapter.

66

Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 26-89.

126

preparation private studie is with diligence to be used.”67

Therefore, Puritan sermons

should be perceived as expressly researched and studied, but preached in a plain and

understandable manner so that those in attendance could comprehend the words spoken.

While Anglican Puritan pastors sought to be plain in their preaching, they also

worked to ensure their sermons were memorable.68

One of the goals of the Puritan

preachers was to have individuals be able to return to their homes and continually process

and apply the day’s message.69

This was Baxter’s intent when he called on the hearers of

the sermon to “chew the cud, and call up all when you come home in secret, and by

meditation preach it over to yourselves.”70

In order to facilitate this, the ministers would

craft their sermons so that the hearers could follow the flow of thought and remember the

major points of emphasis.71

The methods used by Puritan pastors to help their congregants remember their

sermons varied to some extent. For some, the reliance upon a structure which was easily

followed was essential. Thus, Baxter exhorted preachers to

not only be methodical, and avoid prolix, confused, and involved discourses, and

that malicious pride of hiding their method, but must be as oft in the use of the same

method, as the subject will bear, and choose that method which is most easy to the

hearers to understand and remember, and labour to make them perceive your tract.72

67Ibid., 26.

68

Bickel, Light and Heat, 28.

69

Baxter, Christian Directory, 475-76.

70

Ibid., 475.

71

Davies, “Puritan Preaching I,” 107.

72

Baxter, Christian Directory, 474.

127

For others, the use of alliteration was employed to provide a literary tool which was

beneficial for recitation. Baxter is again helpful in his conclusion:

Preachers should contrive the force of every reason, use, direction, &c. as much as

may be, into some one emphatical word. (And some do very profitably contrive

each of those words to begin with the same letter, which is good for memory, so it

be not too much strained, and put them not upon greater inconveniences.) As if I

were to direct you to the chiefest helps to your salvation, and should name, 1.

Powerful preaching. 2. Prayer. 3. Prudence. 4. Piety. 5. Painfulness. 6. Patience.

7. Perseverance. Though I opened every one of these at large, the very names

would help the hearers’ memory.”73

Whatever the means chosen, these Anglican Puritan ministers strove to provide a sermon

which was memorable and easily recited for future discussion.

The use of plainness in speaking and the provision of memorable sermons

were employed by Puritan pastors as a way to ensure their preaching personally touched

the lives of those they were leading. They did not seek to provide lofty diatribes on

subjects which were unable to be understood by the laity. Instead, they endeavored to

preach in such a way that every person present would be able to comprehend and apply

the words spoken. In this way, the pastors personally ministered to those under their care

and, in their view, were better able to affect the lives of the congregants.

Summary of Puritan Preaching Ministry

The public declaration of God’s Word was central to the pastoral ministry of

Anglican Puritanism. It was through this function that the Puritans believed they were

able to positively develop the consciences of those under their care and, consequently,

affect their morality. They maintained that this was best accomplished through the

73Baxter, Christian Directory, 474.

128

preaching of sermons, as opposed to the reading of homilies, in part because it allowed

them the freedom to preach in a personalized fashion to their own congregations. In

addition, they insisted on the importance of delivering practical application in each

sermon so as to provide tangible ways in which churchgoers could relate Scripture to

their own lives. Finally, they also demanded that sermons be presented in a plain and

memorable style so that those in attendance could fully comprehend the words spoke, as

well as, continue to process the message once they returned home. In these three ways,

the Puritan pastors believed they were best able to affect the consciences of their flocks

during their public expounding of Scripture.

The Use of the Sacraments in Moral Training

Puritan pastors used the sermons they preached as one of the primary means of

developing the consciences of their congregations in an effort to promote morality. Yet,

this was not the only public method used to accomplish such a function. In addition to

their preaching ministry, Anglican Puritan ministers also utilized the administration of the

sacraments to strengthen consciences and encourage ethical living.

The sacraments were an important element of Anglican Puritanism, as

reflected in their frequent writings on the subject and their insistence on proper

administration of these functions.74

As with other church practices, Puritans sought to be

74William Perkins, The Foundation of Christian Religion, Gathered into Sixe Principles (n.p.:

Thomas Orwin, 1591), 28; Baxter, Five Disputations, 417; Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 45; Ames,

Marrow of Theology, 210; John Brinsley, The True Watch and Rule of Life (London: John Beale, 1619),

174; William Perkins, A Golden Chaine: or the Description of Theologie, Containing the Order of the

Causes of Salvation and Damnation, according to Gods Word in The Workes of that Famous and Worthy

Minister of Christ in the University of Cambridge, Mr. William Perkins, vol. 1 (London: University of

Cambridge Press, 1612), 72; Marcus Dods and Alexander Whyte, eds., The Westminster Confession,

Handbooks for Bible Classes (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1881), 151-52; Baxter, Christian Directory, 562,

129

biblical in their understanding of the sacraments.75

At times, this put them in conflict

with the state church and led to numerous Puritans authoring works which expressed their

perspective on how the sacraments should be practiced.76

Puritan works dealing with the subject of the sacraments are clear that

Scripture only established two sacraments: baptism and the Lord’s Supper.77

They

expressly denied the validity of any other sacraments, claiming that they were the

creation of man. Therefore, Ames stated, “The sacraments are baptism and the Lord’s

Supper. No other sacraments or sacramental signs were delivered to the church by Christ

or his apostles, nor can others be appointed by men in the church.”78

Therefore, a study

of the Puritan view of the sacraments and the clerical use of them in moral formation will

be limited to an analysis of baptism and the Lord’s Supper.

935; William Perkins, The Whole Treatise of the Cases of Conscience in William Perkins 1558-1602:

English Puritanist, ed. Thomas F. Merrill (Nieuwkoop, Netherlands: B. De Graaf, 1966), 131; Jeremiah

Dyke, A Worthy Communicant: or, a Treatise Shewing the Due Order of Receiving the Sacrament of the

Lords Supper (London: J. Raworth, 1642), 540-73; Arthur Hildersham, The Doctrine of Communicating

Worshily in the Lords Supper: Delivered by way of Question and Answer, for the more Familiar Instruction

of the, 8th ed. (London: John Haniland, 1630), 2-3; William Bradshaw, A Preparation to the Receiving of

Christs Body and Blood: Directing Weake Christians how They may Worthily Receive the Same, 8th

ed.

(London: John Haviland, 1630); Jeremiah Dyke, A Worthy Communicant: or a Treatise, Shewing the Due

Order of Receiving the Sacrament of the Lords Supper (London: J. Raworth, 1642); John Preston, A

Preparation to the Lords Supper, 5th

ed. (London: John Dawson, 1638); Henry Smith, A Treatise of the

Lords Supper (London: R. Field, 1591).

75

Again, it must be acknowledged that the Puritans continued to maintain the practice of

pedobaptism, despite there being no scriptural dictates for such a function. While this is a major flaw in

their theology, the goal of this dissertation is not to critique their theology, but to analyze their view of the

conscience. See Baxter, Christian Directory,648-665; Richard Baxter, Certain Disputations of Right to

Sacraments, and the True Nature of Visible Christianity (London: William Du-Gard, 1657).

76

Davies, Worship of the English Puritans, 204, 216-17; Baxter, Five Disputations, 417; Hall,

The Parliamentary Directory, 45.

77

Perkins, Foundation of Christian Religion, 28.

78

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 210.

130

Before demonstrating the ways in which the Puritan sacraments were used to

develop the conscience, it is important to understand what the Anglican Puritans believed

concerning these practices. Therefore, a brief presentation of the basic Puritan beliefs

relating to the sacraments will be presented, followed by a detailed explanation of the

ways these functions were utilized by ministers to help produce moral living.

The Puritan Understanding of the Sacraments

Puritans believed the sacraments were important to their faith, but they did not

view them as means of imparting salvation. Rather, they were regarded as seals of one’s

relationship with Christ.79

Perkins explained this understanding of the sacraments by

stating, “a Sacrament is not absolutely necessary, but only as it is a proppe and stay for

faith to leane upon. For it cannot entitle us unto the inheritance of the sonnes of God, as

the covenant doth, but onely by reason of faith going before, it doth seale that which

before was bestowed upon us.”80

As such, the sacraments were practiced in an effort to

remind one of his covenant with the Lord.

Though the Anglican Puritans were insistent on their desire to bring all church

practices into line with biblical dictates, many of them did not seek to break from the

traditional insistence on infant baptism. There was a baptistic movement within

Puritanism which sought to institute believer’s baptism, but this was not the general

understanding of the majority in Puritanism, particularly those who endeavored to remain

79Brinsley, True Watch, 174.

80

Perkins, Golden Chaine, 72.

131

within, and reform, the Anglican Church.81

Instead, these Anglican Puritans argued that

there was scriptural warrant for infant baptism, though it was not explicitly directed.82

Thus, the Puritans continued to exercise the traditional practice of pedobaptism, only

seeking to bring reform to the methodologies of the practice, such as making the sign of

the cross over the infant, of this sacrament.83

The Anglican Puritans believed that baptism was performed as a way to signify

the entrance into a covenant relationship with Christ and His church, both for the infant

or an adult believer.84

This was not viewed as being equal to salvation; rather, it was a

commitment, by the individual or the parents on the behalf of the infant, to continue on in

the Christian faith.85

Therefore, it was understood that if one was baptized before

becoming a committed believer, such as in infant baptism, then the individual must still

submit his life to Christ through faith at a later point in order to be a true child of God.86

Baxter explained this sentiment by stating,

Having been entered in your infancy into the covenant of God by your parents, you

must, at years of discretion, review the covenant which by them you made, and

renew it personally yourselves; and this with as great seriousness and resolution as

if you were now first to enter and subscribe it, and as if your everlasting life or death

were to depend on the sincerity of your consent and performance. For your infant

81John Spurr, English Puritanism, 1603-1689, Social History in Perspective (New York: St.

Martin’s, 1998), 31.

82

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 211-12.

83

Baxter, Five Disputations, 417

84

Perkins, Foundations of Christian Religion, 29.

85

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 210; Perkins, Foundations of Christian Religion, 29.

86

Dods and Whyte, Westminster Confession,151-52.

132

baptismal covenanting will save none of you that live to years of discretion, and do

not as heartily own it in their own persons, as if they had been now to be baptized.87

The sacrament of baptism was thus seen as being an initial commitment to God and the

church, but having no salvific work. Perkins provided a helpful analogy for

understanding the role of baptism for a Christian. He stated,

For looke as to the essence of a bargaine, the consent and agreement of the parties

alone, is of mere necessitie required; and this being yeelded, the bargaine is a

bargaine though it be neither sealed, subscribed, or confirmed by the witnesses; so

likewise a man may be saved, if he be within the covenant of grace, though he have

not receieved the seale and signe thereof, the Sacrament of baptisme.88

Accordingly, the Puritans believed baptism worked to “seal” one’s faith, which was later

placed in Christ if the individual continued on in his covenant.

Similar to baptism, the Lord’s Supper was also viewed as a means of “sealing”

a person’s faith. It did not impart any particular grace or serve an atoning function.

Rather, the Lord’s Supper functioned to remind one of the work of Christ and, therefore,

to help encourage faithfulness and thankfulness.89

Congregations varied on the frequency

of practicing this sacrament, but whenever it was performed, Puritans were insistent that

it be done in a scriptural way and only given to those worthy of partaking.90

Thus, the

87Baxter, Christian Directory, 562. Later he wrote, “And you must know, that your faith, and

consent, and dedication will suffice for your children no longer than till they come to age themselves; and

then they must own their baptismal covenant, and personally renew it, and consent, and give up themselves

to God, or else they will not be owned by Christ.” Baxter, Christian Directory, 935.

88

Perkins, Cases of Conscience, 131.

89

Dyke, Worthy Communicant, 540-73.

90

Hildersham, Communicating, 2-3; Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 52; Spurr, English

Puritanism, 30.

133

Parliamentary Directory stated that “The ignorant and the scandalous are not fit to

receive this Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper.”91

This text went on to instruct ministers to

warn all such as are ignorant, scandalous, profane, or that live in any sin or offence

against their knowledge or conscience, that they presume not to come to that holy

table; shewing them that he that eateth and drinketh judgment unto himself: and, on

the other part, he is in especial manner to invite and encourage all that labour under

the sense of the burden of their sins, and fear of wrath, and desire to reach out unto a

greater progress in grace than yet they can attain unto, to come to the Lord’s table;

assuring them, in the same name, of ease, refreshing, and strength to their weak and

wearied souls.92

Hildersham expressed a similar desire to ensure that only those who were properly

prepared partook of the elements. He wrote,

Q. What is that preparation that is required of every one that would receive this

Sacrament to his comfort? A. Every one (even such as have made best proceedings

in Religion) before he presume to come to the Lords Supper, must sequester

himselfe from all other busines, that might any way distract him, and carefully set

his whole minde and heart upon this worke that hee is to goe about, taking some

time to examine himself, whether those things bee in him, that may make him a

worthy receiver of this holy Sacrament.93

The Anglican Puritans understood the sacraments as being a means of sealing

or confirming an individual in his covenant with Christ. As such, baptism and the Lord’s

Supper were perceived as being avenues by which believers could be strengthened in

their faith. This is seen in John Brinsley’s explanation of the sacraments. He wrote,

they [the sacraments] in their right use are amongst the principall of those meanes

ordained by the Lord, to keep us from backsliding, & so for the preservation and

increase of grace, mentioned in the causes of backsliding: Seeing they are the Lords

seales, for the fulnesse of our assurance, both of forgivenesse, and of his favour in

91Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 52.

92

Ibid., 53-54.

93

Hildersham, Communicating, 2-3.

134

Christs blood; and so speciall helps for the stirring up and increasing of all the

graces of God in us, and consequently of all spiritual strength and assurance.94

Similarly, Baxter explained that the sacraments had great purposes in regards to ethical

living. He stated, “For the word and Sacraments do work Grace, but Morally, by

propounding the object, and so objectively Teaching, Remembering, and Exciting, and

thus working on the Understanding, Memory, and Will, and Affections.”95

Therefore,

Puritan pastors utilized these practices to help promote morality and to develop the

consciences of those under their care.

The Use of Baptism in Conscience Development

Baptism was a core practice in Puritan churches. Yet, because it was often

performed when one was an infant, the actual observance of this act by the participant

was perceived as having little immediate value for moral living. Rather, Anglican

Puritans sought to use this past religious exercise to help promote future holiness. Baxter

made reference to this idea when he wrote, “Your covenant thus, 1. Made; 2; Solemnized

by baptism; 3. And owned at age; must, 4. Be frequently renewed through the whole

course of your lives.”96

This covenant, referenced by Baxter, was made on behalf of the

child by the father and represented a commitment to continue on in the faith of one’s

parents.97

It was perceived as a visible sign of the status already accorded to the child

94Brinsley, True Watch, 174.

95

Baxter, Five Disputations, 420.

96

Baxter, Christian Directory, 562.

97

Hall, Parliamentary Directory, 46-47.

135

based on his parents’ faith. This can be seen in the teachings on the subject found in the

Parliamentary Directory. This text stated,

That it [baptism] is instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ: that it is a seal of the

covenant of grace, of our ingrafting into Christ, and of our union with him; of

remission of sins, regeneration, adoption, and life eternal . . . That the promise is

made to believers and their seed; and that the seed and posterity of the faithful, born

within the Church, have by their birth interest in the covenant, and right to the seal

of it, and to the outward privileges of the Church under the Gospel, no less that the

children of Abraham in the time of the Old Testament: the covenant of grace, for

substance, being the same; and the grace of God, and the consolation of believers,

more plentiful that before.98

While a child entered into a covenant with Christ as an infant, symbolized in

the act of baptism, it was still necessary for the individual to continue a life of submission

to Christ. The faith of one’s parents was sufficient for a child, but it was maintained that

each person had to personally adopt such a faith at a later age.99

This can be seen in the

Parliamentary Directory, which instructed ministers to pray that should a person “attain

the years of discretion, that the Lord would so teach him by his word and Spirit, and

make his baptism effectual to him, and so uphold him by his divine power and grace . . .

and so be kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation, through Jesus Christ our

Lord.”100

Thus, Baxter emphasized the importance of continuing to live within the

covenant formally made at baptism. He explained, “And as careful must you be to keep

or perform your covenant, as to enter it, and renew it; which is done, 1. By continuing our

consent; 2. By sincere obedience; 3. And by perseverance.”101

98Ibid, 46.

99

Baxter, Christian Directory, 562.

100

Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 45-51.

101

Baxter, Christian Directory, 562.

136

Contrary to the practice of those who remained faithful, those persons which

strayed from their covenant with Christ made at baptism, and later decided to enter back

into the covenant, had to be confirmed and absolved.102

Yet, this confirmation process

differed from that of Catholics in that it was a manner of recommitment and not a

sacrament to be carried out by all. Therefore, Baxter wrote,

The Papists quarrel with us, and curse us in the Counsel of Trent, for denying their

Ends of Confirmation, and making it another thing. But they fastly describe our

Opinion: We do not take it to be a meer Catechising, or receiving the Catechized to

the Lords Supper, or to a higher form: But we take it to be the Approbation of the

personal Profession of them that claime a Title to the Church-state, and Priviledg of

the Adult, and an Investing them solemnly therein, upon the solemn Renewal (and

personal Adult enterance) into Covenant with God.103

Thus, the practice of confirmation was actually the renewal of the covenant made at

baptism. Whether it was through a continuation in faithfulness to the previously made

covenant or through the reestablished pledge made during confirmation, the Puritans

were encouraged to live uprightly and purely by remembering their past commitment to

their spiritual covenant with God made at baptism. It was believed that the recollection

of this previous pledge would spur one on to faithfulness in Christian beliefs and

practices.

The Puritan minister played a central role in the actual performance of the

sacrament of baptism. In regards to pedobaptism, it was his duty to explain the

responsibilities of the parents to raise the infant in accordance with Christian principles

102Richard Baxter, Confirmation and Restauration, The Necessary Means of Reformation, and

Reconciliation (London: A. M., 1658), 92.

103

Ibid., 93-94.

137

and then to perform the actual sprinkling or immersion of the child.104

However, in both

of these roles, the age of the participant meant that the minister was not able to use the act

of baptism to strengthen or encourage the conscience of the one being baptized. It was

only through the practice of believer’s baptism that the minister was able to fully explain

the meaning of baptism to the actual participant. Therefore, the utilization of baptism to

influence the conscience of the individual being baptized was severely limited.

While the Puritan pastor was not able to use the practice of baptism to directly

develop the morality of the infant being baptized, he was still able to employ this

sacrament in a personal manner as he sought to develop the consciences of his

congregants. It was through a duality of remembrance methods that the Puritan minister

utilized the sacrament of baptism to help strengthen the consciences of his flock. Though

these were not the predominant techniques employed by the minister for moral

development, they were, nevertheless, significant public means used in his conscience

formation efforts.

The first way in which baptism was utilized by Anglican Puritan pastors to

emphasize morality was during the performance of the sacrament. However, instead of

directly guiding the participant, the minister sought to influence the consciences of those

who were in attendance. It was understood that the baptismal event should have

significant benefits for those witnessing its occurrence. Brinsley expressed this in his

explanation of how baptism was effectual for believers. He stated, “By oft meditation

104Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 45-51. Pages 48-49 provide specific details on the

minister’s instruction to parents: “He [the pastor] is to exhort the parent. . . To consider the great mercy of

God to him and his child; to bring up the child in the knowledge of the grounds of the Christian religion,

and in the nurture and admonition of the Lord: and to let him know the danger of God’s wrath to himself

and child, if he be negligent; requiring his solemn promise for the performance of his duty.”

138

(especially whensoever wee see that Sacrament administred) of our owne vow &

covenant which wee made in our Baptisme, and that we are not our owne, but the

Lords.”105

The minister would, therefore, use this opportunity to call on each individual

present to remember that they too were baptized. He would then proceed to practically

exhort them to live according to the covenant previously made on their behalf. This is

expressly seen in the Parliamentary Directory. In this text, the minister is instructed to

provide the following admonishment to all that were present: “To look back to their

baptism; to repent of their sins against their covenant with God; to stir up their faith; to

improve and make right use of their baptism, and of the covenant sealed thereby betwixt

God and their souls.”106

In this way, the Puritan clergy worked to make use of this

religious practice to encourage purity of living in those to whom they ministered.

While the Puritan pastor was able to utilize the opportunity of the baptismal

service to encourage moral living, he also, similarly, sought to call on this previous

religious experience at various other times as a way to remind his congregants of the

covenant they had entered into.107

The Puritans taught that baptism could help spur one

on to purity, but that it was done primarily through remembering the commitment

previously made. Perkins expressed this mentality in his Cases of Conscience. He wrote,

In regard of this use, baptisme is of great force to releeve the heart in distress. For

when any childe of God feeles himself loden with the burden of his sinnes, the

consideration and remembrance therof, that God hath pardoned them all, and given

105Brinsley, True Watch, 175-76.

106

Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 48.

107

E. Brooks Holifield, The Covenant Sealed: the Development of Puritan Sacramental

Theology in Old and New England, 1570-1720 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), 44.

139

him a special and certaine pledge of his pardon in baptisme, will serve to stay and

support his soule.108

As such, Puritan ministers worked to encourage obedience to Scripture by reminding

individuals of their pledge made at their own baptism.109

In this way, they hoped to

strengthen the consciences of those under their care, and, ultimately, promote holy living.

While the practice of baptism was not the primary method utilized by Puritan

ministers to help instill morality in their flocks, it was, nevertheless, an avenue pursued

by these clergymen to strengthen consciences. Through the emphasis on remembrance of

past commitment to a covenant, both during the baptismal service and through

subsequent reminders, the Puritan pastor endeavored to use baptism as a means to affect

the ethical living of those under his care.

The Use of the Lord’s Supper in Conscience Development

Puritan ministers were able to use the commitment made at baptism to help

promote ethical living, but they were able to utilize the Lord’s Supper in a much more

prominent way, but for the same purpose. These pastors resolutely sought to use this

sacrament to draw attention to the importance of living purely. They did this primarily

through stressing the importance of being a worthy accepter of the elements.

For Anglican Puritans, the Lord’s Supper was performed out of obedience to

the Lord’s command and in an effort to remember the sacrifice made by Christ on the

cross.110

However, the Puritans were dissatisfied that this sacrament was practiced by

108Perkins, Cases of Conscience, 79.

109

Hall, The Parliamentary Directory, 48.

110

Baxter, Christian Directory, 930.

140

much of the Anglican Church in a manner they perceived as contrary to scriptural

teaching. Their reasoning for this claim was that they believed sinful individuals were

being allowed to partake of the elements and that this holy practice was being soiled.111

This can be seen in a statement in the Admonition to Parliament in which the early

church practice is juxtaposed with the habits of the Church of England. This work reads,

They had no Gloria in excelsis in the ministerie of the Sacrament then, for it was put

to afterward. We have now. They took it with conscience. We with costume.

They thrust men by reason of their sinnes from the Lords Supper. We thrust them in

their sinne to the Lordes Supper. They ministred the Sacrament plainely. We

pompously, with singing, pyping, surplesse and cope wearyng. They simply as they

received it from the Lorde. We, sinfullye, mixed with mannes inventions.112

Contrarily, Puritans were insistent that only those who were living rightly should be able

to participate in the sacrament. Thus, the Westminster Confession stated, “Wherefore all

ignorant and ungodly persons, as they are unfit to enjoy communion with him, so are they

unworthy of the Lord's table, and cannot, without great sin against Christ, while they

remain such, partake of these holy mysteries, or be admitted thereunto.”113

While the

Anglican Church did hold that the notoriously evil not be allowed to take part in the

Lord’s Supper, the Puritans believed that any who were living unrighteously, not just

those who were infamous for their sinful behavior, should not be served the elements.114

This put them at odds with the leadership of the state church, as the Puritans were

111Davies wrote: “Even greater was the Puritan deprecation of the cheapening of the Holy

Communion by admitting the unworthy to it without any examination of the quality of their life.” Davies,

Worship and Theology, 266.

112

Frere and Dougland, “Admonition to Parliament,” 13.

113

Dods and Whyte, Westminster Confession, 157.

114

Spurr, English Puritanism, 31; Holifield, Covenant Sealed, 55-56.

141

unabashed in their willingness to forbid admittance to the sacrament, even to those in

prominent governmental positions.115

The method employed by the Puritan pastors to ensure that only worthy

individuals partook of the Lord’s Supper varied, but centered on the minister examining

the life of the congregant. Through personal, private ministry, which will be presented in

the following chapter, the Puritan clergy worked to ensure that each churchgoer was

living in obedience to Scripture. This ministerial effort allowed the pastor to assess the

heart and practice of those desiring to partake of the Lord’s Supper. Therefore, when the

minister was aware of sinful behavior, he would refuse to serve those who desired to

participate in the sacrament. John Rogers expressed this goal in his commentary on the

First Epistle of Peter. He wrote,

Another duty of the Ministers of God: Its not enough to preach, yeah soundly and

diligently, but they must besides take a particular view and oversight of their flock,

marking and looking into (by themselves and others) the conversation and behavior

of their people, and applying themselves to them accordingly in admonition,

exhortation, comfort. . . thus also shall he know the better whom to admit to the

Sacrament.116

Rogers continued by providing a scathing critique of those ministers who did not

personally minister to their flocks. He stated,

It [previous quoted statement] rebukes those also that living among their people, yet

care not thus, but think theselves discharged that they meet them at Church on the

Sabbath, and then preach them a Sermon, whereas all the week after they consider

not of them, nay, scares visit the sick, but either are so entangled with cares and

businesses of the world, that they cannot, or so addicted to their pleasures, that they

115Tom Webster, Godly Clergy in Early Stuart England: the Caroline Puritan Movement, c.

1620-1643 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 120.

116

Rogers, First Peter, 624-25.

142

will not minde this; Thus they are less fit for Preaching, do the less good, and

receive all as a venture to the Sacrament, which is a fearful thing.117

The purpose of this mentality was not just to protect the integrity of the Lord’s Supper,

but also to help encourage and promote godly living.118

The Puritan pastor’s use of the Lord’s Supper to hold accountable those who

wished to participate was an effort to build the conscience of the individual. Through this

practice, the minister hoped to instill a desire for pure living, not for the purpose of

participating in the sacrament, but with the goal of living righteously.119

The Lord’s

Supper, therefore, helped serve as a means whereby the minister could affect the lives of

those under his care. For the Anglican Puritan pastor, this meant that he was unwilling to

be passive in this church function. He was determined to use it to minister in a personal,

yet public, manner.120

Conclusion of the Use of Sacraments

For the Anglican Puritan pastor, the sacraments had a primary purpose of

sealing the faith of the saints. Yet, they were also avenues whereby he was able to

encourage moral living. Without respect to person or status, the Puritan minister strove

to remind his flock of the demands of the covenant they had made with Christ. Through

this remembrance and subsequent accountability, he hoped his congregants’ consciences

117Ibid., 625.

118

Webster, Godly Clergy, 120.

119

Holifield, Covenant Sealed, 57

120

Rogers, First Peter, 624-25.

143

would be strengthened and fortified. Therefore, through these sacraments, the Puritan

minister worked to promote a spirit of morality and devotion to scriptural dictates.

Church Discipline in Puritan Morality

The third public function employed by Puritan pastors in their efforts to

personally strengthen the consciences of their congregants was church discipline.

Anglican Puritans used this religious practice as a means to bring about individual

conformity to biblical dictates. Though the end result of church discipline was very

public and involved the corporate body, Puritan pastors understood the practice as a

method to affect personally the morality of the individual congregants.

Much of the Puritan teaching and emphasis relating to church discipline came

about as a response to their dissatisfaction with the Church of England’s lack of biblical

discipline. Spurr aptly summarized this understanding: “Again and again, the puritan cry

was for a more severe discipline. The Church of England’s lack of an effective system of

monitoring its clergy and its laity was a great deficiency in puritan eyes.”121

Thus, the

Puritans put great effort into delineating their comprehension of a more biblical practice

of church discipline.122

According to the Puritan assessment of the state church, discipline was applied

inconsistently and prejudicially. They claimed that many notorious sinners were never

confronted through discipline because of their positions within the community. This is

121Spurr, English Puritanism, 52.

122

Frere and Dougland, “Admonition to Parliament,” 17; Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 214, 220;

Ames, Conscience, 86; Baxter, Christian Directory, 941-44; Dods and Whyte, Westminster Confession,

158-60; Ames, Marrow of Theology, 201-02; Christian Concord: or the Agreement of the Associated

Pastors and Churches of Worcestershire (London: A. M., 1653), 2.

144

evident in the Puritan argument to the Parliament for a renewed sense of church

discipline, found in An Admonition to the Parliament. This text stated,

In the primitive church. . . excommunication was greatly regarded and feared. Now

because it is a money matter, no whit at al estemed. Then for great sinnes, severe

punishment, and for smal offences, little censures. Now great sinnes eyther not at al

punished, as blasphemy, usury, etc, or else sleightly passed over with pricking in a

blanket, or pinning in a sheet, as adulterie, whoredome, drunkennes, etc. . . Then the

sentence was tempered accordyng to the notoriousnes of the facte. Now on the one

side either hatred against some persones, caryeth men headlong into rash and cruell

judgement: or els favoure, affection, or money, mitigateth the rigour of the same.123

In addition, the Puritans maintained that such numerous people under the supervision of a

single bishop made it very difficult for discipline to be practiced.124

Baxter wrote a

scathing assessment of the state church in Gildas Salvianus which ably expressed the

Puritan perspective. He stated,

How many Ministers in England be there that know not their own charge, that plead

for the truth of their particular Churches, and know not which they be, or who be the

members of them? and that never cast out one obstinate sinner; No nor brought one

to publike confession, and expression of Repentance and promise of reformation;

No nor admonished one publikely to call him to such Repentance. But they think

they do their duties if they give them not the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, (when

it is perhaps avoided voluntarily by themselves, and thousands will keep away

themselves without our prohibiting them) and in the mean time we leave them stated

members of our Churches, and grand them all other Communion with the Church,

and call them not to personal Repentance for their sin.125

Such complaints led the Puritans to focus much attention on the practice of church

discipline and how it could be better utilized.

In response to their dissatisfaction with the lack of discipline in the state

church, the Anglican Puritan pastors sought to reinstitute this practice in a manner

123Frere and Dougland, “Admonition to Parliament,” 17.

124

Spurr, English Puritanism, 52.

125

Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 214.

145

faithful to scriptural teachings.126

Their philosophy in regards to church discipline was

that it should be used as a tool to bring about repentance and pure living in all church-

goers, regardless of position or reputation.127

The Puritans believed this function to be

difficult, but crucial to bringing about holiness in congregants. Ames expressed this

sentiment in his explanation of the necessity of discipline. He wrote, “Because of the

hardnesse and deceitfulnes of heart, which is to be found in many sinners, a personall

applycation of those things which tend to the correction of sinne, in the excercise of

Discipline, is necsassary for the shaking of securities, and for the working of serious care

of sanctification.”128

It was maintained throughout this process of discipline that the goal was to

bring about some form of remorse for sin and desire for righteousness. While the process

may have been difficult, the resulting changes in behavior, and therefore, honoring of

God, made church discipline an esteemed endeavor for Anglican Puritans. Baxter

expressed this when he wrote, “If you admonish, and pu[b]likely rebuke the scandalous,

and call men to repentance, and cast out the obstinate, you may do good to many that you

reprove, and possibly to the excommunicate.”129

Therefore, the Puritans highly valued

this challenging, yet necessary, church function.

126Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990); Hensley

Henson, Puritanism in England (New York: B. Franklin, 1972), 40.

127

Downham pointed out 3 goals of Puritan discipline: 1) “To glorify God by obeying His

word.” 2) “To safeguard the purity of the church’s faith and life.” 3) “To reform and recover the erring

member.” D. Downham, “Discipline in the Puritan Congregation,” in Puritan Papers, vol. 1, ed. J. I.

Packer (Philipburg, NJ: P & R, 2000), 285.

128

Ames, Conscience, 86.

129

Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 220.

146

As the Anglican Puritans sought to reinstitute the practice of church discipline,

they also desired to elevate the role of the local minister in the process. While previously

this duty had been primarily given over to the bishop or magistrate, the Puritans preferred

to give greater responsibility over to the local pastor because of his intimate knowledge

of the church.130

Thus, Baxter concluded,

And it is the office of the pastors of the several congregations, not only to teach the

people in general, and guide them in the celebration of the public worship, but also

to oversee them, and watch over each member of their flock particularly; to preserve

them from errors, heresies, divisions, and other sins, defending the truth, confuting

gainsayers and seducers, instructing the ignorant, exciting the negligent,

encouraging the despondent, comforting the afflicted, confirming the weak,

rebuking and admonishing the disorderly and scandalous, and directing all

according to their needs in the matters of their salvation; and the people in such

needs should have ordinary recourse to them, as the officers of Christ, for guidance,

and resolution of their doubts; and for assistance in making their salvation sure; and

in proving, maintaining, or restoring the peace of their consciences, and spiritual

comfort.131

In turn, this change in authority promoted a more personal dealing with the individual

who was under discipline. Accordingly, Ames explained the Puritan pastor’s role as

integral in this public, yet personal endeavor. He wrote, “The elders have the main role

in the exercise and administration of discipline. This is not only in directing public action

and pronouncing sentence but also in giving admonitions beforehand, making up for what

they observe to be neglected by individuals.”132

Therefore, as will be demonstrated, the

130Dods and Whyte, Westminster Confession, 158-60. See also: William Perkins, Of the

Calling of the Ministerie, Two Treatises (London: Thomas Creede, 1606), 21.:“And if the Minister ought to

know and confesse his peoples sinnes, then it followeth, first, that it is best for a Minister to bee present

with his people, that so hee may the better knowe them and their state: and certainly if it bee a Ministers

duties to confesse to God the pollutions of his people, then wilfull and carelesse Nonresidency and all

absence, without just and conscionable causes, must needs be a foule & feareful sin.”

131

Baxter, Christian Directory, 941.

132

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 201-02.

147

ministerial efforts of the local pastor in rebuking an individual for sinful practices were

significant in developing the consciences of those under his care.

As expressed in the previous statement from Ames, the way in which Anglican

Puritan ministers engaged in church discipline was very personal and individualized.133

In some circumstances, the sinful practices of a person were evident and the pastor could

proceed with his calling on the individual to repent and initiate pastoral discipline, if

necessary.134

In other occasions, this process ensued from the results of a minister’s

private ministry, as will be seen in the following chapter. Through the private

investigation of an individual’s soul, resulting from such practices as catechetical

questioning and home visits, the Puritan pastor was able to ascertain the purity of a

person’s life.135

Thus, if the minister deemed that there was willful disobedience to

scriptural dictates and an unrepentant heart, either through his personal examination of

the individual or as a result of blatant scandalous living, he would proceed with the initial

steps in the discipline process.136

Throughout the process of church discipline, the Anglican Puritan minister was

to exhibit care and caution so as to not undeservingly pursue the discipline of

133This was in contrast to the practice of the state church, in which courts impersonally dealt

with disciple. Collinson wrote, “The courts dealt impersonally with those who came before them, after the

manner of secular justice, and they were ineffective in debarring from the communion the truly

scandalous.” Collinson, Elizabethan Puritan Movement, 40. Baxter explains that the role of the pastor was

“ministerial” and not coercive. Baxter, Christian Directory, 582.

134

Ames, Puritanism, 15.

135

Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 94.

136

Christian Concord, 2.

148

churchgoers. Thus, Ames encouraged pastors to carry out discipline only against evident

sins. He wrote,

They hold that by virtue of these keyes, they are not to make any curious

Inquisitions into the secret or hidden vices or crimes of men, extorting from them a

confession of those faults that are concealed from themselves and others; or to

proceed to molest any man upon secret suggestions, private suspition, or uncertaine

fame, or for such crimes as are in question whether they be crimes or no; But they

are to proceed, onely against evident and apparent crimes, such as are either granted

to be such of all civill honest men: or of all true Christians, or at least such, as they

are able, by evidence of the word of God, to convince to be sinnes, to the conscience

of the offender; As also such as have beene either publickly committed, or having

been committed in secret, are by some good means brought to light, & which the

delinquent denying, they are able by honest and sufficient testimony to prove

against him.137

These words were not meant to disallow discipline which resulted from pastoral

investigation, as men such as Baxter and Rogers were outspoken in the support of this

practice; rather, the aim was to limit the unjust pursuit of discipline in cases where sin

was not evident.138

With this mentality, the Puritan ministers could exhibit an approach

to discipline which did not seek out discipline, but was willing to practice it when

needed.

The Process of Church Discipline

The Anglican Puritans maintained that there were three basic steps in the

process of church discipline.139

The first of these, private admonishment, was informal,

while the latter two, disallowing participation in the Lord’s Supper and

137Ames, Puritanism, 15.

138

Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 318-19; Rogers, First Peter, 624-25.

139

Dods and Whyte, Westminster Confession, 161; Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 94; Ames,

Conscience, 88.

149

excommunication, were more formal steps. Throughout each of these phases, the goal of

repentance and restoration was meant to be the focus.140

If success was had in any step,

the process of church discipline was suspended and, after a period of testing, the

individual allowed to function normally within the body.141

Baxter instructed how this

restoration was to be done after private and public admonitions. He wrote,

But if, after private admonition, (while the offence is such as requireth not public

confession,) the sinner be penitent, et the minister privately apply to his consolation

the promises of the gospel, with such cautelous prudence, as is most suitable to his

condition.

And if he repent not till after public admonistion, or that the scandal be so

great and notorious, as that a public confession is necessary, let him, at a seasonable

time appointed by the pastor, with remorse of conscience, and true contrition,

confess his sin before the congregation, and heartily lament it, and clear the honour

of his christian profession which he had stained, and crave the prayers of the church

to god for pardon and reconciliation through Christ, and also crave the ministerial

absolution and restoration to the communion of the church, and profess his

resolution to do so no ore; but to live in new obedience to God, desiring their

prayers for corroborating and preserving in grace.142

If, however, any stage failed to produce the desired results, the next phase was

implemented until the third, and final, act of discipline, excommunication, was

performed.

The initial stage of church discipline, admonishment for sin, was the least

formal step in the disciplining process, but it was perceived as crucial for this endeavor.

140Dods and Whyte, Westminster Confession, 160; Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 109.

141

Christian Concord, 5. “It must not be a slight, unwilling meer verbal Repentance that must

satisfie the Church, either for preventing or taking off a Censure of casting out, but only such as seemeth

free and serious, answerable in some measure to the quality of fault.”

142

Baxter, Christian Directory, 941.

150

Baxter taught that this phase of personally reproaching an individual was an important

part of the pastor’s duty to his flock.143

He wrote,

Another part of this oversight, is, in Reproving and admonishing those that live

offensively or impenitently, and receiving the information of those that have

admonished them more privately in vain. Before we bring such matters to the

congregation, or to a Representative Church, it is ordinarily most fit for the Minister

to try himself what he can do more privately to bow the sinner to repentance,

especially if it be not a publike crime.144

This private discipline was seen as a necessary step before any public proceedings were

initiated. It was hoped that correction could be wrought through this personal rebuke by

the Puritan pastor, ultimately staving off any need for public chastising.

The process of privately admonishing an individual was viewed as a necessary,

but delicate process. Thus, Ames stated that discipline “ought to begin always with

admonition, because the declaration of the fault is the first meane of amendment, and the

genuine cause of repentance.”145

Because the ultimate goal was a turning from sin, the

Puritans called on ministers to achieve such a result through skillful ministry and not

forcible tactics. Thus, Baxter argued, “By this also you see, that the power of your

pastors is not absolute, nor coercive and lordly, but ministerial.”146

He further explained

this statement by footnoting a quotation from John Chrysostom. It reads,

143It should be noted that although private admonishment was an important function of pastoral

ministry, it was not limited to those in clerical roles. Rather, the Puritans believed that all believers should

be about the practice of admonishing those they perceived in sin. Thus, Ames wrote:“Quest. 4. Whether

ought every one that gives a Scandall to be admonished by every Beleever? 11. A. 1. In Churches well

instituted and ordered, this duty may and ought to be performed by every one to his brother upon occasion.

For all are enjoyned to doe it by Christ.” Ames, Conscience, 87.

144

Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 94.

145

Ames, Conscience, 86.

146

Baxter, Christian Directory, 582.

151

But if any man wander from the right path of the christian faith, the pastor must use

great pains, care, and patience. For he may not be forced, nor constrained with

terror, but only persuaded to return entirely to the truth. –A bishop cannot cure men

with such authority as a shepherd doth his sheep. –For of all men christian bishops

may least correct the faults of men by force.147

Therefore, the duty of the Puritan pastor was perceived as being one in which he

vigilantly cared for his church in a purposeful, yet gentle, manner.

While the exact methodology of admonishment varied based on the severity

and situation of individual sin, the Puritans did speak to the general practice of such

private admonishment. Baxter is again helpful as he explicitly provided instructions on

this matter. He stated,

A great deal of skill is here required, and difference must be made, according to the

various tempers of offendors; but with the most it will be necessary to fall on with

the greatest plainness and power, to shake their careless hearts, and make them see

what it is to dally with sin; to let them know the evil of it, and its sad effects, and the

unkindness, unreasonableness, unprofitableness, and other aggravations; and what it

is that they do against God and themselves.148

Elsewhere, Baxter also wrote concerning such rebuke,

Let this be done with great compassion and tender love to the offender’s soul, and

with gravity, reverent and serious importunity, as beseemeth men employed on the

behalf of God, for the saving of a soul; and yet with judgment, and cautelous

prudence, not taking that for sin which is no sin, nor that for a gross and scandalous

sin, which is but an ordinary human frailty; not dealing as unreverently with a

superior as with an inferior; not making that public which should be concealed; nor

reproving before others when it should be done more secretly; nor unreasonably

speaking to those who through drink or passion are incapable of the benefit; nor yet

offending by bashfulness, or the fear of man, or lukewarmness, negligence, or

slighting over great offences, on the other extreme.149

147Ibid.

148

Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 94-95.

149

Baxter, Christian Directory, 941.

152

While the Puritan pastor was to take great care in regards to the private

admonishment of the individual, he also played an integral role in the public arena in

regards to church discipline. There were two primary ways in which this practice was

manifested in the public sphere by Anglican Puritan ministers. The first was a form of

public admonishment. The Christian Concord, thus, encouraged ministers, “If any after

this [private admonition] refuse to Repent and Reform, or if any have sinned heinously

with publick scandal of the Church, it is the duty of Ministers to rebuke such before all

the Church, and to call them publickly to repentance.”150

Likewise, Baxtor wrote,

If the scandalous offender continue impenitent, or unreformed, after due

admonitions and patience, let the pastor in the congregation, when he is present,

rebuke him before all, that the church may sufficiently disown the crime, and others

may see the odiousness and danger of the sin. But let this also be with the love and

prudence before mentioned.151

It was in this public rebuke that the Puritan pastor began the formal practice of church

discipline.

If the individual under discipline remained in sin, after both private and public

admonishment, the minister would then proceed to initiate further disciplinary steps.

Before he commenced with the final stage of excommunication, the Anglican Puritan

minister would take one additional approach to seeking repentance from an individual

living in sin. This phase, which some place in the public admonishment step, and others

in the excommunication stage, came in the form of disallowing one to participate in the

150Christian Concord, 3.

151

Baxter, Christian Directory, 941.

153

partaking of the Lord’s Supper.152

As has previously been discussed, this refusal of

participation was seen as an important means to bring about moral living.153

Ames

explained the importance of this stage preceding excommunication. He wrote,

Therefore a suspension from the use of the Supper, and like privileges of the

Church, which is nothing but a degree of excommunication, and therefore is called

by many The lesser Excommunication; ought, though not from any singular Precept

of Christ, yet from the nature and equitie of the thing it selfe, to goe before, and to

bee continued for some time, where the Scandall is such that it ay beare delay.154

This refusal of participation in the Lord’s Supper became a very public display of the

clergy’s assessment of a person’s life.

Though public denial of the Lord’s Supper had elements of impersonal

ministry, due to the numerous individuals who were refused service at the Lord’s Table,

it did have its personal components, particularly as it related to the pastor’s ministry.

This can be seen primarily by looking at the previously described efforts of the ministers

to encourage and provoke those living sinfully to forsake their transgressions before the

communion service.155

In this way, the ministers hoped to prevent their disciplining of

congregants and, ultimately, bring about moral living in their flocks.

152Baxter seems to equate this phase with excommunication. He wrote, “If during these means

for his recovery (after the proof of the crime) there be a communion of the church in the Lord’s supper, let

the pastor require him to forbear, and not suffer him to partake of the Lord’s table. If yet the offender

remain impenitent, let the pastor openly declare him unmeet for the communion of the church, and require

him to abstain from it, and require the church to avoid communion with him.” Yet, the Westminster

Confession appears to separate suspension from the Lord’s Supper from excommunication. It states, “For

the better attaining of these ends, the officers of the church are to proceed by admonition, suspension from

the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper for a season, and by excommunication from the church, according to

the nature of the crime, and demerit of the person.” Dods and Whyte, Westminster Confession, 161.

153

See the subsection entitled “The Use of the Lord’s Supper in Conscience Development.”

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 199. “Discipline is associated with the word and sacraments.”

154

Ames, Conscience, 87.

155

See the subsection entitled “The Use of the Lord’s Supper in Conscience Development.”

154

While church discipline was practiced in a very pronounced and frequent

manner in relation to the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, it was also utilized in a more

formal fashion by many Puritan clergymen. In these cases, the Puritan pastors would

bring charges against those they deemed “sinners” before the church for official

reprimand and expulsion.156

In describing the duties of the pastorate, Baxter explained

the minister’s obligations to church discipline and how this might be practiced. He said,

They are appointed as physicians under Christ, to watch over all the individual

members of their charge, and take care that they be not infected with heresy, or

corrupted by vice; and to admonish the offenders, and reduce them into the way of

truth and holiness, and if they continue impenitent after public admonition, to reject

them from the communion of the church, and command the church to avoid them.157

This very public process was highly personal, as cases would be presented on an

individual basis. Upon judgment, the person accused would be treated as an outsider and

no longer permitted the privileges of a faithful churchgoer, as Baxter explained.158

The goal of the formal practice of discipline, as with the discipline in relation

to the Lord’s Supper, was to draw attention to the sinful behavior of an individual and,

ideally, bring about repentance. Ames explained, “Discipline consists not only or even

chiefly in the thunderbolt of excommunication and anathema, but primarily in Christian

correction.”159

In this process, the Puritan pastor sought to inform the conscience of the

156Ames explained that the power of excommunication lied with the church, and not the

minister. However, he went on to write that the leaders of the church were to play a significant role in this

practice. He said, “The right and power is properly in that Church whose Member the person to be

excommunicated is” (88). He went on to write, “Yet ordinarily the administration of the centure pertaineth

to the Governours of the Church, of whose office the exercise of Discipline is not the least part” (89).

Ames, Conscience, 88-89.

157

Baxter, Christian Directory, 582.

158

See also: Ames, Conscience, 89-90.

159

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 200.

155

person because of his or her improper action and then strengthen it to turn from such

conduct.160

Ames explained that the hope of such efforts was to bring about change in

behavior before an individual was ever removed from the church. He wrote, “The proper

end of reproof is not excommunication (although by chance that sometimes may happen)

but the prevention of it, so that the sinner by timely repentance may be kept in the

church.”161

If successful, the minister would then help re-integrate the individual into the

church and further encourage the person to continue in holiness. Baxter explained, “They

are as to bind over the impenitent to answer their contumacy at the bar of Christ, so to

absolve the penitent, and comfort them, and require the church to re-admit them to their

communion.”162

Throughout this process, the minister strove to not be passive in relation

to the sin his congregants were involved in.163

His efforts were focused on removing

transgressions from people’s lives and helping them purify their behavior.

Pastoral Modeling in Moral Training

The public methods presented thus far, which were employed by Puritan

ministers to influence their congregants’ consciences personally, have related to specific

church duties. The last public mode utilized by pastors, however, concerned the entirety

of the clerical work. Instead of dealing with a particular function of the church, this latter

means of influence encompassed the way in which the Puritan pastor approached his

160Ames wrote of informing the conscience of the sin. He said, “. . . they are able, by evidence

of the word of God, to convince to be sinnes, to the conscience of the offender;” Ames, Puritanism, 15.

161

Ames, Marrow of Theology, 200.

162

Baxter, Christian Directory, 581-82.

163

Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 94.

156

duties. For the Anglican Puritans, it was essential that the clergy demonstrate their

teachings and beliefs in the way they lived. This is reflected in Baxter’s statement, “Do

well as well as say well: be zealous of good works.”164

He went on to explain,

Maintain your innocency, and walk without offence. Let your lives condemn sin,

and perswade men to duty. Would you have your people be more careful of their

souls, then you will be of yours? . . . There is no virtue wherein your example will

do more, at least to abate mens prejudice, then humility, and meekness, and self-

denial.165

Therefore, this “pastoral modeling” became a primary point of emphasis as the Puritan

clergy sought to affect the consciences of those under their care.

One of the reasons for the Puritan emphasis on ministers living holy lives

stemmed from their experience with the clergy of the state church. As has been seen, the

Anglican Church leaders were often criticized by the Puritans for their lack of integrity

and flagrant immoral lifestyle.166

As a result, the Puritans were determined to transform

the way in which the clerical offices were perceived. Instead of scandalous men reading

homilies from the pulpit, the Anglican Puritans desired to have preachers who lived out

the words they spoke. Thus, Baxter declared,

O what abundance of good might Ministers do, if they would but live in a contempt

of the world, and the riches and glory of it, and expend all they have for the best of

their Masters use, and pinch their flesh that they might have wherewith to do good.

This would unlock more hearts to the reception of their Doctrine, then all their

164Ibid., 281.

165

Ibid.

166

Travers wrote, “How many also, be there admitted to the government of the church of most

wicked and ungodly behavior.” Walter Travers, A Ful and Plaine Declaration of Ecclesiastical Discipline

Out of the Word of God, and of the Declining of the Church of England from the Same (Geneva: n.p.,

1580), 329. See also: Ryken, Worldly Saints, 92.

157

oratory will do; and without this, singularity in religiousness will seem but

hypocrisie, and its likely it is so.167

As the Puritans worked to rid the church of immoral leaders, they stressed the

importance of ministers being an example to the flock under their watch. They believed

it to be of great benefit for the pastor to live “above reproach” so that the churchgoers

might find no reason for disregarding the preacher’s words.168

William Gurnall warned

of the consequences of not maintaining this mentality. He wrote, “a Minister may be

accessary to the ignorance of his people, when through the scandal of his life he

prejudiceth his doctrine . . .”169

Thus, the Anglican Puritan clergyman strove to not allow

his own lifestyle to detract from his ministerial efforts.

Not only did Puritan ministers work to limit their negative impact on their

churches, but they also saw great value in being a positive influence for their

congregants. This was seen, first, through displaying the messages taught from the pulpit

in the pastor’s own daily living. By modeling a godly lifestyle, the Puritan pastor

believed he was able to give weight to his message by demonstrating the importance of

applying the teaching to one’s life. This was voiced by William Perkins when he wrote

that a preacher should have “an inward feeling of doctrine to be delivered. Wood, that is

167Baxter, Gildas Salvianus, 284.

168

Taylor wrote: “A scandalous and obnoxious person, shall never do good in his calling. For

although the things of Christ, as the Word, Sacraments, and Doctrine, depend not upon the person of the

Minister, but on the ordinance of Christ. . . yet by our weaknes, in such a mans hand, they are weaker to us:

and although no man can answer, or warrant the refusing of pure doctrine (which is not to be had in respect

of persons) for the spotted life of the Minister, who while he sitteth in Moses chaire (be he Pharisie, be he

hypocrite) ust be heard; yet can it not be, but that the wickenes of Helies sonnnes, will make the people

abhorre the offerings of the Lord.” Taylor, Titus, 91.

169

William Gurnall, The Christian in Compleat Armour: or, a Treatise of the Saints War

against the Devil, 4th

ed. (London, 1664), 233.

158

capable of fire, doth not burne, unles fire be put to it: and he must first be godly affected

himself, who would stirre up godly affections in other men.”170

Elsewhere, he wrote, “let

them first sanctifie themselves, & clense their heartes by repentance, afore they presume,

to stand up to rebuke sinne in others, else let them not thinke, that their golden words

shall doe so much good, as their leaden lives shall doe hurt.”171

Likewise, Ames

expressed,

Speech and action should be completely spiritual, flowing from the very heart.

They should show a man well versed in the Scriptures and in pious exercises, who

has first persuaded himself and thoroughly settled in his own conscience those

things to which he would persuade others, and in whom, finally, there is zeal,

charity, mildness, freedom, and humility mixed with solemn authority.172

Therefore, the Anglican Puritan pastors took very seriously their personal application of

the words they spoke from the pulpit.

In addition to the importance placed on applying the sermons to their own lives

before delivering their messages, the Puritan ministers also believed pastoral modeling to

be of great importance because it helped provide a practical example of how one might

live purely. Brinsley spoke of this as he related the duties of the pastorate. He stated the

third function as: “Labouring to goe before them in all holy example) in conversation and

suffering, both in themselves and family, afraid of giving the least offence: but framing

themselves to all, to become all to all; (viz. in all things in their own power) the more

easily to win all.”173

Richard Rogers, in his personal diary, expressed a similar sentiment.

170Perkins, Arte of Prophecying, 140.

171

Perkins, Of the Calling of the Ministerie, 56.

172

Ames, Marrow of Theology: 195.

173

Brinsley, True Watch, 68.

159

He wrote, “I would that my lif in my family guiding and with the people and espec[ially]

to mine owne self warde might be a paterne of good . . . [torn] to others . . .”174

In these

ways, the Anglican Puritan pastor hoped that his life would be a living testimony for his

flock to follow.

Because of the importance of pastoral modeling in the Puritan mindset, the

ministers took great pains to ensure their lives conformed to their teaching. This was not

an easy task, as clergymen had the same sinful natures as their congregants. Knowing

this, the Puritan pastors believed it was beneficial to share their own personal struggles to

overcome sin.175

This self-revealing honesty allowed the minister to show his

commonality with the laity, while also informing and encouraging his hearers that they

too could live purely.

Puritan pastors believed that the utilization of pastoral modeling was an

effective method to affect the consciences of their congregations. While this took place

in the public arena, the concentration on the pastor as an example to the church assumed

a personal note. It was his individual behavior which practically revealed how others

might live. Therefore, though this means of educating the conscience was not

personalized in the sense of individually dealing with congregants, it still maintained a

personal approach to educating and strengthening the conscience.

174Richard Rogers and Samuel Ward, Two Elizabethan Puritan Diaries, ed. M. M. Knappen,

Studies in Church History, vol. 2 (Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1966), 54.

175

Allen French, Charles I and the Puritan Upheaval: A Study of the Causes of the Great

Migration (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1955), 254. “Instead of talking down to his hearers the Puritan

preacher put himself on a level with them by citing his own struggles with his temptations.”

160

Conclusion

As has been demonstrated, Puritan pastors were determined to minister in such

a way that they would be able to positively develop the consciences of their flocks. In

order to do this, they took various approaches to ministry. In the public sphere, this

encompassed four primary avenues of work. It was through the minister’s preaching,

administration of the sacraments, re-institution of church discipline, and pastoral

modeling that he believed he was able to influence those under his care. Through

personal and individualized approaches to each of these areas, the Anglican Puritan

pastor sought to inform, encourage, and strengthen his congregants’ consciences, with the

hope that this would ultimately lead to purity in their daily living.