Chapter- II

CULTURES AND COMMUNITIES OF MANIPUR: AN OVERVIEW

The previous chapter pointed out that the political

participation of women m formal political arena remains limited in

every country. It also showed that one way of remedying this

situation is to reserve seats for women in parliament and at

grassroot level. In India, the 73rd and 74th constitutional

'i Amendment Bills have been passed and these have given not less

than 33% of seats to women in every panchayat and municipality to

women. This has been a landmark initiative seeking to enhance the

participation of women in formal political arena; it has been

necessitated in part, due to the marginalization and subordination or

women in social, economic and political life. The participation or

women in politics is not a wholly autonomous matter. It is contingent

upon a host of factors, chief among which is the status accorded to

women in society and the role essentially assigned to her within a

given social system.

The socio-economic status of women is a very important factor

in analyzing the opportunities and rights enjoyed by women. It is a

well known fact that everywhere in the world, in some form or the

other, and to varying degrees, women are always at a disadvantages

position in comparison to men. The whole problem of the

51

subordinate position of women lies in the social structure which is

generally biased against women. So the study of the socio economic

position of women in society is very crucial for understanding the

overall position of women as a whole. This is more important because

even though now women and men are equal as citizens, women are

unable to live and exercise their rights. Reservation of seats for

women is, as was mentioned earlier, a way of rectifying this

subordination. However, the spin off 1s that several analysts

maintain that the low socio-economic status remains an obstacle to

effective participation of women. Even as women are formally present

does their presence make a significant difference? These are issues

that have been the subject of several studies in recent times. And it

is in the context that the study of Meetei women becomes significEmt.

For it problematizes the idea that subordinate socio-economic status

alone justifies reservation of seats for women. It simultaneously

provides an opportunity to examine the nature of women's

participation m a better or more equal status in the social and

economic spheres.

The Meetei: A Socio- Cultural Profile

The Meeteis are the dominant majority community in the state.

Before 33 A.D Manipur was ruled by seven independent kings of the

seven Salai- the Ningthouja, the Sarang Lesihangthem, the Angom,

the Khumal, the Moirang, the Luwang and the Khaba-Nganba. The

Ningthouja clan occupied central part of Manipur, the Luwangs

52

occupied the north-western portion of the valley. The Angom

occupied the eastern portion whereas the Moirangs, the southern

part of Manipur fell in the jurisdiction of the Khumals. It is difficult

to locate the areas occupied by Sarang- Leishangthem and Khaba-

Nganba. But when unification took place in 33 A.D, under the

suzerainty of Pakhangba, the head of the Ningthouja clan, the other

six independent kingdoms disappeared and they became units of

administration of Manipur (N. Singh 1976:95-96). According to

Brown ( 1975:26), from the most credible traditions, the valley

appears originally to have been occupied by several tribes, the

' principalities of which were named Khuman, Luwang, Moirang and

Mangang, all of whom came from different directions. And the

Angom, Khabanganba and Chenglei or Leishangthem ·were the

names of the other tribes/ clans that inhabited the place. They

together formed the seven clans1 of the subsequently integrated

Meetei community. After a series of inter-tribal conflicts the

Mangang (Meetei) established control over these tribes, as well as

over the other hill tribes and by gaining political supremacy also

established cultural and racial supremacy.

There has been different opm10n among ethnographers and

linguist, there has been different opinion on the ethnic name

Meeteis. According to T.C. Hudson ( 1975: 10), it is difficult especially

on linguistic ground to group the Meeteis with the Tai race where the

The seven clans are Ningthouja, the Sarang Leishangthem, the Angom, the Khumal, the Moirang, the Luwang and the Khaba-Nganba.

53

structure and vocabulary of the Meetei's language agree with those of

the Tibeto-Burman family. G.A. Grierson (1905:6), a famous linguist,

in his linguistic survey of India has also grouped the Meeteis in the

Kuki-Chin sub-family of the Tibeto-Burman languages. T.C.

Hudson's combined appellate of Kochin Chinese Moi and Siamese Tai

(Moi-Tai= Meetei's) stated that the Meeteis belong to the Moi section

of the great Tai race (Hudson 1975: 10).

Further Grierson ( 1905:6) argued that the Kuki -Chin

languages are closely connected with all the surrounding groups of

the Tibeto-Burman family. But Captain Pemberton in his "Report on

Eastern Frontier" says, "We may safely conclude them to be the

descendants from a tartar colony from China" (Pemberton 1935: 36).

Due to the linguistic and cultural affinities between the Meeteis and

the surrounding hill tribes of Manipur, McCulloch, a British

Ethnographer cum Political agent, expressed the view that the major

tribes and clans of Meeteis appeared to have been the descendants of

the Naga tribes. He wrote, "from the most credible tradition, the

valley appears originally to have been occupied by several tribes, the

principalities of which were Khuman, Luwang, Moirang and Meeteis

(Manganag), all of whom came from different directions" (McCulloch

1859:4). By the degrees, the Meeteis subdued the whole, and the

name Meeteis had become applicable to all. So, there is far more

ground to conclude them to be descendants of the surrounding hill

tribes.

54

There are historical records in support of the above view. For

example, the ceremony called called Phambal Kaba or ascending the

throne, was performed in Naga dress both by the King and the

Queen; and the 'Yum -Chao' or the Great house, the original

residence of the Meetei Chief, though he didn't reside in it, was made

up with Naga tradition (Brown 1975:27). Also, there are Gods and

Goddesses and defied fighters that are commonly recognized by both

the hill people and the Meeteis (Constantine 1981:23 and Brara

1998:3). Other than the historical incidences cited above, the stories

of their ancestors show that before the introduction of Hinduism, the

I kingdom of Meeteis followed all the customs of the hill people.

According to T.C. Hudson ( 1975: 11) 200 years ago, Meeteis had the

same internal organization, religion, habits and manner, with the hiH

people. The successive waves of invasion by the Shan, Burmese, the

Chinese and Hindus have left permanent marks on the civilization of

the people.

In some of the Manipuri literature writing about the origin and

genesis of Hinduism in the then Kingdom of Manipur accounted that

the Meetei always belong to the valley and have always been a

separate race and Hindus. They account for their origin and thus

quote the Mahabharata in support of their statement: "When the five

brothers (Pandavas) were expelled from the Hastinapura, the third

brother Arjun entered Manipur and married Chitrangada, daughter

of the Raja of the Country, and had a son named Babhruvahana,

55

who became the king. Since the accessiOn of Babhruvahana, they

assert they have been Hindus" (Brown 1975: 75).

According to L. Bhagyachandra Singh, writings of Sir John

Stone can be taken into consideration. Meeteis or Manipuris are a

fine stalwart race descended from an Indo-Chinese stoke, with some

admixture of Aryan blood, derived from the successive wave of Aryan

invaders that passed through the Valley in pre-historic days".

Meeteis by the degree had absorbed various foreign elements and

completely integrated them with their social structure. Thus,

Meetei's as a distinct ethnic, linguistic, cultural and social entity was

formed in the Manipur valley, which was a melting pot of cultures.

They are a cultural community of many tribes (N. Singh 1991:5-6).

Manipur is today a mosa1c of cultures. Various tribes and

other communities inhabit the state. The tribal communities which

are altogether 29 (Census 1991) in number, can be broadly

categorized under the banner of Nagas and Kuki Chin groups. Other

communities include Muslims, locally known as Meetei Pangal. Also

among the Meeteis there is another category called Lois who arc

currently been designated as a 'Scheduled Caste'. However looking at

the social structure of all the tribes/ communities in the state, they

are all based on patriarchy whereby descent is passed through male

line only. What also becomes evident, in the next few pages, is that

women in many of these communities enjoy reasonable degree of

freedom in some social spheres of their life. This becomes more

56

striking when we compare the status of women in Manipur with the

status of women in most parts of India. But this does not imply that

women are equal to men in all respects. Pockets of gender

discrimination do exist even here.

The Position of Women in Different Communities

The Naga & Kuki Chin groups mainly constitute the hill people

of Manipur .Among the hill tribes also, under the banner of Naga and

Kuki, there are many other sub tribes. More than 90% of them follow

Christianity by faith. No doubt there are some groups among I

different tribes who still retain their old pre-Christian faith. They all

speak different languages, belonging to the Tibeto-Burman group.

Both the tribes and other sub- groups have patriarchal system. So,

the descent is passed through father's line (male).

Naga:·

The Naga society is patrilineal. They follow the rule of clan

exogamy. In terms of inheritance, females are not entitled to get

property share. Ornaments brought by her husband belong to the

wife only for her life time and go to her husband and his heirs

afterwards. Widows are well provided for and girls may receive

property as gifts from their parents at the time of their marnagc.

Otherwise they have no legal share (Horam 1977:61).

57

Historically, the N aga women are assigned some

responsibilities of critical importance. During the head hunting

warfare, women have a significant role to play. Even in the pitched

battle between two warring parties, if women come in between with

leafs or clothes and wave, the war has to stop immediately, the same

applies even in ordinary fighting between two men (Zehol 1998:39).

This represents one aspects of the status of women in the traditional

society. This shows that in politics and diplomacy also, women

could influence in many ways, directly or indirectly, through the

village councillors or at least through their husbands. Also looking

at the other sub tribes of Naga like in the Mao society, even though

girls do not usually get a share of immovable property belonging to

the parents, yet traditionally they have been enjoying property rights

belonging to their husbands in the case of death of the husband.

The widow does not lose her right on property (Ibid 1998:40) In

Zeliangrong society, another sub tribe of Naga, though women are

well protected, they are not given equal treatment, not even from

their own parents (Ibid: 44). It is interesting to note that parents

prefer boys to girls. This can be known from the fact that the birth of

the male child is celebrated in the family with pomp and show.

There have been instances of husbands divorcing their wives for their

failure to give birth to a boy (Ibid: 44). At times a boy child is sent for

higher education at the cost of the girl child. Women are also

prohibited from taking active part in the social and public affairs.

Women's inferior status can be seen from other elements like, it is

58

taboo for a warnor to sleep with his wife or even touch her inner

clothes before going to war or for hunting (Ibid 1988:44). And

sometimes in case of illegitimate sexual relations, the girls are given

heavier punishment than the boys. These and other practices

indicated gender inequality. However, with the advent of Christianity

and western education, the status of women in Naga society has

improved in terms of literacy and education. Especially among the

Zeilangrong, women are not only allowed to attend the public

meetings but also to give public speeches as well. The general

numbers of educated women are also increasing day by day. Their

outlook has changed too. They are responsible and ready to fight for

any discriminatory acts of commitment commg across, due to

various social change and development.

Looking into the soc10 economiC spheres women equally

contribute in the economy of the house. Also, when we look close to

the domestic work life, women do have an equal share. However in

most cases the final decision of maintaining the finance at home

solely lies with the husband.2 Also, in the religious sphere, women

do not play prominent role either in the present Christian faith or in

the society.

2 It is the general phenomena prevailing not only among the Nagas but to other communities too in Manipur.

59

Kuki

The second maJor tribe in Manipur, the Kukis 1s also a

patrilineal society and their descent is passed father to the eldest

son. They practiced clan endogamy. Matrilineal cross cousin

marriage is the preferred form of marriage among the Kukis. There

is rto hard and fast rule restricting the practice of polygamous form

of marriage. Polygamous marriage is mainly practiced by the chiefs

and outstanding persons and is considered as an expression of their

social status. We also find that the levirate form of marriage is

prevalent among them. Howeve::, there is an additional rule that the

elder brother may not marry the widow of the younger brother. The

object of this rule is to save the younger brother if unmarried from

the cost of a wife and to save the burden of the property of the

deceased brother. Where such marriages are compulsory, and if the

younger brother refuses to marry his brother's widow, he has to pay

a fine. It is called Meithi-(from seemingly a loan word of Meetei

origin, meaning women's disgrace, mei-women and thi-shame (Cited

in Luikham 1983:45).And if the women refuses to marry her

husband's brother then her price is refunded and she is returned to

her people (Ibid). Widow remarriage is permitted provided the widow

is agreeable. The Kukis practiced the system of offering bride price.

The price is usually returned in case of divorce and the same is given

in the form of fine in case of adultery.

60

In Kuki society women are not given the right to vote and have

no participation in the traditional village politics. It is only in very

rare cases that women inherit property, that too from the father's

side (Panchani 1987:71). Whatever the case may be, the advent of

Christianity has played a very important role in bringing about

certain improvement m the life of women especially in terms of

education.

It has been mentioned above that in both the communities of

Nagas and Kukis, women do get freedom and equality with men to

some extent and are treated equally. But, despite this, when we look

at'the context of political participation there are few women in it. 3

So we can say there is still a lot that needs improvment if women arc

to enjoy equal status and opportunity in society.

The Lois.

The term 'Loi' is used in innumerable ways. When used as an

independent word or as a preflx or sufflx, it is associated with being

subdued, dependent backward or lowly placed (Saha 1994:73). For

example, Loi- Thaba means to be exiled to the village or outside

Manipur, Loi - Hanba means to return from exile, Loi- Chanba

means to conquer a country and Loipot- Kaba means to pay tribute

to the conquering power. Loi may be classified as by birth and Loi by

punishment (Brara 1998: 15). There was a system of punishment in

which a section of Meetei, or a group of Meeteis or even one

3 But the first woman candidate who came out successfully in Member of Parliament (inner Manipur seat) is a lady of Kuki tribe. Ms. Kim Gangte ( 1998-1999).

61

·individual could be degraded to a Loi for their anti social activities

like intra clan marriage, theft, illicit affair etc. by banishment to a loi

village. 4 So, Loi by birth are the descendents of those who now lived

in the village of Loi. Many a times Chinese, Shans, Burmese etc.

invaded Manipur in early days and were defeated by the Meetei

Kings. They were also allowed to settle on the foothills. To these

people later were added those Meeteis who refused to accept

Hinduism imposed on by King Pamheiba in the beginning of the 18111

Century A.D (Hudson 1975: 3-4). Since these communities were part

of the larger community before the advent of Hinduism. They are also

a sub structure of the Salai system. So, they too have seven Salais

structure like the Meeteis (Brara 1998: 114). Like the Hindu Meetei

their title is 'Singh' (male) and 'Devi' (female). They use Sagei name

as forename. Therefore they and their descendents are non-meetei by

branding and not by birth (Constantine 1981:38). They also worship

Sanamahi and Leimaren ( the deities of pre Hindu faith of the

Meeteis). Like the Meeteis, they offer pigs, dogs, ducks and fowls to

these deities (Hudson 1975: 103). Their lifecycle rituals are also more

or less same as those of the Meeteis, of course without Vaishnavite

elements. Some of them profess to be Hindus but are not recognized

as such by the conservative Hindu Meeteis. s

4 Notable Villages are Thanga, Ithing, Karang, Kakching Khunou, Chairen, I kirok, Thongjao, Langthabal, Andro, Kameng, Sekmai, Kameng-Kakching, Leim<mlln, Phayeng etc. see, N. Sharma, 1950.

s Notable Villages are Thanga, Ithing, Karang, Kakching Khunou, Chairen, llciruk, Thongjao, Langthabal, Andro, Kameng, Sekmai, Kameng-Kakching, Leimararn, Phayeng etc. see , N. Sharma, 1950.

62

Further, the Lois being categorized as the degraded section of

the Meeteis, they are not allowed to use the fertile land of the valley

and settled in the Lallup.6 And in terms of occupation these people

had also some assigned occupation. McCulloh mentions that 'the

Lois were the silk weavers, the smelters of iron, the distillers of spirit,

the makers of earthen vessels for containing water or for cooking, the

cutters of the posts and beams and canoes, manufacture of salt,

fishers, cutters of grass for the Raja's horse. The tribute paid in kind

was the general rule (McCulloh 1980: 13). The Lois was the most

hardworking community of the Kingdom. Therefore, it was mainly .. \.

the economic difference that existed between the Meetei and Loi. 7

In terms of social and political and customary system, the Loi

have some differences with the mainland valley Meeteis. For

example, widow remarriage are permissible under the prevailing

custom of the Phayeng community (Loi Village). For this no formal

ceremony is observed. Sometimes formal ceremony like 'loukhatpa' is

observed (Cited in I.Singh 1990:42)8 . Divorce is rare among the

6

7

8

Lois are exempted from Lalup. Scheduled Caste of Manipur consists of Loi and Yaithibi, where Yaithibi is another kind of punishment by the king for violation of Hindu social custom and marital regulation in 18th century. So Yaithibi is later added to loi and hence belong to scheduled caste now. In case of elopement, some times-formal marriage does not take place. It is mainly d11e to the disagreement between the two families. Here marriage is done at groom's place. For cases like this, the bride's family performs a ceremony called 'Loukhatpa'. This is the formal recognition of the bride and groom as husband and wife (from bride's side). It can happen after some months or even some years. However, Loukhatpa is not applicable for widow (remarriage) among the non Scheduled Cnste Meeteis. It is meant for those who are marrying for the first time. See , !rom Sin~h, 1990.

63

villagers. If so, they may appeal to village Khullakpa and member of

the Panchayat.They have to sign as witness in divorce agreement.

Women do not have any right to inheritance. In case of

divorce, a child goes to the custody of the father. At the time of

divorce, if the wife is pregnant, after a period of three years, the child

will be brought back to the father's house (Ibid: 88).

Women are not represented in the village court. This shows

lack of political participation among women. In terms of political

behaviour, it is mainly determined by the caste and class

consideration .It means that the members of the family usually cast

their vote according to the head of the family. 9 Also most of the

cases of disputes are taken by the influential village elder~ along with

the panchayats.

Muslims

Muslims started settling in Manipur around the beginning of

the 17th century. The Manipuri term for Muslim is Pangal. Bokul

( 1973) stated that the Muslim in Manipur came during the time of

King Khagemba in a war, in 1606 1o. The Muslim population of

Manipur consisted mostly of the prisoners of war (POW), during the

reign of king Khagemba. Most of them were deserters of Mughal

9 This kind of casting vote by the whole family following the advice is in vogue in villages of Manipur. But of late, the attitudes of people are changing and hence individual have started voting by their own conscience.

Io There are different versions on the coming of Muslims in Manipur. See, Me Colloh, 1980; Brown, 1975; 1. Singh, 1960; N. Singh, 1976.

64

army. They came here in 1606 A. D. as invaders in favour of prince

Samongba, the brother of King Khagemba. But they were defeated in

the hands of the Meetei King and more than one thousand Muslims

came and settled in Manipur and were allowed to marry Meetei girls.

They are settled at places like Lilong, Keirao, Sekta, Yairipok, Hatta

etc. Since then from time to time, many Muslims entered Manipur

from neighboring areas and settled in the state (Ibid: 164).

However, a strict patriarchy combined with conservative social

outlook subdued Muslim women from any kind of social figure,

despite their unaccountable share in the domestic and social life. II

The Sagei (clan) system is strictly followed by the Manipuri

muslims. Marriage between the members of a particular Sagei was,

and is still, regarded as taboo. However, the women, inspite of their

marriage to muslims, did not accept the Islamic rule of Purdah in the

strict sense of the term and continue to enjoy considerable freedom

in the socio-economic sphere (Sircar 1984: 183). But still, on the

other hand, Muslim women face acts of discrimination at the hands

of menfolk. Sometimes, by misusing the system, men divorce their

wife without any well founded reason. At the same time, some

divorcees forced their ex- w1ves to resume marriage, which is not

permitted under the system. Therefore they use to hire a man to

marry momentarily their ex wives and divorce them after a few days

of marital life. Such unnatural marriages are called Nikah Khutnek

II Like the Meetei women, Muslims women also contribute a lot in the economy of the family.

65

(hired wedlock) by the pangals (Manipuri Muslims) (Cited in Shah

1994:58). Iddat or a period of three consecutive months for

ascertaining whether a woman is pregnant or not is observed

between each marriage of the female divorces. However, the

maintenance provision during this period, in most cases, in Manipur

Muslims is neglected.

So, Muslim women in Manipur inspite of their betterment m

social status do have pockets of gender biases too. Also looking m

the political front, so far no Muslim women have able to become

political representatives. 12 . Nevertheless they have become very

active in the public domain. This can be known from the fact that

they have established Muslims women's organizations which arc

going at par with other women organizations in the state.

The Brahmins

The Brahmins, locally known as Bamon, the priestly class of

Hinduism came to Manipur during the reign of Kyamba (1467-1508).

The earlier Brahmin immigrants had no significant impact on the life

of the Meeties, in absence of any support from the King. They were

allottedli.t:lan name and through inter marriage with women, they

were absorbed into Meeitei community. They adopted Meetei ways of

living, language and customs and even worshipped the non-

Brahmins Meetei deities (Brara 1998: 1 09) .Therefore most of the

12 No doubt in the post Constitution's 73rd and 74th Amendment Bills Muslim women are actively participated in political arena by becoming representatives in pancha~·ats as well in municipality.

66

Brahmins who migrated till the time of King Kyamba in 15th Century

appear to be non-Vaishnavite. There is no record of Brahmin

migration earlier than the period of Kyamba. The appearance of

Brahmins in Manipur in 15thCentury may be due to the rise of

Muslim power in Bengal and the subsequent repression and religious

persecution of Hindus by emperors of the mughal pushed the

migration of Brahmins to hill areas, which were beyond their

influence (L.Singh 1960:.63; and Kabui 1991:251).

It is interesting to note that the Brahmins themselves became

Meetei and took the Manipuri surname and identified themselves

with most of the local custom and tradition while being good Hindus.

13 Brahmin marriage is confined to its own caste. But there has been

some change in recent time and intermarriage between Brahmin and

Kshetri, i.e. Meetei is becoming quite common. Although Brahmins

are not considered superior in the social hierarchy, they are given a

high status. Priesthood and cooking are their traditional occupation.

In many social feast of the Vaishnavite Meetei, the cook must be

Brahmin (Ahluwalia and Ahluwalia 1984: 4).

We have thus spoken about the maJor communities which

comprised Manipuri society like Meetei, Brahmins, Lois, Muslims,

and 'Naga and Kuki'. But there are some other groups also who later

came in Manipur for trade and commerce. They are Mayang who are

13 But the striking difference between the 'Brahmin'( Meetei Bamon) and 'Meetei' is th•ll the former use Sharma as their title while the later use Singh as their title.

67

the non-mongoloid I mainland Indian. However, they did not

intervene culturally with the larger society (Brara 1998:120-121).

However m Manipur among all the communities- Meetei,

Meetei Muslim, Kukis and Nagas and their sub tribes, women in

comparison to their counterparts in the rest of India do have greater

equality in the socio-economic sphere. But, in formal political arena

women are in minimal position whether it be their participation in

Rajya Sabha, Lok Sabha, State Assemblies, or in Autonomous Village

Councils (under the 6th Schedule at Hill Districts). No doubt women

have increased their participation to 33% in the grassroots level

governance in the post 73rd and 74th Amendment Bills.

Since the study is based on Meetei women in Manipur, in order

to have clearer picture of women's active participation in socio -

economic sphere, we need to look at the status of these women in

society. What are the specific areas in which Meetei women's

participate? The next section deals with this issue and traces the

impact of Hinduism and the women socio cultural changes that

ushers in that Meetei society.

The Influence of Hinduism

In Manipur Hinduism was formally accepted by Manipur king

Pamheiba in 1714 as the state religion, and since then the Meeteis,

by and large, had been observing the Hindu rules of worship and

other ceremonial rites (Singh 1998: 2). According to McCulloch

68

( 1980: 2), the hold of Hinduism among the Meetei was only at

superficial level, it was 'professed' not from conviction but because it

(was) a fashion. The brand of Hinduism that the Meetei practiced

during the 18th and 19th Centuries had some elements of traditional

Meetei religion and Hinduism (Ibid 1980:2). In Manipur, inspite of

the increasing popularity of worship of many Hindu Gods and

Goddess there was also an equally strong hold of the traditional

Gods on the Meetei worship. In the 18th and 19th Centuries Meetei

society, the proper Hindu social elements, like the caste system, sati,

and purdah did not play any significant roles. According to Lokendra

Singh, ( 1998:2) this could be due to two factors, firstly, the

pronominal influence of Vaishnavism which was anti- caste and anti

ritual in character and secondly the stiff resistance from the

traditional religion to the new faith.

With the influence of Hinduism three Vaishnavite sects

Nimandi, Ramandi and Chatyana Vaishnavism entered Manipur

during the 17th and 18th Centuries (Paratt 1980: 137). These three

sects arose as a reaction against the orthodoxy and rigidities of

Hinduism; here they had several characteristics that were different

from that of Brahminical Hinduism. Nimandi led by Nimbraka

~scalated the worship of Radha and Krishna and practiced 'love' as

the form of showing 'Bhakti' to the God (Ibid: 137). Ramandi led by

Ramanda prescribed worship of Ram and Sita. However, the most

significant aspect of this sect was that it strongly denounced the

69

caste system and even allowed the outcaste to dine with the

Brahmins provided they were worshippers of Vishnu. This group also

popularized the use of Vernacular language in worshipping Gods

(Ibid). Chaitanaya Vaishnavism, on the other hand, condemned the

ritual system of Brahmins, attacked rites and ceremonies and

discouraged asceticism. Chaitayana preached the brotherhood of all

men regardless of caste and accepted even Muslims in the movement

even though different sects had entered in the last quarter of the 17th

Century, it was Chaitanaya Vaishnavism which was accepted by

King Pamheiba and it subsequently began to have an increasing

influence among the Meeteis.

However, the commg of Vaishnavism didn't go unopposed.

There were strong opposition from the leaders of both the traditional

Meetei religion and the rival Vaishnavite sects like Nimadi and

Ramadi. The Maibas and Maibis (priest and priestess) of the

traditional religion, who formerly enjoyed royal patronage, were

much antagonized because the Brahmins who were newly patronized

by the King started challenging their authority and powers. The

Maibas and Maibis, therefore, resorted to taking shelter with political

groups who opposed Garibniwaj. As a result Garibniwaj persecuted

the leaders of the traditional religion. Many of them were exiled to

the Loi villages. 14 Many leaders of the rival Vaishnavite sects were

14 According to Brown , 1975, the Lois were the original inhabitants of the valley·, who remained as non -Hindu animists during the 19th Century and who were primarily involved in the occupations such as pottery, salt making and silk weaving. But with the passage of time, particularly during the 18th and 19th Centuries they formed

70

also persecuted. It has been recorded in the Royal Chronicle

(Chetharol Kumbaba) that in 1742, Garibniwas exiled many leaders

of Ramandi Vaishnavism to Loi village (Ibid 1980: 153). Along with it,

in order to consolidate Vaishnavism in Manipur, he issued decrees

forbidding meat and using of intoxicating drinks and those indulged

in it were severely punished (Ibid: 146). Keeping of "unclean"

animals, i.e., pigs in housing area was forbidden and severely

punished (Ibid 1980: 146). The king even destroyed many of the

traditional Lais (local Deities). He burnt many books on ancient

religious literature and the event, known as Puran Meithaba,

(burning of the Puranas) is remembered till today.1s

Further, King Bheigachandra (1820-1849) consolidated

Vaishnavism in the state. During his time he popularized Ras Lila

(classical Dance) which was a kind of dance drama with combination

of traditional dance forms and Hindu religious themes (L.Singh 1998:

5). He also got an image of Krishna constructed and installed it in a

temple at Canchipur. The hold of Hinduism on the Meetei was

further consolidated during the long reign of Chandrakirti Singh

( 1850-1886). During his reign, dedication of public buildings, truth

ordeals as well as settlement of disputes between the Brahmins took

place before Govindaji. The Vaishnavite forms of worship like the

economically and socially deprived groups of people and they remained throughout as pockets of strongholds of traditional religion and also as centers of exile for crimmal and political opponents of the King. Due to this reason these villages were gradual I:-.· segregated from the Meetei masses.

15 Puran Meithaba/ burning of Puran is still considered as one of the most signifKIIllt symbol of the suppression ofpre Hinduization belief among the Meeteis in Manipur.ln fact it contained all the predictions and forecast of the history of Manipur, past , present as well as future.

71

reading of Bhagavat Geeta and Ramayana, etc. were widely practiced

(Parat 1980: 171). Even the practice of pollution and purity began to

be practiced. Indeed, the idea of pollution and purity was much

emphasized during his reign (L.Singh 1998: 6). During the first half

of the 20th Century there was a process of further consolidation of

Vaishnavism both in the ritualistic as well as the social aspects. In

1901, the Hindus constituted 60% of the total population of

Manipur, 36% were animists and 4% were Muslims (Allen 1980: 61).

The British actively involved the ruling King Churachand Singh in

the handling of most of the administrative work of the state. So, the . ._

King could get engrossed in the religious affairs like holding of

Sankritans, Pujas and Radhakund and Nabadwip (these are the

pilgrimage places in the present state of West Bengal) (Ibid: 44). For

further enforcement of the Vaishnav religious life, Churachand Singh

revitalized the traditional religious cultural institutions, such as,

Brahma Sabha (Council of Brahmins), Pandit Loishang (Department

of Scholars), Jagoi Loishang (Department of music and song) at the

palace. The King in consultation with the members of the Brahma

Sabha took all the major decision of religious cultural affairs of the

state and enforced the vaishnavite rules and regulations. The

presence of Brahmins on ritual days, such as, birth, marriages,

death, feasts, laying of foundation stones etc., were extremely crucial

for the Meeteis and it was considered that on such occasions

"without the Brahmin's presence all (would) not be well" (Allen

1980: 63).

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Allen also rnentionc- that the Meeteis abstained from liquor

and other intoxicating drinks. He writes that they, like most new

converts, were full of zeal for their religious ordeals and the Tulsi

plant (Sacred for the Hindus) was carefully grown in each and every

compound (Ibid: 61). The Meeteis were very particular about the

application of 'tilak' or the sacred marks, which were peculiar to the

Vaishnavites. During the first half of the 20th century, there emerged

seven well known temples in the state viz Govindaji, Ramji,

Mahabali, Nityanda, Bijoy Govinda, Sanamahi and Kamakhya.

Churachand introduced the system of saying Kirtans in Manipur

language. Because of these new innovations Vaishnavite way of life

was gradually consolidated among the people.

The gaps between the Hindu Meetei and hill people were also

widened during the first half of the 20th Century. The hill people who

were either animists or Christians were considered as Mangba or

polluter and were not allowed to dine with the Meeteis. The people

were not even allowed to enter the houses of the Meeteis. The system

of purity and pollution was so rigid that even the Europeans were

considered to be Mangba or polluted. The profane foot of European

must not enter even the compound of a Brahmin and if steps on the

verandah of an ordinary villager, the house will be instantly

abandoned and another erected in its place (Ibid 1980:61).

In terms of marriage rules, when a Brahmin married woman of

lower caste, their children were still Brahmin but the woman is not

73

taken in the proper fold of the Brahmins (Ibid: 62). This practice is

still in vogue. Moreover a non Brahmin lady is supposed not to cook

for Brahmins (especially elders).

However in the opm10n of many, in Manipur, Hinduism had

still not taken a very conservative form. All Meeteis, including even

the king, were Kshetriyas and, except for the aristocrats and the

nobles who tried to maintain social exclusiveness, the remaining

Meetei kshetriyas had an egalitarian relationship. There was no

stratified caste system in the Meetei villages and the absence of

occupational caste had helped the Meetei to develop a community \ife

based on the co-operative labour. There were easier social interaction

between groups and inter marriages among the different social

groups were not uncommon. Upward movement in the social scale

was also comparatively easy. In fact any person whether male or

female, marrying a higher caste, could adopt the higher caste status.

According to Hunter (1886:332), any hill man could become a Hindu

and any low caste could rise in social scale. The king and Brahmins

in the 19th Century wanted every one in Manipur to be a Hindu. Even

though the Brahmin began to rise into prominence in the social

hierarchy, as they regulated the religious life of the Meeteis, thev

1 were not considered to be a superior caste, and at times they were

taunted by sons of keis (slaves) (McCulloh 1980: 18).

Another, unusual phenomena, is the King being the supreme

religious head and the Brahmins were practically under his control.

74

So, in terms of any clash between the two, the will of the king always

prevailed. For example King Gambhir Singh once ordered a Brahmin

who had failed to take proper care of his pet goose which had been

entrusted to his care, to eat the bird which died due to neglect

(Hudson 1975: 95-95). Also compared to the general Hindu society of

India, the rules of caste system were much relaxed. There was no

prejudice against the sale of fish, an occupation that amongst most

Hindus is restricted to the humblest caste. Even Brahmin women

were not above retailing this article of God in the Bazaar (Allen 1980:

61). The absence of strict caste observance of caste rules helped in

greater participation of women in the public arena, and the role of

women in the society remained as important as it had been before

the advent of Hinduism. The concept of purity and pollution began to

creep in only the later part of 19th century even though the Lois in

Sekmai, Andro, Phayang, Sugnu and Leimaram began t.o be

segregated from the Meetei masses during the 19th century.

As it has already been mentioned in the previous section, in

Manipur Hinduism had been accepted as state religion in the

beginning of 18th Century. As a consequence various changes were

brought in the lives of people. New rules had been introduced and

also various impositions were made so that people are attuned to

Hindu life style. However, women did not suffer from the rigid life

style of being a 'Hindu'.

75

The role of women in the society, however remain as important

as before though their status in the family and society was gradually

eroded. Women continued to play important roles in the economy

and polity of the state. Women are shrewd, capable, who at all stages

of their career are allowed the fullest liberty (Ibid: 47).

It has been said that in Meetei society because of the peculiar

feature of the growth of the religion, social facades of Hinduism, such

as, caste system, sati, purdah, rigid pollution taboos on food and

drink and low socio economic position of women seemed to be of

little prominence in the 19th century Meetei society. McCulloh ( 1.;180:

18) observed that during the 19th century, the hold of Hinduism over

the Manipuris was very superficial and it was only by external

appearances. The very early marriage of Hinduism is not approved of

and never takes place. The Hindu traditional or customary activities

like sati, early marriage, dowry killing, and caste structure are still

almost absent in the Meetei society.

Another important feature of the 19th Century Manipur society,

quite unique for a Hindu society, is the prominent socio-economic

/

role of the women though in an apparently paradoxical way (Cited in

Dun 1975). While the woman's legal status as well as her role in the

family has been considerably diminished, women continue to play

important roles in the society. Dun notes that the general social

attitudes and behaviour of the 'Meetei women', is striking different.

For instance, the women of Manipur, married or unmarried do not

76

have to cover their faces before stranger. In the economy sphere, i.e.,

all the marketing is done by the women, the work of buying and

selling in public, carrying to and fro of articles to be sold, is also

conducted by women. While at home women are busy and engaged

in weaving and spinning. So women have been active both in social

and economic spheres. Other than this they are also quite active in

the religious spheres. In ceremonies performed around birth and

death, women do hold a comparatively higher position than her

counterparts. However inspite of having all the characteristics and

enjoying a better status, there are different opinions owing to the

pockets of gender biases in Meetei society. Dun points out that with

their industry and usefulness women hold a very inferior position

and are considered more in the light of goods and chattels than as

persons to be treated with honour and consideration (1975: 23). In

the words of McCulloh ( 1980: 19) "though useful and laborious (they)

are but indifferently treated ... A man can put away his wife without

any fault on her part, and if a person of influence, he may do so

without it being noticed. Women are really slave of her husband, they

are sold in satisfaction of their debts" (Ibid). He even mentions men

pawing their wives for money to purchase such as pony. Women

become victim of polygamy and other forms of male oppression (Ibid).

Referring to the greater economic role of women, Manjushree

Sircar ( 1984) states that depopulation of males during the seven

77

years devastation (1826-1832) 16 of Manipur promoted polygamy.

Again the advent of colonialism in 1891, which integrated Manipur to

a worldwide capitalist system, transformation network enabled the

Meetei women to extend their trading activities throughout and

beyond Manipur. Hence the socio-economic activities of women

remaih as before even after Hinduization of Meetei society. Closer

examination of Meetei society reveals that while the emerging

patriarchal social system and Hindu ideology eroded their legal

status in the society, their traditional role in the economy continued

as before {Cited in L. Singh 1998).

Looking into the changes brought about by Hinduism m

Manipur, we can see the paradox in Meetei society. Here, women

unlike her other counterparts do not face the problems of purdah,

sati, child marriage, dowry and other form of restrictions in social

and economic sphere. But inspite of greater empowerment in social

and economic spheres, women are not able to contribute in political

arena. There is minimal number of women in formal political arena.

We need therefore to take a closer look at the status of women in

Meetei society. But before this, it is very important to see the status

of women in general in India. This will help us in building a clearer

understanding of the status of Meetei women in Manipur.

16 The period between 1826-1832 is known as Chahi Taret Khuntakpa, i.e., seven years desertion in the history of Manipur. During this period there was continuous war fro seven years between the then kingdom of Manipur and Burma (present Myanmar). This leads to the depopulation of male in Manipur. As a consequence the practice of polygamy became prominent.

78