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Chapter 4

The Research Site in Context: BOPHELONG IN SOUTH AFRICA

4.1 Introduction

Part 1 of this chapter locates the research geographically together with a brief history

of the Bophelong Township, contextualised within the broader political economy of

South Africa.1 Part 2 is a socio-economic profile of Bophelong within the Emfuleni

municipality. Part 3 discusses the family forms, family-households and the woman-

heads in Bophelong. Part 4 discusses the importance of the social grants for woman-

headed family-households in Bophelong.

Part 1

4.2 Bophelong in South Africa

4.2.1 Geographic Location

Bophelong is located in the Vaal region, 70 kilometres south of Johannesburg, and is

a stone-throw away from ISCOR/Arcelor Mittal. The two main routes from

Johannesburg to Bophelong along the Golden Highway and the National Highway

Toll road from Johannesburg to Bloemfontein pass the sprawling dormitory

townships of the Vaal - Sebokeng, Evaton and Orange Farm - before reaching

Bophelong (see maps on p. xxi and xxii).

This is a landscape of rugged beauty, a lush green in summer and turning different

shades of brown, orange and red, in the dry winter. Throughout the seasons, the

burning flares and pollution of Arcelor Mittal can be seen from a 20-kilometre

distance, dominating the skyline, and the already contaminated environment.

1 This section is based on the booklet, ‘Bophelo Bophelong’ (Living in Bophelong), that I wrote based on my research in the township, and published in 2010. The research is based on the Emfuleni local municipality’s Integrated Development Plan 2007-2012, cited as IDP, 2007.

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The towns of the Vaal are built close to the Vaal River, which winds its way from the

mountain kingdom of Lesotho through three provinces in South Africa - Gauteng, the

Free State and the Northern Cape – before it joins the Atlantic Ocean. The Vaal River

was important for indigenous people long before the advent of colonialism. The

development of capitalism, mining and secondary industry contributed to the

pollution – of the river, the surrounding area and the population (Groundwork Report,

2006).2

4.2.2 Brief overview

Bophelong Township was built in 1948, on the cusp of the National Party (NP)

coming to power, to accommodate cheap black labour needed for the industries in the

Vaal region, a minerals and energy complex, integral to South Africa’s capitalist

development (Groundwork Report, 2006).3

Historically, mining interests dominated capitalist development in South Africa and

key state companies (parastatals) were developed in its support which combined and

informed class formation. A particular configuration of social relations, based on

colour, social class and gender developed within the Vaal region, a microcosm of the

broader South African society. This configuration expressed itself between and within

the different social classes and their organisations: black and white workers, the white

mine-owners, the parastatals and the state itself (Davies et. al, 1984a and 1984b). This

was a predominantly male workforce (Monareng, 2003).

Post-apartheid restructuring combined some of the former white towns and black

townships into the Sedibeng region, consisting of three municipalities, namely

Emfuleni, Metsimoholo and Lesedi. Bophelong forms part of the Emfuleni

municipality.

The Emfuleni municipality includes the former black townships and the former white

towns and suburbs, namely, Boipatong, Boitumelo, Bophelong, Evaton, Loch Vaal

2 For South Africa’s first environmental report on ‘air’, which focuses on the Vaal region, see VEJA (2007). 3 For a fuller account of the Vaal and capitalist development in South Africa, see Groundwork Report (2006) and Slabbert (2004); and Monareng (2003) for contemporary developments in the region.

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and North Vaal rural areas, Sebokeng, Sharpeville, Tshepiso, Vaal Oewer,

Vanderbijlpark and suburbs, and Vereeniging and suburbs (IDP, 2007: 7). Although

six of these are large peri-urban townships (with larger populations than the former

white towns and suburbs), they do not have the infrastructure and facilities associated

with towns of this size.

From the east to the west, Emfuleni covers about 120 kilometers. The Vaal River, its

southern boundary, still provides opportunities for tourism and other forms of

economic development. Emfuleni borders Metsimaholo municipality in the Free State

province, Midvaal to the east, the City of Johannesburg metropolitan area to the north,

and Westonaria and Potchefstroom municipalities in the west, in North West

province.

Unlike the garden cities of Vanderbijlpark, Vereeniging and Sasolburg built for

white workers, Bophelong remains dusty, polluted and almost tree-less; and very

sensitive to the elements. It is extremely hot in summer, and winds turn the reddish

sand into whirlwinds of dust and pollution. The largely untarred streets become

muddy after the rain, making mobility difficult for both pedestrians and motorists.

Key indices reveal Bophelong’s continued township status, and continuities with

apartheid include: its physical appearance, poor infrastructure, infrequent refuse

collection, lack of public transport and the general absence of any sustainable

development. The differences between Bophelong and former white towns like

Vanderbijlpark, also reflect the continuity of fundamental inequalities in South

Africa. The history of Bophelong reflects the development of capitalism in South

Africa, including the development of inequality and poverty.

Since the 1990s Bophelong Township has undergone many changes, it’s close

neighbour, the former parastal, ISCOR, is now a privately-owned international steel

company, Arcelor Mittal, that has drastically reduced its workforce and contributed to

unemployment in the region (Hlatswayo, 2003).

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Apartheid policies constructed the patterns of urban (and rural) social and economic

development in the country nationally; and its social classes.4 A particular nexus of

colour and class was formed historically, where black people are predominantly

working class and poor, and this has continued.

In Emfuleni, the high income areas are linked to urban facilities and economic

centres, and remain the former apartheid white towns and suburbs. These high-income

areas contain the potential workplaces, the trade centres, and the transport nodes. The

low-income areas remain the black townships, highly dependent on the white high-

income areas, as sources of work, and where between 80-90% of goods (groceries and

clothing) are bought (Slabbert, 2004). Frequent commuting occurs between the low-

and the high-income areas. There is no public transport, black people depend on

privately-owned mini-bus taxis and white people use their own private cars. In the

post-apartheid period despite the restructuring at a national and local level, the

previous historical inequities and dependencies continue. Although some black people

live in the former white suburbs, in post-apartheid South Africa, social class has

replaced colour as the basis for social exclusion – and the apartheid demography

remains largely untouched.

Based on the 2006 local government elections, the Emfuleni Local Council has a total

of 86 councillors, 69 are from the African National Congress (ANC), 12 from the

Democratic Alliance (DA), 1 from the Independent Democrats (ID), 1 from the

Freedom Front (FF), and 3 from the Pan African Congress (PAC) (IDP, 2007). The

ANC has a majority on the council that includes the mayor, the chief whip and the

speaker (ibid).

4 This was of course prefigured by the wars of dispossession and conquest, discussed very briefly in Chapter 2. See also Roux (1964) and Simons (1983).

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4.3 A Brief History of Bophelong

4.3.1 History and economy of the Vaal region before apartheid

By 1948 - when Bophelong was built - the pattern of capitalist development in South

Africa was largely determined, and the importance of the Vaal region was confirmed.

Mining – diamonds, coal and gold - and related industries demanded huge supplies of

energy, water and steel, which the Vaal region provided. The mine-owners’ interests

propelled this development and a particular close relationship developed between the

capitalist, in particular the mine-owners, and the South African state (Groundwork

Report, 2006).

4.3.1.1 Coal

The discovery of gold stimulated the coal mining industry in the Vaal, because coal

provided energy for the extraction of gold. By the 1880s the coalmines produced 200

tons of coal but faced transport problems. Two British capitalists, Samuel Marks and

Isaac Lewis, from the diamond houses in Kimberley, owned the coalfields in the

Vaal, the Vereeniging Estate, after which the company town of Vereeniging was

named. Marks was a friend of the Transvaal Boer Republic President, Paul Kruger,

for whom the goldfields revenue was important. In 1890 Kruger negotiated with Cecil

John Rhodes, the prime minister of the British Cape Colony to build the railway from

the Cape to Johannesburg. Besides cutting transport costs by 80%, the railway passed

Marks’ Vereeniging Estate and transported his coal to the Witwatersrand goldfields.

This was a lucrative business and the production of coal increased from 7 000 tons in

1893 to 100 000 in 1895 (Groundwork Report, 2006: 54). Coal also replaced wood as

energy for the railways, as the forests were already depleted.

4.3.1.2 Steel

Steel was necessary for the mining and related industries, and Lewis and Marks built

the first steel plant, the Union Steel Corporation of South Africa (USCSA) and

produced the first steel in 1913. Lewis and Marks needed state capital to develop steel

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production locally, but the mining companies refused to pay any tariffs or increases in

the price of steel. Marks negotiated a contract with the state-owned railways to supply

scrap metal to the USCSA, and for the railways to procure steel goods from his

company, and this was a profitable agreement.

In 1928 the South African Pact Government passed a law that formed the Iron and

Steel Corporation (ISCOR), a parastatal or state company, boosting industrial

development in the Vaal. ISCOR produced steel from iron-ore. Hendrik van der Bijl

became the chairperson of the independent ISCOR Board of Directors. By 1930

ISCOR became the controlling shareholder of USCSA, by then close to bankruptcy.

ISCOR was successful and during World War 2 (1939-1945) provided steel to the

mines and supplied munitions to the government for the war (and was later the basis

for the apartheid government’s arms industry and used for its repression). In 1945

Anglo American Corporation, the South African multinational mining company

bought out Lewis and Marks, who returned to Britain, and became ISCOR’S main

partner. In 1948 Vanderbijlpark town was built and named after the ISCOR

chairperson.

4.3.1.3 Energy – ESKOM and SASOL formed

The Vaal industries voraciously consumed energy. Energy was critical to capitalist

development in the region. Energy was therefore a major source of wealth creation

and class formation. Cecil John Rhodes established the Victoria Falls Power

Company (VFPC), together with the German manufacturer AEG, and built two power

stations, on the Witwatersrand and on the Vaal River in Vereeniging.5 The VFPC’s

monopoly was agreed: the VFPC supplied the major mining houses with cheap

electricity and a portion of their profits (25%), and the mining houses agreed to stay

out of the energy business (Groundwork Report, 2006).

State support for energy was demonstrated in 1922 when the Smuts government

passed the Electricity Act, which formed the Electricity Commission (ESKOM).

ESKOM’s ‘primary duty was to stimulate cheap and abundant supply of

5 Rhodes was a mining magnate, and also the prime minister of the Cape Colony.

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electricity’ (Groundwork Report, 2006). ESKOM was exempt from tax but was

run as a corporation with special privileges: as long as it produced cheap electricity

ESKOM could object to the formation of any new power plants (Groundwork

Report, 2006). ESKOM provided low cost energy to highly intensive energy

industries thus stimulating capitalist development. Domestic households paid high

prices for electricity. ESKOM depended on coal for its production of electricity

and after Anglo America bought the Vereeniging estate in 1945, it became the

major supplier of coal to ESKOM and the largest consumer of ESKOM’s

electricity. In 1948, ESKOM bought out the VFPC with the support of Anglo

America’s finances and support. In 1952 ESKOM returned the favour and lowered

the price of electricity to the mine-owners.

In 1952, the SA Oil and Gas Corporation (SASOL), a parastatal, was formed. SASOL

is based on extracting oil from coal and produced its first petrol in 1955, important for

the petrochemical and chemical industries in the Vaal. SASOL’s industrial needs

demanded a location close to the coal mines and a steady supply of water. The state

provided the large capital investment needed and SASOL’s voracious demand for

coal stimulated the mechanisation of coal mining. The town of Sasolburg was built in

1952 on the Orange Free State side of the Vaal River. While SASOL was associated

with Afrikaner pride, it produced five times more effluent than the plant could handle

and this was dumped on the land till the 1990s, causing environmental degradation

and a stench known as ‘Abrahamsrust’ (Groundwork Report, 2006).

4.3.1.4 Water

The mining, metal, chemical and related industries created a huge demand for

water. For instance, to mine one ton of iron-ore required 2 000 litres of water

(Groundwork Report, 2006). In 1903, the parastatal, the Rand Water Board was

formed. Later a pump station (at Marks’ Vereeniging Estate) and the Vaal Barrage

were built 40 kilometers downstream from Vereeniging, to facilitate the provision

of water to industries.6 The mining industry was hazardous to the environment:

6 This project began in 1916, and took seven years to complete. Three hundred black workers were employed, and housed in a nearby compound; but by 1918 two-thirds of the workers had died of the Spanish flu epidemic (Groundwork Report, 2006).

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mining waste deposits into the Vaal river contained cyanide that polluted the

water, killing cattle and affecting human use (Groundwork Report, 2006).

By 1948 the Vaal region had become a ‘minerals and energy complex’ in its own

right. Three company towns developed in the Vaal, all linked to the regions three key

industries: Vanderbijlpark was built around ISCOR, Vereeniging was built around

ESKOM and Randwater, and Sasolburg was built around SASOL (ibid). A particular

close relationship developed between the mine-owners, the capitalist class and the

state. The Vaal towns together with the state serviced the industries’ needs for labour,

accommodation and other services.

4.3.2 A Working Class Divided

Capitalist development in South Africa resulted in a working class divided on the

basis of skill, colour and gender. Black migrant workers were subjected to influx

controls and pass laws under segregation, and this was consolidated under

apartheid. Through legislation the state reserved certain jobs for white workers,

and maintained their privileged position. For instance, the Mines and Works Act

(1911) confined blasting to white workers and the Black Labour Relations Act

(1911) made it an offence for black miners to break their contract or for any

potential employer to persuade a black worker to break their contract through the

offer of higher wages. The employers and the authorities strictly policed the

workers in single-sex compounds without freedom of movement; and promoted

divisions amongst workers in the ethnic compounds (Beittel, 1992; Groundwork

Report, 2006).

Corporations like ISCOR maintained the immigration of skilled workers from

Europe, and this reinforced the white skills base. The relationship between white

workers, employers and the state was often conflictual, with white workers self-

guarding their interests against the potential competition and downward pressure

on wages that black workers represented. The violent defeat of the white miner-

workers strike in 1922, laid the basis for the historic compromise between the

white workers, employers and the state (Simons, 1983).

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4.3.3 Bophelong Township under apartheid

During, but especially after World War 2 (1939-45), the manufacturing sector

increased, including metal and chemical related products (Davies et. al., 1984a,

1984b). This created the demand for more skilled and semi-skilled workers, which the

white working class was unable to meet. Up to then black workers provided the cheap

migrant labour on the mines and lived in compounds. The problem was that a skilled

workforce required training in stable jobs with fixed accommodation. The nature of

migrant labour was therefore acceptable for unskilled work, but was too difficult and

unpredictable for manufacturing, as after an investment of training the migrant work

might not return to that particular workplace. This influenced Hendrik Vanderbijl,

then chairperson of ISCOR, that (white) workers should live close to their place of

work, although segregation policies already separated people in terms of job

reservation and places of abode (Groundwork Report, 2006).

4.3.3.1 Rise of manufacturing

During World War 2, black workers’ resistance to their working conditions

increased (Simons, 1983). Mass mobilisation escalated with the political resistance

to apartheid and to the pass laws in the 1950s (Roux, 1964). The Sharpeville

Massacre in 1960, together with the banning of the ANC and the PAC, led to many

international corporations withdrawing from South Africa (Davies et. al., 1984a,

1984b). This situation stimulated local manufacturing and developed apartheid’s

‘golden era’ in the 1960s. Between 1963-64 the economy grew by 8.5%, and

between 1965-69 foreign investment increased by 60% (Black and Stanwix, 1987).

Manufacturing dominated the economy and more skilled and semi-skilled workers

were demanded (Davies et. al., 1984a and 1984b). Increased numbers of workers

were employed and productivity increased ((Davies et. al., 1984a, and 1984b). The

growth of manufacturing produced the growth in semi-skilled black workers, and

the growth of the urban black working class. Manufacturing’s increased need for

skills led to the formation of townships such as Sebokeng in the Vaal, to house

black workers in the 1960s (Mashabela, 1988).

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White workers enjoyed a relatively ‘open and free’ labour market: they could

change jobs, apply for promotions, access training and observe a career path in any

of the parastatals and industries in the Vaal. These policies maintained white

workers in their superior economic positions together with public services such as

healthcare, education and welfare support (Groundwork Report, 2006).

In contrast, the black labour force was housed mainly in compounds and the wages

(even for skilled workers) was suppressed and kept low, far below the costs of

maintaining themselves and their families. At the compounds (including ISCOR),

workers experienced a constant food shortage and conflict with kitchen staff

(Hlatswayo, 2003). Food was a mechanism to control workers (Hlatswayo, 2003).

The cost of reproducing the workers’ family was later transferred onto the

Bantustan reserves, on to families and especially women (Legassick, 1974).

4.3.3.2 Housing in Bophelong

The building of the Bophelong Township, in close proximity to ISCOR, and the new

town of Vanderbijlpark (also being built), was already underway when the NP came

to power in 1948. One view is that the housing in Bophelong was meant for so-called

coloured artisans or semi- and skilled workers from the Western Cape, but that this

was altered after the NP victory.7 The format of the housing in Bophelong suggests

that it was built for a ‘western’ type of family, for parents and their children. Up to

then black workers were only provided with single-sex compound accommodation

and after 1948 the NP’s apartheid policies forcefully undermined black families from

living together and controlled black urbanisation (Mashabela, 1988).

The housing in Old Bophelong contains four-rooms, two bedrooms, a kitchen and a

living area, and a bathroom/toilet. The houses had electricity, piped water and

sewerage. Two houses were attached to each other, each with provision for a front

and back garden. The first 500 houses were built in 1948, and later the number

increased to about 1 400 (Mashabela, 1988: 43). Each house had a coal-stove, and

double skinned walls (Groundwork Report, 2006: 45).

7 Interview with Councillor Mabuti, see Appendix 1.

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The black men who lived in Bophelong did not work for the dominating steel

parastatal, ISCOR, but tended to work in the surrounding areas and industries -

metal, chemical, construction, cleaning and security. Black women tended to work

predominantly as domestic workers and cleaners in the surrounding white towns

and suburbs. Hlatswayo’s (2003) study of ISCOR confirms that the workforce was

largely migrant, from the Eastern Cape and Kwa-Zulu Natal. Employers preferred

to employ migrants because they were relatively easier to control, especially if

they lived in single-sex compounds (ibid).

In 1979 Bophelong was threatened with forced removal and some houses were even

demolished (Mashabela, 1988). The NP suspended housing development in

Bophelong as part of the government’s policy of separate development for Africans in

the Bantustans (Harvey, 1994). In 1986 the NP’s P.W. Botha’s government provided

a reprieve to the forced removal of Bophelong, in part a response to the mass

struggles unleashed in the 1980s in the Vaal region itself. The mass struggles had

undermined the state’s influx controls, and already in the early 1980s an informal

settlement had developed in Bophelong. The informal settlement had no basic

facilities, and people used the veldt for their toilet facilities and drew water from a

single tap.8 This was the beginning of the end of apartheid.

Across the road from Bophelong, in Vanderbijlpark, housing for white workers

was provided and subsidised by the local state and ISCOR. Similar to Vereeniging

and Sasolburg, white workers lived in garden cities, Hendrik Vanderbijl’s vision

(Groundwork Report: 2006), resourced with schools, sports fields and other

facilities. The schools were built within the suburbs, away from the main roads, to

ensure the safety of children. The leafy lawned suburbs contain very large brick-

faced three-roomed houses with large grounds, infrastructure, roads and drainage.

Communal facilities include a swimming pool, clinics, retail shops and local

government maintenance services.

8 Based on numerous interviews: with Tankiso Matlakala and Lorraine (Appendix 1) and Mosotho (Appendix 3).

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4.3.3.3 The State’s struggle to control black townships

The administration of Bophelong Township was initially under the white town of

Vanderbijlpark. In 1948 the Vanderbijlpark Health Committee (VHC), the

forerunner of the local council, set up its own local Department of Native Affairs

(Groundwork Report, 2006). The VHC’s two main tasks were: (i) to regulate black

people’s right to live and work in the area, and (ii) to administer the township as a

whole. The VHC opened a beer hall to generate revenues for the township’s

maintenance. Already in the 1930s black people, especially black women, engaged

in struggles and boycotts against the municipal beer halls, and this struggle was to

intensify against apartheid in the 1980s.9

From the 1960s to the 1980s the government attempted many strategies aimed at

controlling black townships, maintaining influx control and black urbanisation

(Mashabela, 1988). The Apartheid state’s strategy was based on making black

townships responsible for their own maintenance. The strategy was inherently

conflictual as black townships were unable to generate adequate revenue given the

generally low wages that black people earned.10 Various laws were passed to

control black townships (Mashabela, 1988). In 1971 the Bantu Affairs

Administration Act was passed and Bantu Affairs Administration Boards were

appointed to be responsible for black townships but this had little success (ibid). In

1977 Community Councils were introduced to make blacks responsible for their

townships but they had no power and/or resources and lacked any credibility

amongst the community (ibid). In 1982 the Black Local Authorities (BLAs) Act

was passed, another attempt to make local communities responsible for their

services, health, road materials, sewerage, rent collection and housing allocation

and other services (ibid).

In 1984 Bophelong was granted municipal status together with the other black

townships in the region (Mashabela, 1988). By 1987 Chris Heunis, the then NP

Minister of Constitutional Development, told parliament that 11 271 people lived

9 See Bonner’s (1990) account of the struggles against the beer halls, discussed in Chapter 3. 10 In Chapter 3, we discussed the forces encouraging cohabitation and fragmentation amongst black men and women already in the 1930s as a result of black workers’ meagre wages (Beittel, 1992), and it was only after black workers’ mass strikes in the 1970s that wages increased significantly (ibid).

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in the Bophelong township, consisting of 1406 houses (Mashabela, 1988: 43).

Rental housing (1 264 houses or 89.9%) remained dominant and only 10% (142)

had been purchased under the state’s ‘great sale’ launched in 1983 (ibid). By then

Bophelong’s amenities amounted to three primary schools, a soccer field, a library

and a community hall.

4.3.3.4 Vaal Uprising 1984

In September 1984 the municipality announced a 15% rent increase, coinciding with

high unemployment, high food prices (including tea and cooking oil), poor

community services, rising transport costs and an increase in GST (Mashabela, 1988).

Between 15-25% of black workers were unemployed (ibid). On 3 September 1984

thousands of people supported a stay away and marched to the Lekoa Council against

the rental increase.11 The black schools in the Vaal supported the stay-away and were

closed from 5th to 26th September 1984 (ibid). By October nearly 1 million students

were involved in a national schools boycott (ibid).

The Bophelong Civic Association was active in the stay-away together with other

township organisations.12 By September, 7 000 army troops and police occupied

Sebokeng, then Sharpeville and Bophelong (Mashabela, 1988). The apartheid state’s

repression was unleashed against the population.13 The Vaal uprisings sparked

resistance throughout the country in 1985. Black townships became ‘no go areas’,

unsafe for collaborating councillors, the police and the security forces. These mass

struggles resulted in thousands of deaths, and led to apartheid’s demise and the

unbanning of political organisations and persons in February 1990 that ushered in the

country's democracy.

11 Rallies and protest meetings were held and the slogan: ‘Refuse to pay for your own oppression!’ was widely adopted. Skirmishes with the police took place, shops and beerhalls were burnt and looting occurred in Bophelong, Sharpeville and Sebokeng. By 30 August 1984, 14 people were killed and the political unrest spread and was extended to all apartheid administrative structures. Negotiations initiated by resident community groups and trade unions failed to end the boycott. The funerals of activists and community members who had died in the uprising were transformed into militant rallies. The trade unions joined in the protest and the Transvaal stay-away on 5 to 6 November was the most successful protest in 35 years. The high school student organisation, the Congress of South African Students (COSAS) played a pivotal in the stay-away, supported by the United Democratic Front (UDF) and the Federation of SA Trade Unions (FOSATU). 12 Councillor Mabuti, see Appendix 1. 13 Twenty-one (21) magistrate districts were banned from having indoor meetings, beginning on 11 September 1984 (Mashabela, 1988).

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4.3.4 Bophelong in the new democracy in South Africa

Neoliberal restructuring under NP rule affected the Vaal since the 1980s and resulted

in retrenchments and unemployment. The restructuring of three key industries in the

Vaal – ISCOR/Mittal Steel, ESKOM and SASOL – affected the region, including

Bophelong. ISCOR’s shift from Fordist production to lean production, including

casualisation and sub-contracting, drastically reduced the workforce from 44 000 in

1980 to 12 200 in 2004 (Groundwork Report, 2006). Between 1993 to 1998, 46 000

jobs (including 20 343 manufacturing jobs), were cut on the Gauteng side of the Vaal

Triangle (ibid: 38). Work opportunities at Arcelor Mittal decreased because of the

shift to lean production (Hlatswayo, 2003). Mittal has created a more flexible and

multi-skilled workforce. In 2004 the Mittal workforce was decreased by a further 9%

through voluntary retrenchments and not filling in posts in 2004; and by a further

8.5% in 2005 (Groundwork Report, 2006: 39). The composition of the labourforce

has changed from migrant labour to contract and casual workers (ibid). Many

retrenched migrants returned to their provinces of origin (Hlatswayo, 2003) and

casual workers were/are recruited from Bophelong and surrounding townships.14

SASOL’s demand for coal influenced the mechanisation of the industry and by

1994 SASOL developed into a transnational corporation linked to the global

petrochemical production, including huge international oil companies such as

Chevron Texaco and Total, and chemical Mitsubishi (Groundwork Report, 2006).

ESKOM has also undergone major restructuring, and both SASOL and ESKOM

have moved their major operations to Witbank in Mpumalanga Province

(Groundwork Report, 2006). While SASOL and ESKOM still have plants in the

Vaal region, its social weight in the region has been reduced, signalling a major

break with its former history.

While manufacturing remains important in the Vaal region, and is still dominated

by metals, metals products, machinery and equipment industries, the former

14 This was confirmed in the interviews with women grant recipients (see Appendix 2) and the woman-heads (see Appendix 3).

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minerals and energy complex has changed drastically. This has affected the nature

and availability of work, a significant reduction in the workforce, workers’

incomes and the revenues collected.

Part 2

4.4 Socio-Economic Profile of Bophelong

In this section we discuss the socio economic profile of Bophelong, in the context of

the Emfuleni municipality.

4.4.1 Population and Migration

4.4.1.1 Population Size

The population of Emfuleni is estimated at 658 422 (Stats SA, 2001) and 23.3% live

in the former white towns and 76.7% live in the former black townships (Slabbert,

2004: 210). Table 4.1 (below) indicates the population and gender distribution. Black

people are the majority (84%) of the population; Whites (14%) are a significant

minority compared to so-called Coloureds and Asians. Women are the majority

within all the population groups who live in Emfuleni, except for Asians.

Table 4.1 Demographic Composition: Emfuleni

African Coloured Indian/Asian White Total

Male 271 011 3 416 3 010 45 254 322 691

Female 282 296 3 595 2 881 46 959 335 731

Total 553 307 7 011 5 891 92 213 658 422

Source: Census 2001, (IDP, 2007: 9).

Table 4.2 (below) indicates the breakdown of the Emfuleni population according to

towns and townships. While Bophelong is relatively small with a population of 37

779 (Stats SA 2000a), Evaton and Sebokeng are much larger in population size than

the (former white) towns of Vanderbijlpark and Vereeniging, but do not have the

commensurate amenities.

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Table 4.2: The Emfuleni Population (2001)

Boipatong …………… 16 868 Sebokeng ……… 222 044

Bophelong….………. 37 779 Sharpeville………..41 031

Evaton……………….. 143 152 Tshepiso………… .22 952

Rural Areas …… …. 4 378 Vanderbijlpark……80 201

Orange Farm(stratford) .. 16 727 Vereeniging………73 288

Source: Stats SA 2000a.

4.4.1.2 Migration

The total population of the Sedibeng District Municipality was 885 182 in 2006 (IDP,

2007: 9). The majority (82%) of the population of the Sedibeng District Municipality

live in Emfuleni (IDP, 2007: 9). A significant influx of people migrated to Emfuleni

between 2001 and 2004, estimated at 49 928, a migration rate of 7.6% (IDP, 2007: 9).

The high growth rate is ascribed to the new RDP housing developments in the area

(ibid: 10) (discussed below).

A significant number of people (16 982) migrated to Bophelong (see Table 4.3 below)

from about 1998/1999 to inhabit the 10 000 newly built RDP houses. The influx of

people overwhelmed the small township, impacting on its meagre social services.

Most of the people came from surrounding townships and small-holdings (IDP,

2007).

Table 4.3: Migration statistics, Emfuleni 2001-2004

Main area Inflow Outflow Boipatong - - 4 885 Bophelong 16 982 - Evaton 13 975 - Sebokeng 13 570 - Sharpeville - - 3 208 Tshepiso 9 987 - Vanderbijlpark - -2 390 Vereeniging 6 097 - Total 60 632 - 10 704

Source: IDP, 2007: 10

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4.4.1.3 Age: A Youthful Population

The Emfuleni population is largely youthful (see Table 4.4 below).15 More than 60%

of the population (cohorts 1, 2 and 3 in Table 4.4) are less than 34 years old. Males

and females in the 3rd and 4th cohort represent young work-seekers and those

establishing families. This age group is most vulnerable to HIV/AIDS, and their

demands are for jobs, housing, healthcare and sport facilities (IDP, 2007: 10; see also

Hunter, 2002). The majority of this age group fall within the economically active

population. Given the slow pace of economic growth and the absence of jobs, this

population group’s potential impoverishment will worsen the municipality’s financial

crisis by its inability to afford to pay for services.

Table 4 .4 Age distributions as at 2001: Emfuleni

Cohorts Age Group

Male Female Total %

1 0-4 26 661 27 079 53 740 8.16 2 5-14 57 377 58 886 116 263 17.66 3 15-34 130 235 129 027 259 262 39.38 4 35 – 64 97 796 104 040 201 836 30.66 5 65+ 10 623 16 698 27 321 4.15 Total 322 692 335 730 658 422 100

Source: Statistics SA 2001 (IDP, 2007: 11)

4.4.1.4 Gender

Women are the majority (51%) of the population in Emfuleni, whereas in the country

they constitute 52% (Stats SA, 2010: 52). There are more men than women in cohort

3 (15-34 age group) but this is not significant (0,5%). In cohorts 4 and 5, the women

are a significant majority and there are more aged women than men living in the

municipality, with women over 55 comprising 10.5% of the population compared to

men (8%) (IDP, 2007: 11). This is consistent with factual information and the

testimonies of women interviewed. Some women referred to their partners, migrant

15 The majority (70%) of the Survey (2007) respondents were between 20-50 years old, indicating that a large proportion of the population in its productive years is at home when they should be at work. This indirectly reflects the high levels of unemployment within the township (discussed below).

162

workers who had retired and returned to their homes in the former reserves when

ISCOR’s (and later Arcelor Mittal) restructuring and retrenchments began in the early

1980s. These testimonies are consistent with the Vaal’s history, based largely on a

male migrant labour population (Monareng, 2003; Groundwork Report, 2006). As

workers reached the end of their working lives, or for some, were retrenched, they

returned ‘home’, and this is reflected in the region’s demographics.

4.4.1.5 Languages Spoken

The majority of people within Emfuleni speak Sesotho (53%), and this is followed by

IsiZulu (14%), Afrikaans (13%) and IsiXhosa (9%).

Bophelong’s language composition is consistent with the region’s history. While the

British defeat of Chief Mosheshoe in the 1870s confined the Sesotho-speaking people

to present-day Lesotho boundaries (Maloka, 2004), the relatively early

proletarianisation of people (especially women) in the then Orange Free State and

Lesotho (then Basutoland) accounts for the particular language composition (Bonner,

1990).16

The other two statistically significant languages in Bophelong, IsiXhosa and IsiZulu,

is explained by the migrant labour from the Eastern Cape and Kwa-Zulu Natal since

the 1920s (Hlatswayo, 2003; Groundwork Report, 2006).

4.4.1.6 Household Size

There are a total of 187 044 households (excluding collective living quarters) in

Emfuleni (IDP, 2007: 8). The average houshold size in Emfuleni (3.52) is higher than

the national average for South Africa (Slabbert, 2003: 63). In Emfuleni the average

household size in black townsips (3.6) is higher than the former white towns of

Vereeniging and Vanderbijlpark (3.2) (Slabbert, 2003: 64). There is consistency

between the average size of black households in Emfuleni and black households

nationally (Slabbert, 2004: 64).

16 See also the discussion on this in Chapter 3.

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4.4.2 Economic profile

4.4.2.1 Financial Crisis in Emfuleni municipality

Under the SA Constitution (1996) local government is responsible for the

development of management, budgeting and planning functions. Municipalities must

find sustainable means to resolve social and economic needs and improve the quality

of peoples’ lives. The Local Government: Municipal Systems Act 2000 (No 32),

requires each municipality to have an integrated development plan, aligned with the

municipality’s resources and capacity.

The GEAR strategy emphasises financial sustainability from state budgets and

municipalities’ finances must be based on income derived from service delivery.

Hence government grants to municipalities were decreased and the Local

Government: Municipal Finance Management Act (2004) enabled the National

Treasury Department to regulate and control municipal expenditure.

Municipalities are pressurised to control expenditure to such an extent that often

service delivery is slow, and revenues are unspent. In March 2005 Emfuleni

municipality was designated as one of the municipalities nationally (and one of five in

Gauteng), to need assistance with financial management and institutional

transformation (IDP, 2007). Project Consolidate was geared to assist municipalities to

become financially viable (ibid). However, this is not an issue of management but a

socio-economic one: the fundamental problem is that many township residents in

Bophelong are unable to generate the necessary revenue because of structural

impediments such as poverty and unemployment.

The municipality’s weak revenues are a reflection of the poverty of the people of

Emfuleni, including Bophelong. Revenues are mainly derived from the sale of

electricity (27%), water (16%), assessment rates (13%), and sewerage (8%).

Government grants and subsidies account for only 21% of the municipality’s income.

The income generated is spent largely on the following: salaries and allowances

164

(27%), general expenditure (53%), repairs and maintenance (7%), depreciation (2%)

and other expenses (11%) (IDP, 2007: 78-79.).

The latest financial report on the Emfuleni municipality states that it is financially

unviable. Professor T.J. Slabbert (2004) confirms that the Emfuleni Municipality

cannot provide services on a sustainable basis because the funds generated from

services are inadequate to cover the costs of the municipality and service delivery in

general. The non-payment of services is a widespread indication of the poverty levels

in the region (ibid).17

The historical irony is that during the 1980s the apartheid state attempted different

strategies to get black people to pay for the maintenance of their townships

(Mashabela, 1988). However, unemployment together with low wages made this

inherently conflictual, and this was one of the factors leading to the Vaal uprising

in 1984 (discussed above). More than twenty years later, under South Africa’s

democracy, and through legislation such as the Local Government Finance

Management Act (2004), the Emfuleni municipality is faced with financial

constraints imposed by government’s macro economic policies: that the

municipality be financially sustainable, based on revenues generated from the

provision of local services. Hence, the Emfuleni municipality’s inclusion in Project

Consolidate.

The legacy of apartheid in the region combined with government’s current macro

economic policies have ensured that Bophelong (and Emfuleni), is a financially

depressed region where poverty, unemployment and inequality is widespread.

The Emfuleni economy is based within the Sedibeng economy, and is part of the

Gauteng province. Gauteng accounts for 33% of South Africa’s GDP (IDP, 2007: 12),

and is the largest sub-national economy in Africa. Sedibeng has been identified as the

area for the development of agriculture, tourism and manufacturing. Most industries,

including manufacturing, are based in Emfuleni. The Emfuleni municipality’s

combined GDP for Region (Current Price R1 000) for 2004 was R23 445 216, about

17 There are 30 000 indigents estimated in the Emfuleni municipality, and the provision of R76 669 768 was made for them in the 2007-2008 budget (IDP, 2006: 78).

165

4.6% of the Gauteng GDP-R in 2004, and an estimated 93.8% of the Sedibeng

economy based on GDP-R for the same year (IDP, 2007: 12).

In terms of the private sector, the manufacturing sector still contributes the largest

percentage to the Sedibeng economy (82.7%) and the local economy (42%) (IDP,

2007: 14). The manufacturing sector is largely dominated by metals, metal

productions, and machinery and equipment industries. While Arcelor Mittal (former

ISCOR) remains the dominant company in the region, the metal industry has

undergone enormous job shedding (IDP, 2007: 17). Manufacturing is the dominant

economic activity in Emfuleni with a growth rate of 3.1% from 1996 to 2003 (ibid:

17); although the sector’s contribution towards the GDP of Emfuleni decreased from

39.5% in 1996 to 38.7% in 2003 (ibid).

4.4.2.2 Employment, self-employment and unemployment

The two main economic areas in Emfuleni are (the former white towns), Vereeniging

and Vanderbijlpark, reflecting the region’s history, where significant employment is

still created (IDP, 2007). While Emfuleni is not as economically important in Gauteng

anymore (it contributes only 4.6% to Gauteng’s GDP), it provides the lion-share of

wealth within the Sedibeng district (94% of Emfuleni’s GDP), as most industries and

manufacturing is still concentrated there.18 Manufacturing still provides the largest

contribution to the local economy (42%), followed by community services (20%) and

trade (14%) (IDP, 2007).

The employment profile, the monetary and percentage contribution of the different

sectors to the Emfuleni economy in 2001 (IDP, 2007: 15) is as follows: the largest

percentage (41.5%) of remuneration is paid by the manufacturing sector, while the

second largest (27.7%) is paid by the services and other sectors, and the third largest

(10.3%) is paid by the trade sector. The highest (average) monthly wages is paid by

the following sectors: electricity, water, gas and the manufacturing sector (ibid: 15).

18 The international decline in the economy in the 1970s also affected the region’s overall importance, especially the privatisation of SASOL in 1979 and ISCOR in 1989 (Hlatswayo, 2003; Groundwork Report, 2006).

166

No significant employment exists in Bophelong Township, all full-time work is found

outside the township, in the former white towns of Vanderbijlpark, Vereeniging and

Sasolburg (Monareng, 2003; Slabbert, 2004).

There are 463 642 economically active people in the municipality but only 33% are

employed and 29% are unemployed (IDP, 2007: 11). The unemployment rate in

Emfuleni is 51% (IDP, 2007:16), and this is much higher than South Africa (26.7%)

as a whole (Statistics SA, 2005b).

The Labour Force Survey (Statistics SA, 2005b) places the rate of unemployment at

26,7%, although the unemployment rate for females was higher (31.7%) than males

(22.6%). The Labour Force Survey (ibid) also notes that unemployment is higher

amongst the younger generation. Stats SA (2005b: xvi) states that “the unemployment

rate among persons aged 15–24 years is substantially higher than those in the 25–34

year age group. In turn, “the unemployment rate among persons aged 35–44 is higher

than among those in the 45–54 year age group.” (Stats SA, 2005b: xvi). Although the

Emfuleni economy is important within the Gauteng province, it has the highest

unemployment rates in the province (Slabbert, 2004: 124).

Table 4.5 Emfuleni Labour Force

Year Comparison

Of Survey

Data 1999

%

Census

2001

Survey

Data 2003

Total Population 658 422 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Less: persons 0-14 years

& 65+ years, disabled,

Economically inactive

344 732

53.4

52.4

54.2

Economically active 313 690 46.6 47.6 45.8

Employed 153 655 22.6 23.3 21.0

Unemployed 160 035 23.9 24.3 24.8

Source: calculated from Municipal Demarcation Board 2003; Slabbert & Mokoena, 1999;

Slabbert, 2003; and IDP, 2007: (12-15).

In important ways the employment profile of Bophelong is broadly consistent with

the trends in Emfuleni, although there are a number of variations. In the Bophelong

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Survey (2007) we find that within family-households, 27% are full time employed,

47% are unemployed, and 26% participate in contract work and casual work.

The levels of unemployment indicated by the Survey (2007) in Bophelong (47%) is

lower than the levels of unemployment in Emfuleni (51%). It is difficult to verify this

as the IDP (2007) did not include statistics for the separate townships such as

Bophelong. In addition, the Emfuleni data (Table 4.5 above) did not declare casual

and contract workers separately from those ‘employed’.

In Emfuleni, a number of households below the poverty line is estimated at 100 414

for 2003, and this constitutes 51% of all households in Emfuleni (IDP, 2007: 16). The

monthly shortfall of income, the poverty gap, of these households amounts to 80.23

million per month and R962.77 million per year. For the average household, the

poverty gap amounts to R799 per month (R9 588 per year) (IDP, 2007: 16). Poverty

within the Emfuleni municipality is generalised.

4.4.2.3 The Skills Base

Based on responses about the nature of work that people in Bophelong do, in the

Survey (2007) the skills were classified and analysed for indicative purposes into

skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled. For this purpose skilled work includes tilers,

boiler-makers, electricians, bricklayers, carpenters, mechanics, drivers, teachers and

nurses. Semi-skilled work includes builders and receptionists. Unskilled work

included gardeners, casuals, domestics, waitors, shop assistants, general workers and

labourers.19 The self-employed included selling vegetables and sweets, managing a

public phone, and/or a tuck shop (or spaza shop).

The findings indicate the skills base in Bophelong as follows: skilled work (14%),

semi-skilled work (3%), and the majority unskilled work (35%). A small number

19 Although all this work requires relative levels of skill and experience, even if informally acquired, the classification of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled was used similar to the Labour Force categories of ‘sales and services’, ‘craft and related trade’, ‘elementary’ and ‘domestic worker’ (Stats SA, 2008: vii). In this context a liberal application of the categories was applied to the Survey results.

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(4%) was self-employed. The Not Applicable (N/A) category includes people who

receive state grants (44%), (discussed below.)

Some of the reasons for the low skills base includes unemployment and retrenchments

which already started in the 1980s under the NP, and continued under the new

democratic government. Arguably not much training has occurred in the post-

apartheid period related to the macro economic framework.20 Another possible reason

is that many skilled workers were migrants retrenched in the 1980s-90s in the Vaal

region who returned to the Eastern Cape and Kwa-Zulu Natal (Hlatswayo, 2003). Or,

this is possibly a reflection of the low skills base associated with cheap black labour

under apartheid (not taking into account the specific skills associated with

manufacturing in the late 1950s and 60s). Or, the low skills base is related to the

influx of people into Bophelong to occupy the RDP housing in 1998/1999.

4.4.2.4 Black Women and skills

The Emfuleni municipality has no statistics on women’s work, especially black

women (IDP, 2007). The Survey (2007) indicates that the occupations associated with

black women’s work in Bophelong are low skilled work, as follows: domestics (43);

retail (17); self-employed (13); care-work (6); dressmaking (3); nurse (2); teacher (1)

and designer/receptionist (2). Except for a minority (3) who do skilled work (two

nurses and a teacher), most of the work women did was classified as ‘unskilled’. This

raises an important issue about the value of women’s work, and how skill is

measured. For instance, domestic work and care-work is particularly undervalued, and

promotes gender inequality (England, 2005).

The Survey’s (2007) findings confirm the nature of black women’s work as

‘unskilled’ and ‘informal’ (Makgetla, 2004; Cock, 2006; Hassim, 2006). The

patterns of women’s work in Bophelong are consistent with work done by women

historically under apartheid capitalism.

20 Only one woman interviewed, had received training in baking skills.

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4.4.2.5 Incomes – wages and informal sector incomes

4.4.2.5.1 Wages

The average household income in Emfuleni for 2003 was R3 400 per month and this

seems high because it is combined with white households and therefore raises the

overall average for all households (IDP, 2007: 14.; Slabbert, 2004).The income in

white households is three times as much as black households and more than twice the

amount of so-called Coloured households.

Twenty percent (20%) of households (whites) earn 60% of the total income in

Emfuleni; while the majority of households, about 80% (blacks) earn the other 40%

(Slabbert, 2004). Wealth is still skewed in favour of white people in the Emfuleni

municipality. The inequalities in households are starker when household income in

South Africa is considered (discussed in Chapter 3).

The Survey’s (2007) findings indicate that the income of the majority of family-

households in Bophelong is extremely low (see Table 4.6 below). Irrespective of skill

and work status, 69% of all family-households have an income of less than R1 000 a

month.

A high proportion of family-households with skilled workers (49%) live on less than

R1 000 a month, compared to those in semi-skilled work (37%), and unskilled work

(55%). The workers categorised as skilled in the Survey correspond to ‘craft and

related trades workers’ and to ‘plant and machine operators and assemblers’ in the

Labour Force Survey (2005b: 24). The Labour Force Survey (2005b: 24) indicates

that 57-67% of this type of work was remunerated at about R2 500 per month. The

lower wages of workers doing equivalent work in Bophelong could be a reflection of

the depressed economic conditions of the area, and/or that the processes of

casualisation and sub-contracting tend to depress wages.

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Table 4.6 Type of Work and Income

Skilled Semi-

skilled Unskilled

Self-

employed Other Total

Less than

R1000

40 7 116 22 217 402

49% 37% 55% 85% 87% 69%

R1000 –

R2000

27 7 82 4 30 150

33% 37% 39% 15% 12% 26%

R2000 –

R3000

13 2 13 0 1 29

16% 11% 6% 0% 0% 5%

More than

R3000

1 3 0 0 1 5

1% 16% 0% 0% 0% 1%

Total 81 19 211 26 249 586

100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

Only 26% of family-households have an income of between R1 000-R2 000 a month.

This includes skilled (33%), semi-skilled (37%), and unskilled (39%) workers.

Only 1% of family-households earned more than R3 000 per month, and indicates the

generally low levels of income that still exist in post-apartheid South Africa.

Bophelong forms part of the 80% of households that only access 40% of the income

in Emfuleni (Slabbert, 2004). The ‘Other’ category (87%), is significant as income is

derived from state grants (discussed below).

4.4.2.5.2 Informal Sector

Monareng’s (2003) study of the informal sector in Vanderbijlpark town indicates that

60% of traders are black women, some may be self-employed or employed by others

(ibid: 50-51). Often women sit in the market selling and looking after children, with

no clear-cut division between the household and the business (Monareng, 2003: 41).

While black women are significant in informal trade, gender inequality is a factor, and

while men sell, women sew and sell (Valodia, 2001). In Bophelong, the self-

employed, only 4% of total respondents (gender unclear), live on less than R1 000 a

month (85%).

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4.4.2.6 Survival strategies

Given that 69% of families live on less than R1 000 per month, how do families make

ends meet and provide for their basic needs? The Survey (2007) findings indicate that

people turn to neighbours (57%) for assistance in times of economic pressures. This is

supported by other research (De Koker et. al., 2006; and Hunter et. al., 2007). Some

women (23%) used ‘informal’ means such as selling vegetables and ‘living by their

wits’. These informal initiatives, however, often caused difficulties and tension with

friends, family and neighbours, who often could not pay for the goods (Lena, 2007).21

Smith and Wallerstein (1992) discuss ‘survival strategies’ and argue that households

in developing countries pooled their income (social grants or remittances, wages,

market sales, rent, and ‘subsistence’). In single families where women maintained

children on their own, there was often no one with whom ‘to pool’ resources (Hassim,

2005; De Koker et. al., 2006). In the light of large-scale unemployment in Bophelong

(47%), it was difficult ‘to pool’ resources. To the extent that the grant is ‘pooled’ this

causes tension within households (Mosoetsa, 2005). A discussion on ‘survival

strategies’ therefore necessarily needs to be concretised and contextualised.

However, women often employed ‘non market’ strategies such as supporting each

other, shared childcare and gave willingly of their labour time (Muthwa, 1994).

4.4.2. 7 Debts and Mashonisas22

The Survey (2007) findings indicated that a substantial number of respondents (51%),

more than half, had incurred debt for furniture, clothes and school fees, confirmed by

Mashigo (2006). Some (10%) used local moneylenders (loan-sharks) who charged

50% interest per month, to provide food (10%), schooling (6%), and basic services

such as electricity and medical expenses (5%).

There is some variation amongst grant recipients. Grant recipients who receive the

old age and foster care grants, (which is 5 times the amount of the CSG), indicate 21Based on interview with Lena, see Appendix 2. 22 A mashonisa is a local loan-shark.

172

that they turn to loan-sharks when they are desperate.23 The CSG recipients,

however, do not go to loan sharks because their income is too little.

4.4.3 Social Profile

4.4.3.1 Education and Literacy

Slabbert (2004: 64-64) notes that while 22.5% of the Emfuleni population had no

education at all, the level of literacy in the municipality was slightly higher than in

South Africa.

The General Household Survey (GHS) for 2006 indicates gender difference in the

percentage of people 20 years and over with no formal education (Lehohla, 2008: 1).

A substantial number of this group (10.7%) have no formal qualifications. In 2006,

8.6% of men and 12.6% of women had no formal educations. Even though this shows

an improvement since 2002, where 9.9% of men and 14% of women had no formal

education, the gap between men and women remains constant at 4%. Given the age

group, this also reflects the legacy of apartheid.

4.4.3.2 Housing

The Survey (2007) determined relatively accurate assessments of the total number of

each housing form in Bophelong (see Figure 4.1 below). There are one-thousand-and-

fifty-four (1 054) houses in Old Bophelong, nine-thousand-nine-hundred-and-ninety-

seven (9 997) RDP houses (3 stands were empty) in eighteen geographic extensions,

and four-hundred-and-eighty-eight (488) shacks in two informal settlements (Stalling

and Joko T).

23 The woman-heads confirmed this in the in-depth interviews held between 2007-2009, (see Appendix 3).

173

Figure 4.1 Housing Types in Bophelong

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

The majority of people (84%) live in RDP houses, followed by Old Bophelong (12%)

and the two informal settlements (4%). As mentioned above, the RDP housing

accounts for the steep population influx into Bophelong (and Emfuleni) (IDP, 2007).

This was verified in the Survey (2007) where the majority of respondents (69%) lived

in Bophelong for 5 to 10 years - the first RDP housing was built in 1998/9. Older

residents have lived in Old Bophelong for between 10 to 40 years (Survey, 2007).

The 10 000 RDP houses built in eighteen extensions enveloped the Old Bophelong.24

The RDP houses are standardised, 12 to 15 square metres, consisting of two-rooms

and a toilet. The only tap inside the house is in the toilet and a second tap is outside

the house. Prepaid electricity, sewage and potable water is available. Besides the

toilet-door, and the front door, the only ‘room’ in the house is door-less. There are no

ceilings, walls are un-plastered, and a gap exists between the walls and the roof,

making the dwelling extremely cold in winter.

In contrast, although old, the four-roomed houses built in old Bophelong under

apartheid, are more spacious, have more human conveniences and provide relatively

more privacy for the inhabitants.25

24 The RDP housing extensions are called Mhuvango, after a popular local television series on the South African Broadcasting Corporation. 25 See description of Old Bophelong housing earlier in this chapter.

Series1,  RDP,  83,8%,  84%  

Series1,  Shack,  

4,0%,  4%  

Series1,  Old  

Bophelong,  12,1%,  12%  

House  Type  

RDP  

Shack  

Old  Bophelong  

174

As noted above, despite many limitations including quality and size, the RDP housing

has made an important difference in many people’s lives, especially black women.

4.4.3.3 Health and Reproductive Rights

The Survey (2007) findings listed three major illnesses: high blood pressure,

tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS (see Figure 4.2 below). Other illnesses mentioned

included heart disease, asthma, arthritis, epilepsy and ulcers. Based on respondent’s

self-reports, females suffer the main illnesses identified (Survey 2007).

Figure 4.2 Major illnesses by gender

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

4.4.3.4 HIV/AIDS

The HIV/AIDS pandemic in South Africa is cause for widespread alarm. The Survey

(2007) findings (see Figure 4.3 below), indicate that 42% of respondents had tested

for HIV/AIDS and undergone counselling, whereas 58% had not. Only 2% indicated

that they needed medication but did not have money for it. A total of 4% of

respondents (24 persons) openly divulged their HIV/AIDS status (although they were

not asked about their status), 75% were female and 25% were male. Only 6%

Percent  of  Illness  

Major  Illnesses  by  Gender  

male  

female  

175

acknowledged that a family member had died of HIV/AIDS and this indicates that the

stigma attached to the pandemic remains high.

Figure 4.3 HIV/Aids

4.4.3.5 Contraception and Termination of pregnancy

The Survey (2007) findings indicate that the majority of respondents (79%) had

access to contraceptives, mainly from the local clinic, whereas a minority (21%) did

not have access. The majority (79%), believed that men should be involved in the

decision to use a contraceptive, whereas a minority (21%) said no. Similarly, the

majority (78%) believed that men should be involved when deciding to terminate a

pregnancy, whereas 22% believed that this was a woman’s decision. The findings

reflect the views of a substantial number of women given that the majority of

respondents were female (73%).

4.4.3.6 Social Amenities26

Fifteen years after South Africa’s democracy, Bophelong retains its apartheid

township features. The township is overcrowded. Municipal services are poor and no

additional facilities were built to accommodate the influx of people into the RDP

26 See Appendix 5 on the social amenities in Bophelong.

Percent  of  fam

ilies  

HIV/AIDS    

Yes  

No  

176

houses (conservatively, an additional 30 000 people). There is one ATM (to draw

cash) but no post office, and no public telephones in the residents’ homes (except for

the library, ASEDI, some shops and the satellite police office). Old Bophelong

remains the heart of the township. Residents still spend a large portion of their income

in the former white towns such as Vanderbijlpark, which historically prospered at the

expense of the black townships (Slabbert, 2003 and 2004). Almost 50 parks were

planned for Bophelong Township, but not one has been developed yet (IDP, 2007).

4.4.3.7 Cultural /Associational

Historically black townships have reflected the self-organisation of people (Pauw,

1962; Mashabela, 1988), despite apartheid restrictions. The Survey (2007) findings in

Bophelong were interesting in that the most popular organisations are religious

(70%). This was followed by membership of funeral societies (47%). Participation in

stokvels and traditional organisations (including political and community

organisations) was very low, 4% and 1.2% respectively.

Part 3

4.5 Family Forms in Bophelong

The IDP (2007) did not have any information on family forms in Bophelong (or

Emfuleni). In this section the findings of the Bophelong Survey (2007) is discussed

in relation to women, family, family forms and woman-headed family-households.

4.5.1 Family

The majority (93%) of respondents reported that the people who lived with them were

family members related to each other, and a minority (7%) lived with non-family

members. In contrast, in South Africa, complex households which include one or two

persons who are not related to each other, constitute 2.5% of all households (Stats SA,

2010). This seems to suggest that a significantly large number of people, across all

population groups in South Africa tend to live with family or kin (ibid).

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The main reason that respondents gave for living together as a ‘family’ was because

they were ‘blood relatives’ (41%) and ‘cared’ (34%) for each other. Non-family

members included friends (34%) and neighbours (20%); but respondents indicated

that because they lived together, ‘non-blood’ members were considered ‘family’.

Amongst some respondents the notion of ‘family’ or affective bonds was therefore

not confined to ‘blood’ or ‘kin’.

4.5.2 Family Forms

Family forms are not easy to classify because they are fluid and varied. For instance,

during the in-depth interviews, an attempt to only interview woman-headed families

(women and their children) revealed the fluid nature of this family form. Within a

short period of time a single parent with children could become a multi-generational

family form if one of the children had a child who lived with the family; and mobility

existed within the composition of the household (Ross, 1996). Hence woman-headed

families, in particular multi-generational and extended families are not mutually

exclusive; and tend to be larger than male-heads (Dungumaro, 2008).

The Bophelong Survey (2007) attempted to classify and to freeze the family forms for

indicative purposes. The classification of five family forms was as follows:

o A Partnership was defined as ‘two persons’ who lived in a ‘nuclear’

relationship, irrespective of the nature of that relationship (heterosexual or

homosexual); and irrespective of whether this was a church, civil or traditional

marriage, or a common law ‘vat en sit’ relationship. Partnerships included

children.27

o Single parents included both male- and female-heads who lived with their

children.28

o Multi-generational families consisted of more than one generation, and at least

one grandparent; and could include a partnership.

o The extended family included aunts, uncles, cousins, nephews, and so forth, in

different configurations, and could include a partnership.

27 No provision for polygamous relationships was made. 28 The children could have been biological, fostered or formally or informally adopted.

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o Single people were those living on their own.

Table 4.7 (below) indicates the different family forms that exist in Bophelong.

Partnerships, particularly ‘nuclear’ are the majority (43%), followed by single parents

(25%), extended families (17%), multi-generational families (9%) and single persons

(6%).

In Bophelong the nuclear partnership is significant given that the extended family has

long been associated with black families (Pauw, 1962; Murray, 1980; Campbell,

1991; Harvey, 1994).

Table 4.7 Family forms in Bophelong in 2007

Family forms N %

‘Nuclear’ Partnerships 256 43%

Single parents 151 25%

Multigenerational family 56 9%

Extended family 101 17%

Single people 34 6%

Total 598 100%

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

The single parent (25%) family form is significantly larger than the extended (17%)

and the multi-generational (9%) family forms. This confirms the notion that the single

parents family form, especially women and children, is on the increase (Amoateng et.

al., 2004).

The predominance of the extended family form has been well documented. The

decrease in the extended family and the increase in the nuclear and the single parent

family forms is possibly related to the availability of RDP housing in Bophelong in

the 1998/99, and the influx of people.

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4.5.3 Woman and headship

The Survey (2007) findings indicate that respondents regarded ‘mothers’ as the head

(37%) followed by ‘fathers’ (29,7%). In terms of the gender distribution of family

heads, the male-heads (56%) were the majority compared to the female-heads (44%).

The significance of the female-heads (44%) in Bophelong becomes apparent when

they are contextualised more broadly. The proportion of female-heads in Bophelong

is higher than Gauteng (29.1) and South Africa (38%) (Stats SA, 2010).29 The high

proportion of female-heads in Bophelong is similar to the Eastern Cape, Kwazulu

Natal and Limpopo –- South Africa’s poorest provinces (Stats SA, 2010).30 The

concentration of female-heads in Bophelong is instructive of other important related

factors such as unemployment, income and poverty (discussed below).

The majority of respondents (93%) indicated that the family-head made decisions and

that this was acceptable (100%). Budlender (2003) argues that the family-head does

not necessarily make all the decisions; and this is a valid consideration empirically as

the survey method did not provide for other family-household members to verify this.

The issue of headship is much more complex.31 Especially given the history of

migrant labour, the apartheid government’s policies to destabilise and prevent black

families from living together and the fluidity of household composition and the

widespread levels of poverty, the notion of headship consistently residing in one

person is questionable and was discussed more systematically in Chapter 2.

4.5.4 Woman-headship, age and marital status

The Survey (2007) findings indicate that in terms of age distribution (Table 4.8

below), the majority of the woman-heads (31%) were in the 20-29 year age group,

29 see Table 1.2 in Chapter 1. 30 See Table 1.2 in Chapter 1. 31 See the discussion on headship in Chapter 2.

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followed by those in the 30-39 (26%) and the 40-49 (18%) year age groups. The

lowest number of woman-heads (11%) was in the oldest (60-70+) age group. The

majority (75%) of woman-heads are between the ages of 20 and 49 years of age. The

women are therefore relatively young, in their prime, and in their most productive

years.

When the distribution of female-heads’ age is compared to South Africa nationally,

the SPoSA Report (Stats SA, 2010), (see  Table  1.1  in  Chapter  1) a different picture

emerges. While the age distribution of Statistics South Africa and the Bophelong

Survey have been organised differently and do not readily correspond, a comparison

is still possible. If one aggregates the total number of female-heads in Bophelong in

the 40-59 age group (32%), this is not far below the national statistics (37%) for the

25-59 age group. Similarly, if the figures for the 30-59 age group in Bophelong is

aggregated (58%) this is larger than those in the 25-59 (37%) age group in the

national statistics.  

Table: 4.8 Female-heads, age and marital status

Marital status 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-70+ Total % Divorced or Separated 1 3 4 2 1 11

4%

Single 45 19 6 7 1 78 29%

Single parent 27 30 25 12 4 98 37%

Widow 0 3 1 2 5 11 4%

Never Married 0 0 0 0 1 1 0.4 Live together/ Civil/Traditional Marriage 9 14 13 14 16 66

25%

Total (Age) 82 69 49 37 28 265* 44%

% 31 26 18 14 11 Source: Bophelong Survey (2007) (One ten-year-old respondent was excluded as headship was unclear.)

In terms of the national statistics (Stats SA, 2010), (see Table 1.1 in Chapter 1), the

proportion of female-heads tends to be higher in the older age groups: 43% of the 60-

69 and 54% of 70+ age cohorts, compared to 11% in the 60-70+ age cohort in

Bophelong.

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In contrast, in Bophelong, the majority of female-heads (75%) is in the 20-49 age

cohort; and 57% are in the 20-39 age cohort (which is also larger than the 54% in the

70+ age group in the national statistics). Female-heads in Bophelong tend to be in the

younger age groups, whereas nationally, in South Africa, they tend to be in the older

age groups.

More research is needed to explain and untangle these differences. Possible

explanations include whether Bophelong is a typical or atypical township in the South

African context. Is the high number of female-heads an indice of the widespread

poverty in Bophelong and the country’s three poorest provinces which share similar

high proportions of female-heads? Or, is this a reflection of many women’s access to

(RDP) housing, which occurred in Bophelong?

A closer analysis with the methodology of the national statistics and the social weight

of the more ‘rural’ provinces (Limpopo, Eastern Cape and Kwa-Zulu Natal) is also

needed.

4.5.4.1 Women and marital status

The Survey (2007) confirmed that the marital status of female-heads is diverse. Single

woman-heads (including women with and without children) were the largest group in

the category of female-heads (66%). A significant proportion (25%) of woman-heads

live with men in civil, customary, religious or common-law relationships. This is

marginally different to Stats SA, which recorded woman-heads of partnerships for

black people at 29% (Stats SA: 2010). Other categories of marital status included

divorced or separated, single, single parents, never married and widowed. The most

negligible category was those who had never married (0.4%) in the 60-70+ age group.

It is probable that younger women will not include themselves in this category as the

possiblity for marriage still exists.

The number of widows (4%) in the Bophelong findings was also negligible compared

to Stats SA (2010) which found a relatively large number (49%) of widowed women

in the 60-69 age group.

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4. 5.5 Family forms and woman-heads

The Survey (2007) findings indicate that female-heads are significant in three

different family forms (see Table 4.9 below). The majority of family-heads in

partnership families are male (91%), whereas, the majority of females are family-

heads in single parent families (91%), in multi-generational (71%) and extended

families (53%). The majority of single persons in this sample (68%) are male but this

did not reveal whether they had children or not.

That family-heads of partnerships was predominantly male (91%) was not surprising

given that male-headship has been associated with nuclear families; interestingly,

females head almost 9% of partnerships.32

Table 4.9 Family forms by sex of head of household

Family forms by sex of head of family-household

Nuclear

Partner-

ships

Single

parents

Multi-

generational Extended

Single

person

TOTAL

(all families

surveyed)

Female 9% 91% 71% 53% 32% 44%

Male 91% 9% 29% 47% 68% 56%

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

Budlender (2003) confirms that this homogeneity concealed key intra-group

differences. For example, some writers have argued that it is unclear whether female

heads are ‘single breadwinners’, or divorced or widowed or consciously choose to

live alone with their children (Van der Vliet, 1991, Campbell, 1994).

Female-heads are the significant majorities in the single parents, multi-generational

and extended family-households in Bophelong. The single parent family-household is

predominantly female-heads (91%). The multi-generational and extended family-

households are not mutually exclusive but were categorised to also identify the

number of family-households that included older grandparents. While this does not

indicate the number of grandparents within each family-household, it does indicate

32 Only one out of 598 respondents indicated being in a same-sex relationship.

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that the majority (71%) of heads are female. In Chapter 3, we discussed the increase

in older persons or grandparents heading family-households, especially females, and

the skip generation, and that this was largely amongst blacks (Stats SA, 2010).

4. 5. 6 Family forms and income

The Survey (2007) findings in Table 4.10 (below) indicate family forms and income.

Overall, the incomes are extremely low in Bophelong, although partnership families

earn more income per month than any other family form. Families with a monthly

income of less than R1 000 were single parents (79%), multi-generational (70%) and

extended (70%) families. In total, more partnership families (38%) live on more than

R1 000 income per month than single parents (21%). A larger number of partnership

families (30%) had a monthly income of between R1 000 and R2 000, compared to

other family forms. Partnership family-households tend to have more than one

income-earner. However, to underscore the low incomes in Bophelong, a large

number (61%) of partnership family-households live on less than R1 000 a month.

Table 4.10 Family forms by income

Partnership Single

parent

Multi-

generational Extended

Single

person Total

Less than

R1 000

157 117 38 73 16 401

61% 79% 70% 72% 62% 69%

R1 000 –

R2 000

80 25 13 22 10 150

31% 17% 24% 22% 38% 26%

R2 000 –

R3 000

16 6 3 4 0 29

6% 4% 6% 4% 0% 5%

More than

R3 000

3 0 0 2 0 5

1% 0% 0% 2% 0% 1%

Total 256 148 54 101 26 585

100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

The low incomes in Bophelong are far below the average monthly household income

for Emfuleni of R3 400 in 2003 (Slabbert, 2004: 211). This confirms the inequality

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that still exists within the region between white and black family-households (IDP,

2007; Slabbert, 2004). Income inequality between family-households is even more

pronounced when one observes that average household income per annum in

2005/2006 for South Africa was R74 589 per annum (Stats SA, 2008).33

Female-headed households are generally poorer than other households (Stats, 2008).

Slabbert (2004: 212) notes that in Emfuleni poor households have relatively few

fathers and that single parent households are more common amongst the poor. This is

confirmed especially if one observes that 79% of single parents earn less than R1 000

a month, bearing in mind that the majority (91%) are female-heads. Slabbert (2004)

argues that almost 50% of poor female-headed households are headed by someone

close to, or of retirement age (indicating also that if they are unemployed, they are

unlikely to find employment) (ibid). This also speaks to the large number of female-

heads in both multi-generational and extended family-households that Stats SA

(2010) confirms.

4.5.7 Family Form and housing type

The Survey (2007) indicated that 46% of partnerships live in the RDP housing (see

Table 4.11 below). Single parents are spread evenly (on average 25%) amongst all

the housing forms, with the largest number being in the RDP housing (26%). Multi-

generational families (31%) live mainly in Old Bophelong.

The availability of housing and the recent influx of people may explain some of the

family forms. The importance of housing does not detract from, but underscores the

availability of individual and family-households to live with people of their choice. A

possible explanation for the relatively large number of partnerships is that persons

and/or couples moved out of extended and multi-generational family-households

when housing became available. Similarly, single parents, may have moved out of

larger family-households to live on their own with their children; confirmed by some

of the women in the in-depth interviews.

33 This is about R6 215.75 a month, for twelve months.

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Table 4.11 Housing type by family form

Old

Bophelong Squatter RDP

Out-

building Total

Partnership 12 12 228 4 256

18% 50% 46% 50% 43%

Single parents 15 5 129 2 151

23% 21% 26% 25% 25%

Multigenerational 20 0 36 0 56

31% 0% 7% 0% 9%

Extended family 13 6 81 1 101

20% 25% 16% 13% 17%

Single people 5 1 27 1 34

8% 4% 5% 13% 6%

Total 65 24 501 8 598

100% 100% 100% 100% 100%

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

That the single parent family form is significant in all housing forms tends to confirm

its increasing prevalence. That multi-generational families live mainly in Old

Bophelong might be related to those family-households who have lived in Bophelong

for many years, even before the democracy. Apartheid policies confined three or four

generations in the old township of Bophelong (Groundwork Report, 2006: 43).

4.5.8 Housing type and sex of head of household

Table 4.12 (below), indicates that more female-heads live in Old Bophelong than in

the other housing types. In RDP houses and in squatter settlements the majority of

heads are men. Interestingly, Old Bophelong, the oldest form of housing, is where

most females are heads of multi-generational and extended families. This was because

many different generations of family-households lived in the township when housing

was an issue (Groundwork Report, 2006); and this may also be linked to life-cycle

factors such as widowhood and divorce.

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Table 4.12: Housing type, by sex of head of household

Old Bophelong

Squatter/ Informal

RDP Outbuilding Total

Female 38 8 216 4 266

58% 33% 43% 50% 44%

Male 27 16 285 4 332

42% 67% 57% 50% 56%

Total 65 24 501 8 598

100% 100% 100% 100% 100%

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

Family-households are influenced by a number of factors such as the availability of

resources (income and housing) that may place pressures on people. In the Survey,

when families were asked why they lived together, a significant number (20%)

indicated that they did not have a choice. The availability of housing cannot be

underestimated in the choices that it provides for people, especially women, who did

not have rights and access before the democratisation of South Africa. The choice of

who to live with cannot be underscored, especially if this is contrasted with the

historical experience of black men and women, and the insecurity and the instability

arising from the absence of housing.34

4.5.9 Family Conflict

The majority of respondents (83%) confirmed that conflict existed in family-

households and the sources varied and included: disputes over lack of money (34%);

unemployment (28%); sharing housework (17%); the lack of food (10%); alcohol

abuse (6%) and sharing childcare (5%). Table 4.13 (below) illustrates the

respondents’ main sources of family conflict (money). Many of the sources of the

conflict are clearly linked to poverty. Although the number of female-heads (44%)

across all family forms is high in Bophelong, housework (17%) and childcare (5%)

was relatively low in relation to sources of conflict. The reasons for this are not self-

evident and may be related to many women’s low expectations that housework should

34 See discussion on this in Chapter 3 and Beittel (1992) and Bonner (1990).

187

be shared; that housework is seen conventionally as ‘women’s work’; and/or there

was no-one with whom to have a conflict as they lived alone. Both housework and

childcare could also be viewed as related to ‘power’; and Mosoetsa (2005) noted

conflict in families over control of social grants and contested power relations.

Table 4.13 Conflict in the Family

Conflict in the family

Frequency Percentage

Money 168 33.7%

Unemployment 113 22.7%

Housework 84 16.9%

Lack of food 48 9.6%

Alcohol 28 5.6%

Child care 25 5.0%

Source: Bophelong Survey (2007)

4.5.10 Children in Bophelong

The majority of children are biological and they tend to live with their parents (88%),

with mothers (61%) and with fathers (57%). The Bophelong Survey (2007) findings

indicate that 87% of children attend school, 82% attend the clinic and 94% have birth

certificates. Birth certificates are obligatory to obtain the state’s child support grant.

Some children are orphans (12%), and live with family relatives. The majority (61%)

of orphans receive a social grant, 25% are being processed for a social grant, and the

remainder do not have a grant because they do not have brith certificates, and/or their

guardians have not applied.

4.5.11 Maintenance of children

According to the Bophelong Survey (2007) findings, although men are the majority

heads of all the family-households (56%) compared to women (44%), the mothers

(78%) were largely responsible for the maintenance of the children compared to

fathers. In family-households with single parents with children, maintenance was

done predominantly by women (more than 80%). This is consistent with Hassim

188

(2005) and De Koker et. al., (2006), and the discussion on child maintenance in

Chapter 3.

4.5.12 Domestic Violence

The Survey (2007) findings indicate that a significant number of respondents (23%)

still experience domestic violence. Gender violence remains a major issue despite far

reaching Constitutional rights in South Africa (Abrahams et. al., 2009; Jewkes, 2009).

In the in-depth interviews held in Bophelong with the social grant recipients the

majority of the single-woman-heads (79%) said that despite their daily struggles, they

were happier without men because ‘there was no domestic violence’.35

Part 4

4.6 Black women and the social grants

4.6.1 Brief overview

This section draws on the in-depth interviews held with 24 social grant recipients in

Bophelong during Phase 1 of the research in 2006.36 The grants are an important

income source in South Africa (Stats SA, 2010). This section focuses on the lives of

black women grant recipients in Bophelong.

The sample of 24 grant recipients was retrieved through a combination of methods:

snowball sampling and requesting recipients for an interview while they queued for

their grant at the local community hall on the payout days in Bophelong.

During the research, I became acutely aware of the drastic change in the township’s

ambience – the lightness, the laughter in the queues and in the Old Bophelong centre -

35 In-depth interviews held with woman-heads (see Appendix 2). 36 Initially there were 25 grant recipients interviewed, and this included one male. Despite efforts to interview men, they all refused. Hunter (2002) indicated a similar experience. The one male was therefore excluded from the survey data as it was statistically insignificant. These in-depth interviews formed the basis of a paper, published in the Journal of International Women Studies, May 2009.

189

when the social grants were paid out over three days at the local community hall. This

was also confirmed in Hunter’s (2007) study.

The four main grant types and there importance within South Africa is discussed in

Chapter 3. The monthly grant amounts, in 2007 were as follows: the CSG for children

from 0-14years was R200 per month, based on a government’s means test: in 2007,

families had to earn less than R9 600 per year or R800 per month. The OAP was

R870, the FCG was R620, the Care Dependency Grant was R870, the CSG was R200

and the DG was R870.37

Based on Table 4.14 (below) the total amount of Social Grant payments in Bophelong

for June 2007 (including unpaid or uncollected grants) was R 3 022 260 (SASSA:

2007).38 If the total payments (R3 022 260) is divided by the total number of

recipients (4 835), this averages an amount of R625.00 per month - less than the R800

per month means test amount. However, the CSG (51% of total grant recipients) is

R200 compared to the OAP (R870), the Care Dependency Grant (R870), and the FCG

(R620). The CSG amount (R200) is far less than the means test amount (R800).

Table 4.14: Social Grant Recipients in Bophelong Township

Types of Grants

Old age Pension

Child Support

Disability

Foster Care

Care Grant

Total

No. of Recipients

1 224 2 442 914 211 44 4 835

Percentage Of Total

25 51 19 4 1 100

(Based on telephonic interview with SASSA official, Sharon, 25 June 2007.)

Based on Table 4.14 (above), about 4 835 recipients out of a population of 38 000

indicates that about 12% of the population are grant recipients.39 For indicative

purposes, we use 3.6 persons per black household (discussed above, IDP, 2007). This

indicates that about 17 406 persons (46%) shared in a social grant (although the

amount differed depending on the grant type).

37 Current grant amounts as from 1 April 2011 as follows: Old Persons Grant R1 140; Disability Grant R1 140; Child Support Grant R260 and Foster Care Grant R740. 38 Information made available from a SASSA official, Sharon, in a telephonic interview on 25 June 2007. 39 This is conservatively based on the Census 2001 figures, although the population would likely have increased, however for indicative purposes, it is significant.

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In a family-household of four (3.6 per black household), this is an average of R156

per person per month, to cover basic expenses (food, electricity, transport, clothes and

school fees). For many families in Bophelong, daily survival is a struggle. The lower

bound amount for Stats SA (2006) is R211 per month, and the CSG (R200) is less

than this.

4.6.2 Social Grants: The National Picture

As discussed in Chapter 3, the four main social grant recipients increased

consistently, especially in the poorest provinces - the Eastern Cape, Kwa-Zulu Natal

and Limpopo. The FCG, also for children, three times the amount of the CSG, is for

non-biological parents, and constitutes only 3% of the total recipients. However, CSG

recipients increased the most, from 2.6 million in 2003 to 7.8 million in 2007, an

increase of 300%. The increase reflects the expansion of the CSG initially for children

from 0-7 years in 1997, to 0-14 years in 2007. The distribution of grant recipients in

Bophelong (Table 4.14) is consistent with national trends (Table 3.1 in Chapter 3), the

CSG grant is the majority (51%); also confirmed by De Koker et. al., (2006). The

steep increase in the total number of recipients, especially for OAPs, DGs and FCGs,

reflects the increased access of all South Africans to social grants after apartheid.

However, the 300% increase in the CSGs and its predominance (67%) nationally over

all the other grants, also reflects the conditions under which 8 million children live, in

families with low ‘means-test compliance’ income (ibid).

The grant recipients are highest in the Eastern Cape, Kwa-Zulu Natal and Limpopo –

all three higher than Gauteng. The female-headed families are also highest in these

provinces (see Table 1.1 in Chapter 1) (Stats SA, 2010), and in Bophelong (44%)

(Survey, 2007). Given that the CSG constitutes almost 8 million recipients, and is

means tested, this is also an indication of generalised poverty levels in South Africa.

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4.6.3 Profile of Black Women Recipients

Table 4.15 (below) contains summary information of 24 women recipients

interviewed in Bophelong Township during March to July 2007. The women were

selected through snowball sampling. The women spoke Sesotho (88%) and Xhosa

(12%), and lived with 5 family members, (including grandchildren). The youngest

woman was 23, and the oldest was 65 years.

Table 4.15 Summary of various aspects of profile of interviewees, March to July 2007, (n=24)

Various Various Various Various N/A Total 1 Grant Type

Income Percentage

OAP 2 8%

DG 3 13%

FCG 2 8%

CSG 17 71%

- - 24 100%

2 Work History Percentage

Domestic/ Caregiver 12 50%

Farm Worker 1 4%

Shop Assistant 3 13 %

Receptionist 1 4%

- 7 29%

- 24 100%

3 Other Source of income Percentage

1 domestic 4%

1 care giver 4%

- - 22 92%

24 100%

4 Marital Status Percentage

Never married 16 66%

Married 3 plus 13%

Widow 3 13%

Single 2 8%

-

24 100%

5 Sole children’s Caregiver Percentage

Fulltime 19 79%

- - - 5 21%

24 100%

6 Adult Males living at home Percentage

Husbands x 3 Unemployed 13%

Brothers x 2 Grants 8%

Son x 1 Brothers x 2 Uncle x 1 Unemployed 17%

Son x 1 Employed/ 4%

- 62%

- 100%

7 Family forms Percentage

Multi- Generational 4 17%

Extended 1 4%

Single women & Children 16 66%

3 13%

24 100%

Despite not seeking direct comparisons, there were similarities with De Koker et.

al.,’s (2006) findings, where the majority of the women were CSG recipients (67%)

in the 26-40 year age group, with a mean age of 36.5. Twenty-five percent (25%)

were married/widowed and 67% had never married. Sixty-three (63) percent of

women were family-heads, and this is relatively high. Family forms were mainly

multi-generational (21%) and single parents (79%) looking after biological children

as sole-caregivers; in De Koker et. al.,’s (2006) they were 66% and 85% respectively.

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Two women had part-time jobs with additional income, Rowena,40 a domestic

worker, works 12 days per month for R400; and Katlego,41 a caregiver, works for the

DSD for R1 000 per month. For the majority of recipients (92%), the grant is the only

income in the home. The findings tend to support Hassim (2005), De Koker et. al.

(2006) and Hunter et. al. (2007) that CSG recipients are largely single women with

children, living solely on grant income.

All CSG recipients expressed their preparedness to do any work to earn money but as

the sole-caregivers they were structurally hampered - childcare costs R100 per child

per month, excluding food, and the CSG is R200 per month. The women bear

historical and structural limitations related to their skill and work opportunities. Their

previous work experience includes domestic/cleaner/carer (12), farm worker (1), shop

assistants (3) and receptionist (1). This confirms the historic pattern of black women’s

work in South Africa (Hassim: 2005, Makgetla: 2004). Most recipients (87%) moved

to Bophelong to live in the RDP houses in 1998/9 from other provinces in the country

(13% lived in the old township), and had no family or kin close-by to support them.

Besides their male children, no adult males lived with the majority (70%) of the

recipients.

All interviewees said the old township was quieter, safer and less violent - the old

houses are bigger with more privacy than the RDP houses. Most women (79%)

agreed that despite daily struggles to survive, they were happier without men as ‘there

was no domestic violence’ (sic). They shared some common illnesses, which they

related to stress and their previous work experience - including asthma (13%), strokes

(8%) (Selinah was 55, Josephine was 36), and high blood pressure (29%).

‘Making the grant stretch’ was stressful for everyone, for instance, constantly

worrying about food for everyone, whether to buy electricity or school shoes and

what to do when the money is finished and the next grant payment is far-off? All

interviewees had to mediate children’s differences, conflicts and demands, and this

was also stressful.

40 Interview with Rowena, receives the CSG, see Appendix 2. 41 Interview with Katlego, receives the FCG, see Appendix 2.

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4.6.3.1 What do they use the Grant for?

The main needs reiterated were food and money for daily living. Everyone said the

grant didn’t cover all their needs. Lena said, ‘Before the month is out, food is finished

and there’s no money’. Rita said, ‘In three days the CSG is finished’.42 ‘People only

eat when they have money, when the grant runs out the food runs out’.43 Demands are

gendered: Katlego’s said ‘The boys want meat for every meal, every day, and this

causes tension as there’s no money for meat.’ Josephine’s teenage daughters wanted

clothes. Mary (a DG recipient herself), looks after two disabled brothers, said, ‘My

brother’s fight with me, they think I use their money, but food is expensive’. ‘In the

last days in the month, there’s only pap (maize porridge) and left over fat to eat.

Sometimes there’s no electricity’, said Rowena. The interviews confirmed the Survey

(2007) results: when available, grant recipients spend their money on food, electricity,

clothes and school fees, also confirmed by De Koker et. al., (2006).

There is some differentiation amongst the grant recipients. Based on the interviews,

all the CSG recipients live a ‘hand to mouth’ existence and could not afford to use a

moneylender except for Rowena (who earns additional income as a domestic worker)

as the interest charged (50%) was prohibitive. The other nine recipients on OAPs,

DGs and FCGs – who get 3 to 4 times the CSG amount – use moneylenders (9), have

clothing accounts at Edgars Stores and Jet (3), bought furniture and appliances on

hire-purchase at Lubners (2), and participate in funeral societies (3). No recipient

could afford to participate in a stokvel.44 Of the interviewees, four (4) had television

sets (2 OAPs and 2FCGs) and four (4) had cell phones (1FCG, 3CSG).

4.6.3.2 What food is eaten every day?

All the women wanted to provide meat for lunch on Sundays – a township tradition,

but this was not possible. The daily diet is mielie pap porridge for breakfast, black tea,

and a piece of bread for lunch, and pap for supper.45 During the week people eat pap

42 Interview with Rita, See Appendix 2. 43 Interview with key informant, Tankiso Matlakala, see Appendix 1. 44 Stokels were historically self-organised groups, where members pool money or groceries, and rotate it amongst themselves on a monthly or (sometimes a yearly) basis. 45 Mielie pap is a porridge made from refined white maize flour, very starchy, and filling, its nutritional value is highly questionable.

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with morogo (a spinach) and potatoes. When money allows, the diet includes chicken

feet, pork bones, soup bones, eggs and maas (sour milk). This was confirmed in the

Bophelong Survey (2007).

All interviewees bought food hampers especially prepared for grant recipients locally,

at Ola’s Store (groceries) and Nhlapos (a butchery). For example, Hamper 1 includes

12 kilograms of mielie meal, 10 kilograms of white sugar, 2 litres of cooking oil, 1

kilogram of washing powder and 10 kilograms of cake flour – for R177,95 (Ola: May

2007). A small meat hamper contains beef and chicken pieces, and sausage, for R40.

‘People buy fatty pieces of meat, like Rainbow frozen chicken and fatty beef’ said one

informant.46 Hamper 1 and one small meat pack, costs R217.95 - more than the CSG

(R200) - and excludes basic necessities like vegetables, electricity and medicine.

Interviewees spent between R50 to R100 each month on prepaid electricity.

Food insecurity for grant recipients is a serious social issue. Seria (2003) argues that

the social grants are not keeping up with food inflation. Forty-four percent (44%) of

households with their sole income from a grant had difficulty meeting their food

needs (Makgetla, 2004). People on the low-income end, including grant recipients,

spend 50% of income on food (Statistics SA, 2007). More adult females and children

in woman-headed households still go hungry than in male-headed households (Stats

SA, 2010). The HIV/AIDS pandemic raises the need to eat nutritional food, which is

expensive. In South Africa, Value Added Tax (VAT) is charged on everything

including clothes, transport and electricity, except for some zero-rated food, and this

considerably reduces real disposable income. This affects food security and food

nutrition. Already many black children under five years of age suffer serious

malnutrition and more die of curable diseases than at any other point in South

Africa’s history (Patrick et. al., 2005: 7).

A clear link exists between low income, unemployment and providing for family-

household needs from a grant, and the daily struggle to survive. Food insecurity was a

major problem that grant recipients experienced. A large number of grant recipients in

46 Interview with key informant, Tankiso Matlakala, see Appendix 2.

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this sample were female-heads. This is perhaps a skewed sample, but the findings

were confirmed by the national study of De Koker et. al. (2006). Women maintained

children, and were the sole-caregivers in family-households. Stats SA (2010) also

noted the significance of female-heads deriving their main source of income from a

grant, including older persons or grandparents.

4.7 Summing up: Bophelong in contemporary South African society

Bophelong is part of the Vaal region, historically the site of a minerals and energy

complex that has been adversely affected by the economic restructuring that took

place under the NP government in the late 1980s and continued under the new

democratic government. This resulted in shifts in production methods, from Fordist to

lean production, and retrenchments and unemployment. In the ‘new’ South Africa,

Bophelong, similar to many other townships, retains its key apartheid features:

poverty, unemployment and social inequality.

The Bophelong Survey (2007) findings indicate that Bophelong is a relatively

impoverished township. The findings indicate that the socio economic conditions

within Bophelong are similar to conditions in South Africa nationally. While women

are the majority of the population, they are largely unemployed, reflecting the

historically gendered male workforce. Black women still do predominantly unskilled

work in the informal sector. There have been major changes in the high levels of

unemployment and the precarious forms of work that exist. Bophelong has a

relatively high level of unemployment, low skills base and low household monthly

income, for skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled workers, across all family forms.

Substantial numbers of all family forms live on less than R1 000 a month.

In Bophelong almost two-thirds (69%) of the population have an income of less than

R1 000 a month. A significant majority of the households (66%) derive their income

from a state grant, which is less than R1 000 a month. The social grant forms a

significant part of family income in all family forms.

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Based on the Survey findings, most households consist of people who are related to

each other by blood, and this was consistent with the national statistics. There was a

relatively significant number of woman-heads in all the family forms in Bophelong,

including partnerships (9%). The woman-heads were especially significant in the

three different family forms - single parents, multi-generational and extended

families. The woman-heads in Bophelong tended to be younger than the woman-

heads in the national statistics. The woman-heads were spread across all housing

forms (25%) in Bophelong, and were marginally higher in the RDP housing (26%), an

indication of their growing prevalence. The woman-heads were predominantly

responsible for caring for children’s maintenance and wellbeing. Partnership family

forms fared marginally better economically, than single-female-headed families,

indicating generalised levels of poverty. The woman-heads engage in a daily struggle

to survive, and to reproduce the next generation.