CHAPTER-II

INDIAN SOCIETY AND CULTURE AS DEPICTED IN

· TUZUK-i-BABURI & TUZUK-i-JAHANGARI

(a) Indian Society and Culture as Reflected in Tuzuk-i-Baburi

Babur goes into the annals of history less as a typical warrior - statesman, but

more as a poet and man of letters, of sensibility, refined taste and honour and

dignity. He occupies a place of pride among the contemporary writers to whom we

are heavily idebted for our knowledge of the country and its people in the

beginning of sixteenth century. His literary works, especially the autobiographical

Memoirs, are the evidence of his literary talent and scholastic accomplishment.

His autobiography variously styled as the Tuzuk-i-Baburi. or Waqiat-i-Baburi or

simply Babur Nama is rightly classified as a classic ofworld literature. "Written in

Chaghatai Turki his mother tongue, his chaste style made him alongwith Ali Sher

Nawai the founder ofthe modern Uzbeki Turki". 1

The Tuzuk-i-Baburi constitutes a first rate authority on Babur's own career

as well as the political and socio-cultural condition of India on the eve of his

invasions. But it is not a complete record of Babur's career. All the known copies

of the manuscript show wide gaps. Thus presenting the story in fragments only.

All told, it throws light only on the activities of about eighteen years out of forty

eight years of Babur's life. The book has no preface or introduction and opens in

1 Satish Chandra, Medival India From Sultanate to Mughals; part-2, N Delhi; 1999, p-45

52

an abrupt and unceremonious manner with the twelfth year of Babur' s life, when

he ascended the throne of Farghana. The narrative is broken by numerous gaps in

between, the account of the years from 1509 to 1519 and 1520 to 1529 is missing

altogether, and it comes to an abrupt end on a broken passage dated Muharram 3,

936 A.H. (September 7, 1529) beyond which what is missing seems likely to have

been written and lost.

The style of the Tuzuk-i- Baburt is plain and manly, as well as lively and

picturesque. Unlike other writers of the medieval age, he goes straight into the

subject, does not give lengthy introduction. He is brief, to the point and yet

exhaustive in his description. An important specialty of his Memoirs lies in the

fact that the particulars given in it are neither exaggerated nor written ostensibly to

give them a pleasant look. The book is a lively piece of historical literature, which

reads like a novel. While going throug~ it one feels as if one is reading a romantic

story or book of poetry. Not only do the Memoirs throw flood of light on political

and military history of Central Asia, India and his own dominions, but they also

present Babur as one who was keenly interested in nature and possessed innate

ability to critically examine anything worth noticeable and interesting. He draws

skilful, thumbnail sketches of his contemporaries, including their good and bad

points. He does not spare even himself and his father in the process. Thus he

depicts his father, Umar Sheikh Mirza, as "Short and stout round bearded and

53

fleshy-faced" with a tunic so tight that it was ready to burst. Another was Sheikh

Mirza Beg. Babur's first gurdian. There was no greedier Sheikh than him in Umar

Mirza's presence but "he was a vicious persori. and kept catamites." He says that

this vicious practice was very common in his times. Babur was free from it, but he

admits that when he was in Samarqand in 1499, he was infatuated and afflicted for

a boy he saw in the camp Bazar. Babur also freely recounts how on occasions he

returnedto camp dead drunk.

The Babur 1\fama is broadly divided into three sections, namely Farghana, Kabul

and Hindustan. It starts first with the invocation of God's name and then briefly

deals with the geography and clim~::tte of Fraghana. In the first two sections the

emperor provides valuable information about Central Asian towns and regions

\vhere he spent his early days as a wandering soldier;- struggling to regain his

ancestral kingdom and carve out a niche for his own. He had to face extreme

hardships, when in 1498 he surrendered Samarqand to Shaibani khans. After from

Samarqand he stayed in Tashkent and writes that at this time he "endured much

poverty and humiliation."2 He even writes, "Uncertainty and want of house and

home drove IJ!e at last to despair. It would be better to take my head and go off

than live in such misery."3 During this period, left with limited resources, Babur

traversed a large area of Central Asia, as far as some bordering Chinese town like

: Babur, Babur Nama, Persian translation, Abdur Rahman Khan- i-Khana, Bombay, 1891- p -70 ·'ibid

54

Akshi. It is in this background that he gives a vivid description of the countries of

Farghana, Samarqand and Kabul.

But the most remarkable is the last section, dealing with Hindustan, which he first

entered in 1525 as an invader. His account of Hindustan occupies no less than one

third portion of the entire Memoirs. In this section he gives not only an exact

account of its boundaries, population, resources, revenues and divisions, important

rulers, customs, traditions and life style, technology and crafts, landscape and

climate, but also gives full enumeration of all its useful and useless fruits, flowers,

trees, shrubs, birds and animals with such a minute description of their several .

habits and peculiarities as would make no contemporary figure in a modern work

of natural history, carefully distinguishing the facts which rest on his own

observation from those which he gives only on the testimony of others, and

making many suggestions as to the means of transferring them from one region to

· another. Most of the facts given by Babur about India and its people are correct

but the conclusion derived by him and arguments given by him in support of .the

conclusion does not sound convincing. In his judgment about Indian society and

culture which, is the main part of this research work, he seems to be driven by

-

some pre-conceived notions and therefore leaves no dearth in criticizing different

facets of Indian life style, landscape, climate, technology and crafts etc. We can

give him due allowance for his limitations as a newly arrived foreign observer

55

expected to grasp in depth all the socio-political and cultural traits of India.

Nonetheless the description given by him of the country and its general political

set up is more perfect and accurate than may perhaps be found in any standard

travelogue of medieval age. It was probably during the comparative leisure of his

last year that Babur wrote the valuable description of Hindustan, which displays

his undiminished interest in natural history (!nd singular quickness of observation.

The main section on Hindustan is divided into some sub-sections but the two

worth mentioning are, 'disadvantages of Hindustan' and 'advantages of

Hindustan'. Strikingly he had counted innumerable disadvantages of Hindustan

and the advantages enumerated by him are comparatively very less.

But Babur has not limited his account about India only in the third chapter dealing

with it, but in earlier chapters also he gives some scattered information about

India, its different climate and its people who professed Hindu religion. It was first

in 910 A.H. {1505 A.D) that Babur and his associates decided to march to

Hindustan and rode out of Kabul with this aim. Babur writes that earlier he had

"never seen a hot country or the Hindustan borderland."4 He refers to Ningnahar

as place where "another world came to view, other grasses, other animals, other

birds and other manners and customs of clan and horde. "5 Babur writes that he·

and his companions were amazed on seeing_ these new and distinct things. Though

4 ibid, p-I 03 5 ibid

56

he does not directly mention that Ningnahar6 was a border town of India, but the

manner in which he describes it, suggests that according to Babur's perception it

was certainly one of the bordering towns between Hindustan and Kabul

(Afghanistan). But it is the fort of Bhira, which Babur first time directly mentions

as a borderland of Hindustan. Though Ningnahar might be having same type of

,climate and vegetation as that of India, but it was situated north of khyber pass and

rarely any of the Indian powers had been able to hold this region. Therefore

politically and geographically this region cannot be considered as a part of India

even if its topographical and vegetational features might have resembled with that

of India. Babur writes that it is the east of river Indus from where Indian land

starts. Therefore he indirectly refers to river Indus as a natural and geographical

Because Bhira is situated on the eastern side of river Indus, therefore Babur rightly

calls it an Indian town. About Bhira Babur says that it was one of the towns of

Hindustan which was held by the Turk I, therefore it fell in his ancestral

6 Between Kabul and Jagdalik pass, and north ofkhyber also 7 Babur Nama, p.l90

57

possession. At that time Daulat Khan Lodi, a representative of Ibrahim Lodi, held

Bhira. Babur even sent an .envoy to Ibrahim Lodi for handling over of Bhira to

him. Therefore, the first truly Indian town to be mentioned by Babur and taken in

control by him was Bhira. Presently Bhira lies in Shahpur district of Punjab. The

other town or village mentioned in the earlier section is Gurkhattari. Babur came

to know about it as early as 1505 A.D, when he crossed Khyber with the intention

ofniiding Indian regions. He says that it is a Holy place of Hindus and Jagis but he

did not visit it8. He visited it only in 925 A.H (1519 A.D), but does not mention

anything, which can clearly suggest that it was a Hindu religious place. He gives a

vague account of the building, refers to it as a smallish abode like that of a

hermitage and all around it enormous quantity of shaved hair of the head and

beard was lying. There were many retreats (hujra) near it9• The description

suggests that it was surely a place of some ritual observance, and since Babur

himself didn't witness any ritual observed by Hindus at that place, therefore the

reserved his comments.

The detailed description of India is recorded only in the third section. It starts with

the description of its geographical location, and then comes the description of he

describes of important rulers and their kingdoms in India after it, the climate,

landscape, drainage mode of irrigation, flora and fauna, seasons, different

8 ibid, p -230 9 ibid, p -93

58

measurement units followed in India, are recorded respectively, and finally a brief

account of society and culture.

Babur was fascinated by the vastness of Hindustan and its beautiful landscape. In

only one sentence he has summarized the greatness of this country. He writes,

10

Interestingly Babur seems to be completely aware of the geographical location of

this country. Though earlier he ruled over a land- locked dominion and never saw

ocean or sea. Even in India his empire was limited to the northern part of this

country. The southern states and towns and other coastal towns were not included

in his empire, neither he had ever been on any campaign in these areas, yet he

gives such a description, as if he had visited entire length and breadth of the

country especially the areas surrounded by ocean and seas. He correctly mentions

that India was surrounded by sea from three sides:

b.! 00P.( </) AqY._,(j~~i& IJ

d l..::..vr J/--{;t J~ _)_?: Jf 0A~;t£C)~~A~

10 ibid p 178

59

II

At another place he writes about the mountainous region in northern India in

he visited it or not, it is obvious that Babur had keen interest in geography also. He

had traversed a good part of northern India during his military campaigns. During

these campaigns he carefully observed physical features of different region and

therefore vividly described the Indian boundary formed by Hindukush and

Shivalik mountain ranges. He mentions the alignment of Hindustan in such a

manner, as if he himself was a great cartographer and geographer, intere~tingly he

II ibid 12 ibid

60

doesnot mention the great Himalyas. He only mentions the Shivalik ranges, which

are the lower (middle) range of the Himalayan mountain system. It seems that

either he was unaware of the Greater Himalyas in which most of the highest peak

of the world are situated or he generalized the entire Himalayan mountain system

as Shivalik range. But apart from this, it is certain that might have gathered

sufficient information about India from travelers, geographers and other

documented sources. He also describes the. extent and position of the Aravalli

61

Babur has given an almost true description of the Aravali range but some ·of the

facts, that the hills of Sikri and Mandu ~re also a part of it, is not correct, infact

Sikri hills, are an extension of upper Vindhyan range also called Kaimur range. 14

Even the hills of Mandu also fall in the Vindhyan range. Babur is quite correct

when he says that the Aravallis are scattered and fragmented. Basically, these hills

are the world's oldest fold mountain range and millions of years' weathering has

reduced their height and rendered them fragmented and scattered. In addition to

the mountain and hill ranges, the abundant water resources especially the rivers of

India had also fascinated Babur. He gives the name of all important north Indian

rivers and also mentions the sources and course of these rivers:

~~~(.) c!(,, ~f(;)l.:_.,./~ (.:)~)( wkolJ-' ~t;f !JJ

~_:.,~~~ J{_,_,~~~J~~~.I.J

Jlj .~~ ""' _h ~J v.t;t.~Jf-':J"&b c»G~ -:--l?

0}.l/_;~cf ~.-y'l~~tt~6~.;:.!&l:J..

1' ibid, p- 191

14 Gazetteer of India, Agra district, Govt of Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, 1965, p -8

62

In the above passage Babur has used the term Hindustan hills for the hilly tract of

. central India, viz, the Vidhyan range, kaimur range etc. It also seems that Babur's

knowledge about the rivers of India was limited so some extent. He mentions only

two river system of India i.e the Indus system and the Ganges system. He does not

mention other river systems like the Brahamputra or the peninsular river systems.

Again we can say that the emperor had never been to these areas and neither had.

complete knowledge of these areas through documents or other sources. From the

Memoirs it is quite evident that the abundant water resources of this country

15 Babur nama, p -192

63

impressed Babur, but then he also laments that this water is not properly used. He

writes,

/ / ,.., L I - ?_:.,~ ~" )'Z'~ t>~-..-~( J~ (j' 0i~~ -¥-(,~_,..) .J ~ y-'.JU'(da-;:.1~

·. .. /.

-.,;)u~..~.I o~ [a,c~if-:J~_, G~f-~l--:7 /-Y~~_/.~;1 •

Here Babur's lamentation over absence of running water except rivers, means the

absence of man made water channels, like canals. He was surprised that even with

abundant water resources, Indians were depending on wells and rain water

collected in tanks, for daily use or for irrigation. According to him river water

could be taken to far-flung villages through artificial channels. Therefore in this

regard it would not be incorrect to say that Babur was aware of efficacy of

artificial channels to mitigate the problen1 of water scarcity in distance arid areas.

Earlier some Delhi Sultans like Feroze Shah Tughluque had got canals dug up for

irrigation purpose. But the author of these Memoirs had ruled for a very brief

period, hence he was unable to take up public works of this nature.

In the same manner, the climate and seasons are also mentioned. Babur writes,

J(, ibid, p -192

64

.... I;

..:;.,v-1 r~ r-'';G Py~ I;I..,JJ/~1;1(.:)~~·· 17 ' ' -~ 6lr &t:.-6~-.of'~r.'i_;G

About different seasons of India he says that unlike the normal four seasons there

are only three seasons in India. He further earmarks four months to each of the

He also mentions the two months of each season in which, severity of these

17 ibid IR ibid, p -203

65

19

it was the summer heat which tortured Babur most, he writes,

c>~A;t u;__, u_};,r ~ (.?__i:?(;)/:A.v./~ ,__./;/) 20 ''-_y_}._,.-/i;b(ir'J!})I~_yi,v"

He even mentions that Indians call the occasional summer storm Andhi, Babur . · ..... -

also appreciates the Indian rainy season and says that the air is very fine in the

rains.

It seems that Babur was much fascinated by the landscape, climate and flora and

fauna of the country, which he mentioned in detail. He does not dedicate much

space to mention the society, culture and tradition of Indian people. Narration of

the latter attributes of India is very precise in comparison to the former. But it is

the description of Indian society and culture in Babur Nama on which this chapter

is based; therefore it is obligatory on part of this researcher to deal with this

section in detail.

As We know t~at 'Economy' is the base, on which the super structure of society

and culture stands and they also undergo metamorphosis due to change in the

economic pattern, therefore the description of economy and economic condition of

I? ibid. ~(I ibid ' p -210

66

India and its people will be dealt first, and later other aspects of Indian society and

culture, viz. social structure, religious belief and practices, customs & traditions,

dress & clothing, food habit, technological advancement, language and literature,

fine arts ·etc. will come respectively.

ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE: It is a well

known fact that India primarily has been an agricultural country, even today its

economic structure is different from other industriaiized countries. Moreover its

immense manpower has been· successfully utilizing its skills to produce excellent

handicraft products, which · were exported to many foreign countries. The

extremely fertile alluvial plains of Indus, Ganges and Brahamputra river system

produced enough surplus agriculture products to sustain nonagricultural military

community which were integral part of monarchial systems and played most

important role in consolidation and expansion of imperial power. Apart from this·

the Chotanagpur and Chhattisgarh regions, rich in mineral resources, especially

iron, were was helpful in strengthening the military prowess of a particular empire.

Due to these r.easons many rulers vied with each other to establish their military

supremacy in these regions. The effective use of these resources, combined with

the efficient and illustrious leadership of the Mauryan rulers, made Magadha the

most pmverful kingdom in India. In early medieval period the Pala, Pratihara and

67

Rashtrakunta rulers fought with each other to gain control over the Gangetic doab

and the city of Kannauj was a bone of contention among them. In early medieval

period the sultanate dynasties like Khaljis and Tughlaqs were also able to create

big empires due to this very reason.

Finally when Babur ascended on the Indian scene a'nd gained control over Delhi

by his military tactics, he was surprised to find the immense fertility of this region,

which produced surplus food grain and other agricultural products. He writes that

. the country of Hindustan is full of men, and full of produce. 21 He further writes

~/)~I ~/6!-f ~6 J~ (.:)!.;~pY ____j)~J/.7~

22 '• -_if-u ( ~(;).tt/1~

About the mineral resources of India he writes that this country is rich in gold and .

silver.23 Therefore Babur had no ambiguity on the economic recourses and natural

wealth of India. Babur showed interest in understanding the agricultural life of

Indians and has given an elaborate description of the various methods employed

by them for irrigation, in contradiction to his own earlier statement to the effect

that all the Indian crops are rain watered, he writes,

~r(.J~).~_,i:-:--fw0y,i;~tt.'- · ..:}.(;~~~.~_, .. 21 ibid. p- 178 22 ibid, p- 191 2] ibid, p -204

68

c_,..~_,r -:-'1 J__,~ t ~uc..-J__,_( ~_;/'_, J tsJL( ____ ~ r "__,.,__,;;.,

v~ if~-:-_,_;; c.~(:)_, & ._; r &l? f ~ 1 c,/G Lt..:>'~_,(.) . . ... .

He mentions about a different mode of irrigation adopted by peasants in the region.

of Agra, Chandawar and Biana in following words.

~__,t,Sj-> -(Wo/'_,...::..-.rl~cf.l '~-'0'-:·,,J_,..;:--- --· ·~ J;~_)J.~ _,) ~~~~v -?./~ ;~.., ;,~_)~~ ;L?,-:-'_;;.

. ~

;_(,If! J; J)i.ict:' _;)--(;; Lvh.r. lWdvlr. -_..). t (;JYJS $.) ,_:v_J., _]JJ_,_, ;j_.~_,( -:V / I_J,~ ~ (5]., J_,_, -:"'( d _() __,lf/~1rl!../)~Jt',~;l cjli:-1~ .

2~ ibid , p- 191

69

25

From the above passage it Is clear that Babur did not like this method .and

disapproved it.

Babur talks highly of the Indian trade and commerce that was by all accounts 'well

developed' though the currency circulation in the country was not appreciable

because of low prices. He writes with admiration.

~_;,&~/)I_( __0'( ( (:) ~....va'_) _f._,_:...; l!V _(,,

./~./~l,t~__,~(]!O;d7&.JJ.,d~c5Y.;,t~l(__,A::. ~oA0W-ir/--- - - J.;t~lc4~e~G_.A((:}f(:)V.J

26 ('- ~I_.::.< if <.!.J~?.:J/.::..,d~__.~_) (/~ ..

Babur also calculated that the revenues of the Indian territories held by him in

1528, from Bhira to Bihar amounted to 52 crores, including eight or nine crores of

the sum realized as tribute from the subordinate Hindu chieftains27• But after

various calculations and considerations, Erskine came to the conclusion (1854

A.D) that the estimated revenue of Babur's Indian dominions were £ 4 212 OOO· ' ' ' '

25 ibid 26 ibid, p- 205 27 ibid

70

a very large sum' he observes, 'when the working of the American mines had not

yet produced its full weight' .28

The above description may suggest that Indian economy especially agriculture was

in good condition. But except revenue estimate, Babur does not give any other

data, which could be considered as a proper indicator of economic condition of the

country. Though many industries of considerable importance were developed in

Hindustan during this period, important of them being textiles, metal work, stone-

work, sugar, indigo and paper, but all these are omitted from the Memoirs except

Babur does not mention about trade and commerce, which was in flourishing state.

He mentions the abundance of agricultural produce in the country. But he does not

write about the utilization of these of the surplus produce, which were certainly

taken to the towns to cater the needs of the non-agricultural community. In return

2R William Erskine, A History of India under Babur, Karachi 1974 p -542. ~ , - Bahur Nama, p -205

71

the rural manufactured items like cloths, metal items, sugar, salt etc. This all

would . have been· possible by effective internal trading network. In the same

mannet' trading relations with foreign lands also existed. Foreign trade was

facilitated by both sea- route and land route as well, both were in use since ancient

times, but the former gained importance after the arrival of the Portuguese in

1498. Bullion, glass ware, crockery, velvet, horses and other luxury items ~ere

imported to cater the needs of ruling class, nobility and other rich people and also

for military needs. In turn the chief items of export from India were spices, cotton

cloths, muslin, indigo, hides etc. But such important things escaped Babur's

attention, possibly because he was precariously occupied in military affairs and his

empire was still unconsolidated.

Economic disparity has always existed among different sections of the society. If

on the one hand the affluent and powerful classes had monopolized economic

sources, on the other hand weaker and poor sections were deprived of opportunity

and access to the resources of the land by various unjustified means, which created

wide economic gaps in the society. Therefore we can say that like earlier days,

Indian society was non-egalitarian, also at the time of Babur's appearance on

Indian scene. But his Memoirs hardly provide any infonnation about economic

condition of the common masses. At many places the emperor has recorded

celebration d of royal feasts and entertainment, but such escription of common

72

people's life is not available in the Memoirs. As the needs of common masses are

few they do not suffer from want of food or form the scarcity of other things like

expensive cloths or the likes. But the condition of common people became

pathetic in time of extremities. At one place Babur writes,

" ....... It rained very much and became too cold that a mass of starved and naked

Hindustanis died.''30 (missing in the consulted Persian text)

Apart from this any other description of common masses' economic condition is

not seen the Memoirs. Therefore it can be rightly said that the Babur Nama fails to

give a clear picture of economic condition of the people, some stray narrations

only give a blurred picture of the life of people ofHindustan.

SOCIAL COMPOSITION : it is noteworthy that in an age of autocracy like this

the Indian society looked like a pyramidical structure with the king at the top, the

nobility coming next , and belq)V them a small middles class, which comprised of

madrasa teachers, clergy of lower rung, petty zamindars etc. There was a small

section of mercantile and enterprising community, which according to economic

and social status was just below the nobility but above ·the middle class.

Significantly the Memoirs mention in detail only about the first two classes. It is

almost completely silent about the Indian inercantile community and the middle

class. From economy point of view the lowest in the social hierarchy, were,

:;o 13abur Nama. Eng.tr. A.S. Beveridge, New Delhi, 1970, p-464

73

landless labourers, menial workers, artisans etc. This class formed. The base of the

social pyramid. Undoubtedly while narrating the death of 'some naked and starved

Hindustanis ' 31 due to excessive cold, babur has indirectly referred to the pathetic

economic condition and suffering of the lowest section of the society. In almost

similar fashion, he describes the outlook and condition of these people, at another

place in the Memoirs:

though the Memoirs is full of instances ofjagir and land grants to the nobility and

display and show of luxury at royal camps and courts, but it does not mention any

relief measure for the benefit of lower classes of India which suffered most in

times of extremities.

Along with economic basis, the society was divided on the basis of profession and

caste also Babur considers it as one of the few advantages of Hindustan, which

means he was appreciative of caste based division of society :

- - - ,_,

~I ibid 32 Babur, Bahur Nama, Per. tr. Abdur Rahim Khan-i-khanan,Bombay, 1891, p.205

74

We know that four major castes and many sub-castes existed in India since ancient

times. But here our author fails to give any type of list or details regarding the

various castes and professional classes existing in India.

Ethnicity could be the third criteria for the division of society. Though it is not

directly mentioned in the Babur Nama, as one of the bases of Indian social

division. but at one place Babur mentions about Jats and Gujars, two of the many

ethnic communities of India:

y y;,~_,lf_,t 41 ~~ ;;~ (:)t::_/_.Wf./r:&"

., . I • '·'-'- . _,_a) t ~:»;, _;....:.::-_...;_.,luv-~ -'A/t~ 34 - - - fl ZJ. ,.1 l,.:" :J.{ (;l _:' I f .

Afghans were another ethnic community, though not of indigenous origin, which.

also received Babur's scathing criticism, he writes,

35

33 ibid 3 ~ Ibid p -166 35 Ibid p -176

75

Here agam, like the description of Indian caste system, Babur fails to gtve

satisfactory information, about various ethnic . and Tribal communities living in

India. He does not even directly mention, the Jats and Gujurs as ethnic community

which within itself was stratified on economic lines.

Besides these, the Indian society was also composed of vanous religious

communities, chief of which were Hindus and Muslim. Babur clearly writes that

at the time of his conquest, Hindustan was ruled by five Muslim FUlers, two pagan

(Hindu)36 rulers, and many smaller chieftains. The five Muslim rulers mentioned

by him were, Afghans (Lodis) of Delhi. Sultan Muzaffar of Gujrat. Bahmanis of

Deccan, Sultan Mahmud of Malwa and Nusrat Shah of Bengal; the Hindu rulers

were, king of Vijayanagar and Ranga Sanga of Mewar. It is obvious that the

Muslims kings were ruling not only over Hindu subjects but Muslims, who were

generally town based were also among their subjects. Likewise, Hindu rulers also

ruled over Muslim subjects and employed them in royal services. The Vijayanagar

rulers are said to be tolerant towards all religions. Muslim traders freely observed

their religious practices in their kingdom. Moreover, the Vijayanagar ruler Deva

Raya II had employed Muslim archers also in his army.37 Though these details are

not mentioned in the Babur Nama, but by enumerating the name of great Hindu-

and Muslim rulers and by mentioning that, "most of the inhabitants of Hindustan

·"' here pagan is translated for the term kajir used by Babur to refer to the two non- Muslim rulers professing Hindu religion '

7 R.C. Majumdar. Advanced History of India, 1990, Delhi, p -361

76

are Pagans ; they call a Pagan a Hindu."38, he has indirectly conveyed the message

that along with various economic classes, castes, professional classes, ethnicities

the Inci'ian society also comprised of different religious communities.

Interestingly it is only during the courses of his narration of political incidents and

various military campaigns, that Babur distinguishes between Hindus and

Muslims, but when he describes the different facets of Indian cultural se: up, he

does not deal separately with Hindu and _Muslim community. For him the people

of Hindustan were all Hindustan or Hindis, irrespective of their religions

af1iliations. Even he did not observe any sharp socio-cultural difference between

the two communities. Such attitude ofBabur could be the cumulative result of two

factors. Firstly, his early career had been full of struggle and strife against

Muslims, his co-religionists and his political rival in India also were primarily the

Muslims. Therefore, he did not suffer from any religious prejudice against non­

Muslims nor attempted to discriminate between the Indians on religious grounds.

The other factor could be, that Muslims had been migrating to India much before

Babur's arrival on Indian scene. Muslim traders came to southern India as early as

7111 century A.D, and in 712 A.D Arabs under the leadership of Muhammad bin

Qasim, invaded Sind. Later on, with the establishment of Sulatanate rule over

nmihern India in 1193 A.D, the immigration of Muslim nobles, warriors, clergy

:;R 13abur Nama, p -204

77

and scholars to India gained momentum and consequently a gradual interaction

between followers of two strong religious thoughts and divergent streams of

cultural· forces, started. By the time of Babur's arrival on Indian scene, the

composite character of India socio-cultural set up had already reached to

perfection. In this situation Babur could hardly observe the Indian society on

religious lines, namely Hindu and Muslim. Ratper he has employed the term

'Hindi' while referring to the people ofHindustan and he never confuses the term

'Hindus' and 'Hind is'.

Therefore Babur's Memoirs are lively proof to show that erstwhile Muslim

conquers and immigrants were no longer treated as alien to this country rather they

came to be recognized as an integral part of the Indian social composition. Under

the enlightened leadership of the Mughals, such notion of helped in the

development of modern concept of Indian nation hood.

RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND PRACTICES: Hinduism has been the dominant

religion in. India since time immemorial and with the passage of time various

subsidiary ideas and cults originated from it. It also underwent some variations

and changes due to the influence of new emerging ideas. But Babur does not give

any noteworthy in~ormation about the prevalent religious thought and practices.

78

He writes that "most Hindus believe in transmigration of souls."39 And at another

place he mentions about a holy place of Hindus named Gurkhattari situated some

where near Peshawar, he writes,

-10

But Babur evades from giving any detail about the concept of transmigration in

t Hindu philosophy, neither he mentions the religious importance of Gurkhattari and

the purpose behind head and beard shaving at this place. Apart from these minor

informations nothing significant is written the Memoirs either about Hinduism or

islam. Though during this period various Sufi saints like Malik Muhammad Jayasi

and Gauth Gwaliori carried considerable influence on the Indian masses. He only

writes. that after his victory in the battle of Panipat, he came to Delhi and made

obeisance and circuit of the shrines of Sheikh Nizam-ud-din Auliya and Khawaja

Qutubuddin. But he mentions nothing about their philosophy, and rituals practiced

at their shrines and about their popularity among the masses .

. ~·~Ibid. p -204 ~~~Ibid. p -93

79

CUSTOM AND TRADITIONS: These are certain conventions or way of doing

things that has been handed down from one generation to the next. It is followed at·

two levels in the society, one at domestic level i.e. within the confines of house

and the other at community level. Celebration of festivals whether of religious

importance or of other importance specific to certain region can be placed in the

category of community level custom and tradition.

Babur does not mention any religious custom, but he seems to be critical of some

other Indian customs which caught his attention. He writes that,

'-:" J c.:J L_; -d(WAS' ~ .M /Y· - - - j'-:"'y/J- ---(J __;..J_.,._,~~_,J /. (__ --" ijd j ~-' .J:,~~;!§JPd'()lf.• j (:)W0Jt;rf,(J~_;,r(;(lfdJ

41 ti "-__;..;f., cf.A#J# 0' t.;;__, (;[)I ( c:J ~ J (.:) l_;...! f .. .. - - - - - - -.. .. ... -Babur's comments are interesting, though unsatisfactory in many respects. In fact,

people were aware that Babur was a descendant of Amir Timur, and the havoc

unleashed by the Turks was still fresh in their minds, therefore anticipating similar

treatment from Babur, the Indian populace whether Hindus or Muslims fled their

hearths and homes on the approach of Mughal armies. Babur, unaware of the fear

psychosis of common populace, dubbed them as ill-mannered and lacking i[l social

inter-course. His complaint about unavailability of good bread and cooked food in

markets \vas also not genuine. In fact in central Asian and middle eastern

41 ibid, p- 204

80

countries, breads are not prepared in houses, rather in bakeries and sold in the

market. Which on the contrary was not a part of Indian tradition. Therefore it will

be correc_t to say that Babur observed each characteristic of Indian socio- cultural

set up fr~m Central Asian perspective.

Another one of the Indian customs mentioned by Babur was succession to the

throne and property. He writes about succession problem in Bengal,

It was really a strange custom and some chroniclers write that even slaves

sometimes obtained the throne by killing their master, and whoever holds it three

days, they look upon him as established by divine providence

~ 2 ibid, p- 189

81

About the Indian towns and villages Babur writes,

Babur is justified, however, in his complaint about the ugliness of Indian towns

and villages which were nothing more than clusters of houses constructed without

any regard to proper town planning, to the layout of streets and lanes and a proper

draining system~ the Indians seem to have forgotten all about the grandeur of the

Indus valley culture, of their remote ancestors. The depopulating and setting of

town and villages remind us of the unstable political condition of times, resulting

in near anarchy and sense of insecurity in the minds of common populace.

DRESS AND CLOTHING: In maters of dressing, there was no uniformity

among the various social and religious groups of Hindustan. But there was a

certain uniformity among the peasants and lower classes which mainly consisted

~' Bahur Nama. p.l91

82

in reducing their clothing to a minimum. Babur does not give any significant detail

about the dress style oflndians. He writes that,

.... / ~EP • L·. I • • / t" /(:·. ~ I .. ~( •• •I • .. vY !! __, ..1 .,v~~~~-=~~,J - - ~_,/(~--'~ .. :..!

• I- ./ ( bk (;)f -r .. r ;J ____.rl.J L? (:) t £~_, __,_, _4..1 _./ :7 ~ ~-' .__.......... ./""./ • - ...

""/g-- ~ /. ; l.t Ytt~~Y.> :J~~~.~~»cJ)(-'~.-~f:)e:.t' .

.A< -: ~fit.,/ :il(:)!.u> (:)~; ( [_; ;:) -f-+./1 ~ / / . ~ ,., .. , -M u W/ ~ (:)I 44

Though Babur's observation of languta (traditional Indian undergarment for

gents) and its brief description sounds interesting but he seems to have generalized

his notion that all lower class Indians wore Languta only during the whole years,

used nothing to cover their torso and therefore went half naked. In the same

fashion he describes the dress worn by Indian females:

45

Such description of a female dress suggests that Babur was surely referring to sari

a traditional dress worn by Indian ladies, but the term lung by which Babur

~~ ibid. p -205 ~' ibid

83

refereed to sari, is not appropriate. In fact, going by the dictionary meaning. Lung

is the Persian term for loin cloth or towel. But the languta and sari were not the

only dress worn by Indian people, in fact the Indian lower class men and women

used variety of cloths. Men used dhoti - a longer version of languta, and long

shirts to cover the torso. Because, the lower class men had to work in fields and

undertake other m.enial works, they preferred to be half- naked for most of the

time and use their garments for longer period. In addition to sari, women folk also

were lehenga, choli (longer blouse )and dupatta (long scarf) the last one is used to

cover head. Apart from this dress and clothing also varied from one region to

other. Variations in Indian clothing style were unnoticed or ignored by Babur,

probably because he found languta and Sari more interesting than anyother

garment.

FOOD HABBIT: Eating habit and table manners are also inseparable part of the

cultural characteristics of any region or society. it also undergoes variations with

change in region, society and cultural zones. Therefore we shall find out, what

Babur observed about the eating habit of Indian. Without going in any detail, he

says that no cooked food and good bread is available in Indian bazaars. Perhaps he

was unaware that unlike central Asian countries, Indians preferred to prepare

84

breads in home. Moreover rice has been the staple diet of Indians wheat and its

products have been less preferred in India.

At another place while mentioning the Indian flora and Fauna, Babur also

describes about qualities of different fruits. He mentions· that mango is very

popular fruit among Indians and is the best Indian fruit, but he himself does not

give it preference over muskmelon. Banana is the other Indian fruit that fascinated

Babur. He writes that it peels easily and has neither stone (seed?) nor fibre inside.

He gives an interesting description of jack fruit also, says that "it looks like a

sheep's stomach ........ inside it are filbert like stones, which on the whole resemble

dates, but are round, not long, and have softer substances; these are eaten. The jack

-fruit is very adhesive, for this reason people are said to oil mouth and hands

before eating it. It is heard of also as growing, not only on the branches of its trees,

but on trunks and root too.46 He also mentions about the method of extracting

toddy from date-palm and palmyra-palm trees and says that he even tasted the

date-palm toddy but it hadn't any exhilarating effect on him.47 While giving the

list of animal and birds found in India, he also writes about the taste of flesh of

these animals and birds. While giving vivid description of peacock, he writes that.

its flesh is lawful food according to Imam_Abu Hanifa, one of the four Islamic

jurisprudents, and widely followed by Muslims of Indian subcontinent and Central

~(> ibid , p -199 ~ 7 ibid, p- 200

85

Asia. But it cant not be said that peacock flesh constituted a regular part of dietary

of Indian Muslims and others, because in the very next line he writes that it is

eaten with instinctive aversion, in the way camel flesh it.48

Apart from these stray informations, we do not come across any other thing which

might be helpful in drawing a clear picture oflndian dietary and food habits in the

light of Babur's observation.

LANGUAGE AND LITRATURE: The Babur Nama apart from being a

chronicle of historical events is also a literary masterpiece in itself. A good

number of Persian and Turkish couplets are also mentioned in it. Some of these

couplets, whether in Persian or -in Turkish, were composed by Babur himself,

while some are the work of other poets and quoted by him in the Memoirs. It

shows that Babur had keen interest in literature, but surprisingly he does not

mention anything about Indian literature, nor does he give the name of any Indian

literary masterpiece.

But he points out some defects in India pronunciation of certain letters and words.

While mentioning about a local chieftain, named Malik Hast, he writes that his

real name was,' A sad' but people wrongly pronounce it as 'Hast':

IS ibid p -124

86

r__v_f /.~/ jt;.;P_!f: /vcJrt~o(:i' ~ ~

49 (' ~ ~J:.-_:::....P ::J.~ ;;_..~;,I h ( f-. ..vI

At another place he writes,

Babur was quite right in his observation of pronunciation of some letters and

/

words by Indians, but it were only the illiterate and un-educated people who

pronounced 'sh' as 's'. Hindi and Sanskrit language alphabets have different

letters for both 'sh' and 's'. Any way we must appreciate Babur's keen and minute

observation in this regard.

TECHNOLOGICAL ADVANCEMENT: India has a rich tradition of science.

and technology, ancient and early medieval Indian scientists had made remarkable

progress in the field of astronomy, mathematics and medicine. After the coming of

Turks, there was a greater interaction of Arab science with India. .t-.1any new

~') ibid, p- 380 50 ibid . p -484

87

technologies were introduced such as paper, spmnmg wheel, carder's bow,

improved water wheel, widespread use of the iron- stirrup, improved metallurgy

techniques and devise for cleaning gun barrels. But the Babur Nama fails to give a

complete picture of these scientific and technology development. In the name of

Indian technological development Babur had enlisted only two Indian devices, one

is the time measurement device and the other is irrigatjon device. He gives a

graphic description of two irrigation devices and their mechanism. 51 One is called

by different names, like saqiya or arghatta or rahat and the other one is called

dhenkli, but these names are not mentioned in the Memoirs.

About the system of time measurement he writes that in India the night and day

are divided into 60 parts, each part was. called ghari, along with it night and day

were also divided in four parts and each part was called a pas.52 His description of

the time measurement device is also noteworthv and commendable. He writes ~ '

c~~l/.v~ o/ "-' ...::---t_:.tb _,~; _::....~- !_.. r~iP-.;.; 1"~~" o]J(;. ].,(,.('IJ> h_J, .)J.J _;_i .J) I~ ..NjP' ~ /[v .!.t (f'lb cf..1 -:'f.

( I}L "# )(fp_.?J_, I;;;(./ cf t J !f.;_., G~ __f't; ~-0: «(./"(},_;,I

I f. f /. / . .. . (~ / . _,~~__,__,; ->~.Jc:JJJ_y ~~_.Jef )~f?~.V(vV~(:)..I/

<I - refer to f.n -24 '" !3ahur Nama. p- 516

88

/. . "' / ~/· / .. . . - . ~ ~

/..)'--"'~' ~(7u,__,_,~ .. DY.) ;~~~ ..~~~ J_,Y.....?'_;;JJ (./ t •

... • . , • ?_ • ' / /

~!Jy..,)/J)_;,IAJ-!y~(»/,.Vt,:~o~~"Y

;,fk( [/);.:..~ /.;"_.;~__,~O:,Lf_w·~ J..iJjdJ-> ,. /,• ,. ,, / .

f, _.,z; ~ 6 r v .L . ~__, h?' __,__;..-::{ ~~w ~~-

It seems that Babur find only these two Mentioned devices unique and worth·

mentioning. It seems that technological advantage in other fields not up to mark,

which could not draw even the attention of person like Babur who was new to this

land.

FINE ARTS-Architecture Music, etc.: Even before the arrival of Babur, India

had already experienced an outburst of cultural activity in the fields of

architecture, and music. The architectural landmarks of sultanate period are too

common to mention here. Considerable progress was also made in the field of

music, th~ famous poet, warrior and Sufi saint, Amir Khusrow is credited with

inventing new music ragas and musical instruments. But interestingly Babur,

limits himself to describe the features of a few Indian architectures only and does·

" ibid. p. 516&517

89

not mention any thing about music or painting. Architectural momentums about

which some information is available in Babur Nama are the fort of Chanderi and

·-- . - ~

some temples in the city of Gawalior. Babur praises the location of Chanderi and

says that it is situated in good country, with much running water round about it.

About different buildings situated in the complex, he writes that all are made up of

stone and the important one are laboriously carved and their floor is covered with

stones instead of earthen tiles.54 About the temples of Gawalior he says that they

are built in ancient style with sculptured images on their plinths. Some of the

temples are in college (monastery) fashion and have a portico, cupolas and small

cells. In the lower cells are rock carved idols.55 Such description suggests that

temples were not meant for worship only, rather they were centers of education

also and the cells inside these temples were meant for priests, preachers and

teachers who imparted education to the students. Babur only gives factual

information about the Chanderi fort complex and does not express his opinion on

it, therefore it is difficult to gauge Babur's idea about Indian architecture. But he

severely criticizes that there were no planned towns and gardens in India. He says

that Indians need not build houses, they use grass or mud to make huts ~md small

size tenements, which were unable to sustain the fury of heavy rainfall. Babur

seems to be incorrect in his estimation of Indian towns~· villages and style of

5 ~ ibid, p. 597 55 ibid. p. 613.

90

domestic architecture. The mud and grass huts were feature of rural areas only. In

\

towns, better houses did exist renowned historian K.M. Ashraf on authority of

Rizq-ul-lah Mushtaqi, says, "Humayun was bewildered at the sight of Bengal

luxuries ... the emperor found in every nook and corner of Bengal, a paradise

inhabited by houries and full of incomparably luxurious palaces, fountains playing

in these gardens!"56 Therefore Babur's criticism of absence of planned garden is

not genuine one. He might be partly correct in his observation, that Indian towns

lacked proper planning, but the same author, base on his findings suggests that

Indian towns were well planned.57 To substantiate his argument he gives the

evidence of Jaipur town, which is said to be laid according to the requirements of

Shilpastra.58 But it is not necessary that all Indian cities were laid down in planned

manner, exceptions can be there. Therefore we can not generalize either Mr. K.M.

Ashrafs exceptional examples or Babur's sporadic examples for the entire India.

If some of the cities were planned then most of the Indian villages were surely laid

down in unplanned manner. Systematic town planning is the feature of modern

period only.

Therefore we ~an conclude that if on the one hand Babur tried to put facts before

the readers of his Memoirs, on the other hand he made a mistake by generalizing

the features of one region for the entire India.

~,, K.M. Ash rat: Life and Condition of People of Hindustan, New Delhi, 2000, p. 276. '

7 Ibid. p. 113 . . :<x Ibid. p. 188. quoted from. Indian Architecture, by Havell.

91

Babur was anxious to protect his subjects from the oppression of marauders and

lawless elements of the bqdy politic. He mentions in his memoirs that every time

<

he entered India, the Jats and Gujars poured down in huge numbers from their

hilly abode to carry off cattle and buffaloes of the poor peasants. They were

oppressors of the people. Babur's soldiers pursued them and captured the guilty

that were put death. But due to his period of short stay in India he was unable to

leave behind any remarkable public and philanthropic instit1..1tions to win the

goodwill of the governed.

Nevertheless, he occupies an important place in the history of India, as he was the

first architect to lay the foundation stone of the edifice of the Mughal Empire in

India, on which the superstructure was raised by his illustrious grandson, Akbar.

He was a man of romantic naturecand possessed interesting personality traits. His

permanent place in history rests upon his Indian conquests, which opened the way

for an imperial line; but his place in biography and literature is determined rather

by his daring adventures and persevering efforts in earlier days, and by his lively

description of India in his Memoirs. Babur was a great man of fine literary taste

and fastidious ~ritical perception. In Persian, the language of culture, the Latin of

Central Asia, as it has been of India, he was an accomplished poet, and in his

native tongue Chaghtai Turki he was of a pure and unaffected style alike in prose

and verse.

92

(b )Indian Society and Culture as Reflected in Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri

This imperial narrative lifts itself out of a the rank of mere compilation of

political events and military achievements. It gives us a reflection of the

socio-cultural activities of the people during his reign, which is the topic of

discussion in the present chapter of this research work. The observations and

narratives about socio-economic and cultural conditions of India in this text are

recorded in two different ways. One is the description of socio-cultural life,

topogr<tphy, climate and flora and fauna of specific regions of India like Kashmir,

Gujrat, Agra, Malwa and some other places. The other one is the description of

certain religions and socio-cultural ideas which Jahangir came to know about during

his discussions and discourses with the theologians of the time. The emperor has

provided substantial number of pages for lively description of Kashmir in both the

section ofhis memoirs. Further considerable space is also given to the description of

Gujrat, Malwa and Agra.

In the forthcoming pages the topic· is not being discussed separately for

diffe~ent regions of India . Just like the previous section (chapter) an attempt is

being made to discuss the different aspects of society and culture separately under

93

sub headings like, social structure, economic condition, religious belief and so on.

The regiorfal variations and exclusiveness related to different socio-cultural factors

will be discussed accordingly in the respective subheadings.

ECONOMIC CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY & PEOPLE: The economic

condition of the country during the reign of Jahangir looks bright. It was in no way

inferior to the stable economic system prevailing during the glorious regime of his

royal father. Jahangir speaks highly of the prosperity and plenty of the chief cities of

his empire, which were busy centers of trade and commerce. He refers to the

greatness and richness of Ahmadabad where not less than five thousand bankers or

money changers' shops carry on transaction in different bazaars of the city.(l) Also

according to Shireen Moosavis's findings Agra was undisputably the largest and

most urbanized city in the empire, accounting for the largest amount of urban tax in

the empire. According to the findings of the same scholar. Ahmadabad was second

to Agra in terms of urbanization and accounted for the largest amount for Urban tax

(2). Jahangir further refers to commercial activity at the port of Cambay and

mentions that' it is one of the largest port of his empire, where in order to encourage

trade, he first reduced the customs rate (Jl.i/) to I /40th or 2.5%(3) and later

Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, ed, Sayid Ahmad, Aligurh, 1864. p.21 0

2 Shireen Moosavi, The Economy of the Mughal Empire, N.Dclhi, I 'JX9, p. 110

3 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 206

94

abolished it completely in his entire empire.(4) Here again Shireen Moosavi

calculates that Cambay accounted for the third latrgest amount of urban tax in

Mughal empire.(5) The amount of urban tax collection from this port city might had

gone down during Jahangir's peirod due to waiving of customs duty by him. But

even after that Cambay was a town of great importance and remained a centre of

commercial and economic activity. Burhanpur was another rich and populurs city

mentioned at various places in the Tuzuk but it is conspicuous by not being in the

list prepared by Shireen Moosavi which includes prominent town ofMughal empire

accounting for sizeable share of urban tax. The emperor also lays great stress on the

security of trade routes for facilitating the smooth flow of vast mercantile traffic.(6)

His decree, as mentioned in his Memoirs, for the general remission of all tolls and

titthes and other burdens, for merchants fo all classes, which Jagirdar of every

province imposed for their own profit(?), testifies to his geniune concern for the free \

flow of trade.

But one notable points is that, in the royal account no mention is made of the

steps taken for the improvement of agriculture which dominates Mughal economy.

There is niether any reference to the large scale manufacture of indigo nor to the

cultivation oftobacco, the latter being introduced in the very years of his accession,

4 ibid, p. 207

5 The Economy of Mughal Empire, p. 313

6 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 4-6

7 ibid, p. 4

95

but of course he gives a detailed description of cultivation of §_affron in Kashmir, the

total yield and it's price in the market.

Apart from this he is completely silent about the widespread cotton

manufacture, which since ancient time till the dawn of British rule in India,

remained one of the major export items from India and it· was the thriving cotton

industry which lured the Britishers to India. The emperor does not mention the

prduction of silk at all but from the passing references which he made about

mulberry trees and silk worm being brought from Gilgit and Tibet one can make

some guess about silk production in Kashmir.

~t.:)J~}J!$ if)~ ~ ...... )f..:.v-f!J"'!_,~;{ lr-..:.- jiJ~~ J..:.- jio~" 0 .•

)f~~JJ~J~~ ~( .f~..:.-jiJ.~~oJJt~li~Df~if;u~ 4(

(9)''.t~1J..:;-fJJv

Terry, however is highly impressed by the great ingenuity of the natives in

the manufacture of silk stuffs "which they most artistically weave, some of them

very nealty mingled either with silver or gold or both"( 1 0). Though Aparajita Ray,

author ofintroduction in David Price's "Autobiog·raphical memoris ofEmperor

Jahjangir" says that "Jahangir is silent about the widespread ......... shawl and carpet

8 ibid, p.: 15

9 ibid, p. 300

10 Edward Teny, A Voyage to East India, London, 1717, p. 127

96

weaving industries ...... (11 )", but while recording the description of Kashmir the

emperor also gives sufficie~t information about the shawl industry of Kashmir, the

type of wool used in it, and its importance.

':'~~JlPIJ,) JttiDJY)(t( )( ~j~1 J/.::.-}V ,.{1.~/J~"

J"=(~;I~I~JJ.fuy~~Ll.J /J~ )I~) ~J( ~Jjj

~_tr ~)~ Jf..::..:":JJ~ rlJ'hJ~ ~ .J,tJJ)tJ,.~/. ...t,; fy ~ (tJ.%JIJ~~-JJJf.PI~Ji.l(1.;J.t.Jf (../- ~)I.;IJ~

( l2)'y~tJ(~J~~ ;,;.r;JJ~I~Lf~

Apart form traditir:mal products like cotton, silk and woollen shawls, which

were famous all over the world, there were many other handicraft products which

were flourishing during Jahangir's reign, but surprisingly not mentioned in the

Tuzuk. Terry testifies to various handicraft prducts which were exported in large

quantities for their superior quality. He writes that many curious boxes, trunks,

standishes, pen-cases, carpets, with other excellent manufactures may be there had.

Terry also praises the high standard of the dyeing industry and describes how

coarser cotton cloths are dyed or painted with a "variety of well-shaped and

well-coloured fowers or figures which are so· fixed in the cloth that no water can

wash them out".(13) The observations of Terry about the thriving handicraft

industry in India can be corroborated by the account of Pelsaert, the chief of Dutch

ll Aprajita Ray, Autobiographical Memoris fo Emperor .lahangir, Engtr. MajorDavid price,

(.T.N.U. Library)l972, p .. xv

12 Tuzuk-i-.Tahangiri, p. 301

13 A voyage to India etc. p. Ill

97

factory at Agra. He notices that in Thatta capital of Sind,"ornamental desks, writing

cases and similar goods are manufactured locally in large quantities; they are vary

prettily inlaid with ivory and ebony ....... "(14).

Though there was a thriving mercantile class which actively patricipated in

inland and foreign trade. These traders helped in transportation of essential

commodities to areas deprived of these commodities, like salt which was not

available in Kashmir was taken there from mainland India. Even overseas trade also

thrived. Mainly luxurious items were imported from distant countries to cater the

rich and affluent classes. Amazingly rul~rs, members of the royal family, and even

some leading nobles had their own ships which made regular voyages to the Red

Sea ports and to South east Asia. Thus, Jahangir, Nurjahan, Prince Khurram had

ships plied between Surat and the Red Sea ports.(15) It is told that shipping in

Bengal was generally owned by leading Mughal nobles.

But though industry and trade were in flourishing state, its fruits were

appropriated by a miniscule section of the society. Business houses, ruling

aristocracy and royal family were in a flourishing state and the common people were

deprived of the economic profit. It will be appropriate to say that like other ages,·

medieval Indian society was also non egalitarian. There was a small and

insignificant middle class which comprised of madarsa teachers, clergy of lower

14 Francisco Pe1saeri, The Remonstrantie, Cambridge, 1925, p. 32

15 Satish Chandra, Medieval India part two, Anand Publication, Delhi, 1999 p-413

98

rung. The society comprised of only two main classes viz upper class and lower

class. The ruling aristocracy nobility, landlords, businessmen and the clergy which

commanded immense influence at the royal court belonged to the upper class of the

society. From numerous instances recorded in the 'litzuk-i-.Jahangiri it is evident

that this section of the society was highly paid and possessed immense wealth at its

disposal. They never lagged behind in displaying their wealth and often brought

expensive presents for the king. The Tuzuk is full of numerous accounts of lavish

royal feasts and entertainment. After the royal feasts the emperor often becoming

lavishly generous, and used to throw silver rupees amongst the personage of lesser

importance below his court and amongst the nobleman and ambassadors he used to

throw platefulls of hollow almonds of gold and silver.( 16) Such generousity on part

of the emperor was nothing but pompous display of wealth and power. Compared to

that of the higher class, the life of common people who formed the lowyr class was - . . ~ ~

very hard. Their houses were poor, food unsatisfactory and with no proper dress and

shoes, they lived miserably. Normally however they did not suffer from want of

food, their needs being few. Vincent Smith says, "a man could feed himself

adequately for a cost of from a penny to two pence a day".(17) He further writes,

"the hired la~dless labourer in the time of Akbar and Jahangir, possibly had more to

16 Hany Johnston, quotes from Journal and Correspondence or Sir Thomas Roe,

Pioneers in India, New Delhi, 1993, p. 191

17 V.A Smith., Akbar, the Great Mughal, Delhi, 1958, p. 285

99

eat in ordinary years than he has now".(18) It was only in times of famine, flood.

and scarcity that the suffering of the common people knew no bounds. Jahangir's

reign is extremely fortunate in escaping the outbreak of the terrible famine which

devastated Deccan and Gujrat in the early years of the reign of Shah Jahan in

1630-32. The horrors. of the calamity are graphically described by 'Abdul Hamid

Lahori" who was an eyewitness to the famine scenes.

It will be true to say that the Memoirs of Jahangir do not give full picture of

the life of the common populace. In fact Jahangir could not rise above the ideas and.

prejudices of the times. Thus while he gives elaborate description ofthe status of his

Amirs and other dignitaries and the marks of his rewards and favours on them he

does not devote a single page on his account to comment on the unhappy condition

of his common subjects, In the Tuzuk there are some stray descriptions of failure of

crop due to some localised problems; which can be helped in constructing a blurred

picture of the life of common populace. While Jahangir was in Ujjain, he recieved a

report from the governor ofQandhar in which theofficial had mentioned about crop.

failure in his region which the emperor recorded in the Memoirs.

l:Jf Jt.iJ.~lP>..o.~_,~~ .1~ Jv ;t..;.,.1't f tJ f.?,...::,...-! ,.~t;l'c:f.~_,"

I.J!o%V}1tJ ~_,tJ_.O. /J(.)J.J/J..;.,IJ'J..;., Vrzf{f. fe-1('.~Jy..;., :/

~~.1l:J~ _;:_,)~ D~/.t.1lP> ~; _ _,J. D •• JJ:lJ.I-' ~1.,; r;:t .:.>v (5,w,

,_,1. D~J:{_, ...;...J?vJ~ J ,j/ r;:_,.~Jr.l_, i:/ j.tn}..;.,~,.~/

18 ibid, p. 286

100

/I..::.-~~ )I (p. _;du )I~_;?~ ~.A.fJJ ..::..r' -k ~(;...::.- V~JI if.J-{~ (19)');1)

But it is only the narration of and incident related to the failure of crop and

the Memoirs are silent about its fallout. As in the earlier pages we have come to

know that the lower class or the peasantry class ·lived a life of subsistence and were

unable to have a surplus which they could sell in the market, it could have been

quite devastating for them when 3/4 of the·· produce was wasted. One can easily

made the estimate of their suffering in such a condition. at another place in the

Memoirs he has recorded that the poor people in Kashmir were suffering due to

excessive cold. In order to ameliorate their condition he had ta.ken some

humanitarian measures

(.)JIYJJ /;~t.J~L/.::.-_;;·;ItJ'V)j);:r;rj f Jt:JJ/. (;).{'

.;?~~Ji.(;)1~~.>~Jj)lf)~,..,...f /Qlfr;l~; fe,. ;r;~~)k

j)c.?\.-?J~~~l:.!JJ( hrfv~~j)f~li j ~~~ u, LJ.JI?

(20 )' ~ l)..J /~~..If l..--

This naration suggests that the emperor had made attempts to releive the

distress of the destitutes and helpless. In one of the twelve edicts which Jahangir's

issued as a code of conduct for his dominions, he entrusted the welfare of poors and_

destitute to one ofhis nobles named Miran Sadat Jahan.

19 · Tuzuk-i-Jahangi1~ p. 251

20 ibid, p. 345

101

~ ~-"''~'dt=--,_;;m~ 6'..::.-IJv ;ff(;)lf..~.v(;)f;:;--:······"

_?I.~JlP?f'":"'~.JfJ,.J,J'J(JY)/fJi.~~~{..::.-.Jf.V.J»Jf~ __ _,.

(21 )':C.~f;/.

But all these measures were only temporary and inconsistent in nature. ln the

entire narrative, there is no mention of welfare measures which could be enduring

in nature and intended to overall welfare of the society. We donot find any

systematic and long term progarmmes for the economic upliftment of poors and

destitute of his empire. Such attempts, however sincere these may be, clearly depict

a top heavy social structure where the lowest rung in the social ladder continue to

suffer miserably. This section was often the victim of oppression at the hand of

nobles and the revenue officials who used to force them -to sell their movable

properties at half the usual prices. Pelsaert refers to their economic exploitation and

0

their hard lot, which is discussed in previous pages. The accounts of Wi IIi am

Hawkins and Thomas Roe who visited India during the reign of Jahangir, furnish

valuable information about the economic condition of Mughal India in his reign. In

his 11ournal and Correspondence1, Thomas Roe says that the royal income from

various sources exceeds that of the vastly rich Persian and Turkish rulers. While

Captain Hawkins discusses the Mansabdari system and its financial impact, Roe is

critical of provincial administration and frequently refers to the squalor and misery

of peasants, weavers and craftsmen. There seems to be much truth in the remark that

during the centuries of Mnghal rule there was no golden age of opulence for the

21 ibid, p. 5

102

common people. But, inspite of all that has been said, Jahangir's reign does not

witness the economic decline of the country which starts .il))j)erceptibly during the

gorgeous regime of Shah Jahan and reaches a low level during the reign of

Aurangzeb. and later Mughal rulers. Jahangir continued to enjoy the unvarying

prosperity of the golden Akbarid days and not a word of economic strain mars the

happy and gay tone of his writings.

SOCIAL COMPOSITION: It is important to remember that in an age of

autocracy as this, the society looked like a pyramidical structure with the king at its

apex. The nobility coming next in rank wallows in luxury and enjoyment. Thus

Francisco Pelsaert records in his account that "the mahals of the rich are adorned

internally with lascivious sensuality, wanton and reckless festivity, superfluous

pomp, inflated pride and ornamental daintiness ... " .(22) The Tuzuk-i-.Jahangiri is

full of numerous descriptions of festivities in the royal court and the court of nobles.

At one place in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangir also narrates the royal festivities in the

following words

. .J?--'.-+("J(../!;..;~Jl)'lsilii}(JY)Ji.Uill'l.f~JUJ.J}J~IC)~"

JJUJ.J)IJfr!~JJ~J;!%~.J)C{ 1;)/~..;JI.JJ(.Jit%.-JIJl:)LJ

0 JJI.r-~f.tJfJjf_/(JJ!.Jb~ JP..::..r'l._;;;,.lf J-7--?.J)~;} r;;,.~}

~) ;IJ)_,? .i:f.Pdi).JJVG'.Jd~'~-.t.>i.6..::..f' L7. /J~ u, ;v;tY

22 The Remonstrantie (.Tahangir's India), p. 64

103

;..-f Y--{1-:.- fj'"J -:.-lP.f;, if/ f(JY) ~'J( ;,) J(~~ ~Ji.) J

C23YYytfi,e~n~:~~

It is quite obvious that, like the modern days where bureaucracy plays second

fiddle to the political establishment, the nobility of Jahangir's times in particular and

of medieval India in general never lagged behind in immitating the activities at the

royal court. Below the nobles a small and frugal middle class lived simple and

temparate life in order to hide their income. Only businessmen who had their base in

urban areas, were more or less well-off and some were given to ostentatious

expenditure. But the description of these two classes is totally missing in the Tuzilk.

A passing reference is made to the mercantile class when Jahangir describes about

the transaction of commodities at the port of Cambay in Gujrat. Below the middle

class and trading community were the people belonging to the lowest class. This

class formed the largest chunk ofthe society. These people were landless labourers,

peasants, tenants, artisans, menial workers etc. Perhaps it were these people for

whom Jahangir used to scatter currency coins while passing through a town.

(24)'(Jh~~Jj.AI'~;f~C)~)fe).A.f..:.:;,)J"

The social stratification based on economic condition of the people was common for

the followers of all religions sa)' __ Hindus, Muslims etc. In this situation a wide gap

existed between the royal and ruling aristocracy on one side and common masses on

the other side. The common people were unable to reach the officials of the ruling

23 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 22

24 ibid, p. 205

104

establishment for the redressal of their grievances. Perhaps this was the reason

which led the simple-minded Jahangir, to introduce the chain ofjustice.(25)

.Apart from economy being the criteria for social stratification, profession

was another criteria for the division of society. Such division of society was mainly

followed by Hindus the author does not m~ntion categorically that the Hindu society

was divided on the basis of profession, it simply mentions-

But during his explanation about such division of Hindu society, he unconsciously

mentions the profession: associated with each division or caste. He further mentions

that each one of them has a fixed day in a year for celebration and a set of exclusive

duties assigned them,.the details of which he gives in the Tuzuk in follwing words.

(Ct).:.v-1_3 ~C)~t,;f.u l;)~J:Cfo.V ~if.!~ ~u,JJt"

25 ibid, p. 3

-:' ..:)lJJf~(J/(1") l;J~{ if1 (r')l;)JfJ~;t~l;)tL ( r)?y-1

~~~;J~ .... ?/u_z('1)JcJJbcJ!rL!-:-uz<o)c.uf~ifr

J,;~ t~JJ~~~- .:.v-1..:.-v/. ~;1 (-JJoL..fcJJvoL ~j1;J~~u,

cJlf ~.,.:.v'JD,~.J:;..kif,~..r t:f;u ~P .=,;~Jdu ~ l;J~'d ~~ ~ ;JIJ

-.:.v''~~~-h.ru/...f..::-!.X(-JJ~u, ....... _.tk.J4cJ~%J

,....-~(!,~t~1_.t~1J.J;}fC)I)lb };lf~l;)Lfo ..f ..::-}.I~U,()}"f:;IJ'/

VcJILJ~~~~if1(r).J.P>.t~t~l;)t_LJ.tt}'.~}(t).:.v-tz

)J~JZu z~~'J?.J~J;J.J.P>~u z l;)~ra-:'< ,...)~li,.:.-.=.J)~-:'

26 ibid. p. 119

105

/.FdJ./().ArJJ;I:!I;J_.,;:../I~JIJji}"~Lf''I;~U.~illJ_/?

fr{tJlJ1.i7.diJPI;JI)";~(I;..;:../I.../;((d~IJ._;d~r>/

'J.:'(K~U. ..... ..;:../Ij1)1i)}r>/.~~ft;_,jlij)J)i.uXi.vl

,._::..Yf;;_..cf-..:/~.:/Jfd~IJJ,..(I;~U,-'JI:!Idlzl:!l-'..;:../1

..;:../I~())JJ(IJ~lbli'-..;:../1J_?d~l~ly:tJY)dJ)JJ:.j

JJdf?_/Jdt:--JJJ.tj_,)ltJL{f~ )J;I:!I~;J ..... ~_k(JiiJI)1f

JJY(A~~~U. ...... .tJvtJ( fu;~;L1,....~~)_,;~.JA' ()lP>.;(;

v~ftp, zli;'_,~..:/~'j/_..c,_,p~u,li;-t;,Jii'..;:../'

Jv }1;_,;d~IJLV~f ..;:../IJ!' (p{"IJJ;_.tJI.t~/.~/.z~u, /'

bytJ )JJdf?:-'.t;_,;, U/. tp,;;/_,~vj) lP?"1;,)~,~ )) .... ...;:../,

.).~J.J.t,;fitJ/.Ju~iJ);_,_,c:~'tJ.fA' U-'Jy.-dP'?'(;dU-{

~l..Pd~.t,_;::-lP'~-'..:.-~L~~-'~{J~~JiJ()P,~I))}d1;1

Jv}1f ~liJJi:,?_,)1if1_,c:l)ytji;J}()lP'~J/f .,;:../IJPJ_?

( 27 )' :V f)~...;:../ I ~J / J fo .JI; ,.:¢ ;{J v f.::..) 1 J I='(;.(...;:../ 1,.:¢ ;.(

Though in the above mentioned lines Jahangir has corectly explained the

four fold division of Hindu society and the specific duty assigned to each of the

groups. But 'while explaining the special days of celebration for each of the four

groups (castes) he seems to have committed some error. Though the Kshatriyas

celebrate the festival ofVijayadashmi (Dussehra) with extra vigour but in no way it

was exclusively celebrated by them. The same can be said about Diwali being

27 ibid, p. 119-120

106

associated with the Vaisyas. But it is totally wrong to associate the festival of Rakhi

and Holi with the Brahmanas and Sudra respectively. It is difficult to asce1iain the

cause for associating Rakhi with Brahmanas and in case of Holi, perhaps Jahangir

got misled by seeing the people of lower class playing holy with mud, ash and dust.

These peole were unable to buy expensive colour dyes. The more well off might

enjoyed holy with colourful dyes. While explaining the reason behind lighting fire

on the holy night, _the emperor seems to be misinformed. He says that-

~d..D~jrif1__v;ty-Jt_~J_h)IPeJ/f ..:;,./r,;;a._~?J,!~t.!~"

;ty-J ..:/r eJ / J jl.,.{r_~,;; ;fJ~.,; f .::,.J1;r~t;l..:;,./t,;.! ;fJ Lr-}If

( 28)':V

But the reality is that holy is celebrated to commemorate the victory of

Prahlad against Hiranyakashyap.Hiranyakashyap had ordered his sister Holika to sit

in fire with Prahlad so that the latter could be burnt and Holika being immune form

fire could come out safely. But Holika got burnt and Prahlad came out of the fire

safely. Therefore in order to celebrate Prahlad's victory over Holika, bonfire is lit on

Holi night.

Apart from the above mentioned social division at two different levels, the

Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri mention other groups which formed a part of the social structure ,.,.

in medieval India. These groups are specific to different regions of India. First of all

28 ibid, p. 120

107

there is also mention of outcastes,(29) who were out of the general division of

Hindu society. At one place the emperor ordered a person named Kalyan to eat with

out castes and dog-keepers as punishment.

Therefore dining with a particular group of people was considered to be a

taboo. The aforesaid group of people whether based on economic criteria or on

professional criteria were a common feature of the entire India. Even in the text

under study, these groups are not associated with a particular region.

Banjaras were a type of tribe which also were common feature for the entire

north India. They were a group of people engaged in trans portion and sale of grains.

They were also employed with the royal army to carry the supplies of ration. The

text mentions some other tribes specific to certain regions of India. One of such

tribes were Gujars in Punjab and Rajasthan. Jahangir, says that they were indulged

in thieving and highway robbery therefore in order to reform them Akbar had taken

some adiministrative measures which would facilitate law and order machinery. He

carved out a separate pargana, inhabited by Gujars and named it Gujrat.(31) In this

manner this bellicose tribe was brought into mainstream, they were given

administrative !JOSts and encouraged to take p~rt in commercial and agricultural

29 Many people confuse them with sudras, But it is a fifth category, whose position was lowest in

the society, Castes like Nishadas, Chandallas etc. belonged to this group.

30 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 50

31 ibid, p. 44

108

activities. Another tribe mentioned in the Tuzuk-i-.Jahangiri is that of the Ghakkars

which live in the region of Punjab· of united India. These people frequented the

region near Rawalpindi, Lahore and the ares traversed by the five rivers of Punjab.

Jahangir says that they constantly fought amongthemselves.

~)'.tt..JJI.fJ..;.Y)~(~J).fA ~(-tJ.ttlf'L?.~(;)'~~ .... "

(32)')h~GJ?.t,t~~~e)f(t}

Khaturs and Dalzaks are two other tribes, inhabiting a villiage called

Amroha(33). They are said to be indulged in mischievious activities like theft and

highway robbery. Jahangir issued a royal order to the local government to deport all

the Dalzaks to Lahore and to capture and imprison the leaders ofthe Khaturs. On his

expedition or to Gujarat, Jahangir came acorss another tirbe called Sewra. The

emperor writes about the tradition custom. and religion of the Sewras. It seems that

they were followers of Jainism. But Jahangir doesnot mention that they were

actually Jainas. He simply writes that they were a type of Hindu apostates practicing

some peculiar custom: and religious ideology.

IJ~J,YUr"~~~ _:.PJ/. ~J/ ~HPo.N>tJ.JI.tl i)JhJK" . .

tilr-r ~ c · JJoJK~ll> ..... v .//..JJ~i ~IJl)~.ttj)JJlP>oJK~I .... dl,--~1(

.::..J~~/.dJ)J~}JIJYJI..A.(;)~..!:.,y. JJJt.:~-;;~UPJ ~ yi

32 ibid, p.48

33 ibid. p.

109

The emperor mentions Pata (~)and Kharta/ CJ/)as the two sects of

Sewars. Actually in Gujrat there is no sect by the name /'ala and Khartal. which

follow the tenets of Jainism. It is basically Tapa(~)and Khartara(fi;_/).(35)

Some of the activities of this group offended the emperor. He writes thatthey were

indulged in immodest and seditious activities, their house and places of worship

_ were quarters of sedition.

)L-l't.~tJ~.~).ft 1,:.>v t¢-1dJ) ..::.-JV'JdJi. ..::.--t-J; ~,.; t;.=: ;1)"

tJ ~}_r.t¢-1 ;I tf \1 j)l) O.il j fo"' );'liv ~.~KJ; I.; /'J '~;' ..::.v-'1

(36)'~1

Due to his suspicion about the activities of Sewaras, Jahangir ordered that all

of them should be deported out of his empire: Jahangir had written about the tribes

mentioned in prvious pages on the basis of his own observation and experiences.

He gives the description of people belonging to another tribe but had not toured the

area inhabited by them. These people belonged to the Magha tribe and in the region

ofPegu and Arakan. Some of these were brought to the royal court by Hushang, son

of Islam Khan, who was in Bengal at that time. The emperor says that he enquired

them about their customs and religion and came to know that they ate everything

either found on land or in water and nothing is forbidden in their religion and can

34 ibid, p. 217

35 Hem-y Beveridge, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Tr. AlexandL:r RugL'rs. I klhi I •JX'J. p. 45'J

36 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 217

110

marry their step sister. Due to these customs ofthe Maghas, Jahangir says that they

are animal in the form of men and their face is like Qara Qalmaq, but thier language

is like thatofTibet. About their religion and custom he syas that-

Jf;,JJJJC)~ t:-! JJI.tJI.tJJC)f jilt~~dfJtf lttJ~JJ lt/'

(3?)');1) /()J~

Therefore from the above discussion it becomes evident that the Indian

society, according to Jahangir's Memoirs was stratified mainly at two levels, firstly

according to caste and secondly according to economic standards.

Further many aborigines tribes which inhabited different parts oflndia were

another part of the India social structure but none of these tribes did not follow the

conventional religions beliefs and profession prevalent during those days. Their

belief system was quite unorthodox and some other indulged in nefarious and

criminal activities and created law and order problem. Due to these reasons they

often invited stern measures from the imperial headquarters.

POSITION OF WOMEN: Since time immemorial the function and the position

of women have been distinctively subordinate to men and in the long run came to

be understood as the subs~rvient of male and dependent upon him in every stage of

life. Though Jahangir does not gvie a detailed picture of the position of women in

Indian society. Some stray narration might be helpful in forming a blurred picture

37 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 115

111

depicting status oflndian women as percieved by the emperor. The Memoirs are full

of numerous accounts about the ladies of the royal harem, their interests, activities,

position in the ruling aristocracy etc. ··Ladies belonging to royal and aristocratic

families were imparted standard education and were expected to excell in all spheres

of life viz. statecrafts, military techniques, culinary skills, poetry, music, painting

etc. It was the result of such training and education which groomed Nur Jahan into a

complete _woman. She was the virtual ruler of the Mughal emp_ire during the last

years of Jahangir's reign. At one place in the Memoirs Jahangir recorded that he had

exalted her to a position almost equal to that of royal status.

, • .!J.)I ,p-, -:..-I.JLI, ..::.v-k.1 '":""If!,(_,;( "r ;, ~L .-l .JI.P-"1 ~J .1,"

J"(;,~ ~) ;1~ lnl ..::.;;}, ~.)~f(_,Y)(, (h ju.Jf~eJlf..JY.

(Js)'y~,:>t~

At another place in his memoirs he mentions that Haji Koka, ooe of the '-·~

foster sisters of his father, was entrusted with the task of identifying needy women;

worthy to be endowed with land and money. She was asked to presentthem before

the emp·eror, so that he could give them grants for their welfare.

~)\:)JIJ~·~.J~-:..-.Jift..t_,f(-'Yj~.J{UL(/;If/t.J.~_,''

( 3.9 )'~~~~.JI_,tf. _? ~J.J)

The contemporary accounts of foreign travellers also mention about the

activities of royal ladies which was quiet in contra .. <;t to the traditional activities of

38 ibid, p. 342

39 ibid, p. 21

112

women. Quoting from English records, Satish Chandra mentions," ...... at the

beginning of the seventeenth century, Jahangir, Nurjahan, Prince Khurram and even

Queen Mother owned ships which plied between Surat and Red Sea ports".(40)

Therefore in such a situation, when the women of ruling establishment were

involved in the affairs of state craft and comercial activities, it is obvious that some

sort of interaction would have existed between the two genders, which has been

rare in the Muslim society. But it seems that even _this interaction between the two

genders of the royal circle was very restricted one. The frequent reference to 'Harem'

in the memoirs, apart from being applied to the place of residence, also signifies the

totality of female inmates who were thus excluded from the view of men fold of the

royal circle. The Memoirs is silent about the status of women belonging to the lower

and middle classes. It is all possible that women's participation in outdoor activities

was considered a taboo in the respected and honoured circle. Women education was

intended towards reading religious scriptures only. She was expected to be skilled in

domestic affairs like cooking, cleanliness, giving birth to children, especially boys

and it's upbringing. In this situation the personality of woman revolved around a set

of limited activities only. Once her personality was suppressed all chances of

disagreement and competition with the male counterpart disappeared and she

became subsurvient to him. It was perhaps this concept prevailing since ancient

times which due to some socio-religious belieftypical to Hindu society, gave

40 Satish Chandra, Medieval India: The .Tagirdari cri:-;i:-; and the vill<lgc, N. Ddhi. 1997, p. 148

113

genesis to Sati system (The act of burning the widow the over the pyre of her dead

husban). It is believed that the bond betwee~~ husband and wife is everlasting and

remains intact even after their death. This argument is often given to justify Sati

system. But on the contrary this idea was never applied for the husband, in case, if

the wife died first. The emperor also mentions in his Memoirs about the incidents of

Sati taking place in his empire but he gives other reasons of such outrageous act.

liP of}~~ of}(;)f,!'Y..::.--};1~ (;)tJf ...:.v-1 (:i (;)f,~C)~.JJ,

(41 )');;y(.)f)J}(;)L7; f( ;,(;),J{ (./.Y't

The emperor gives a few instance of Sati, one committed by the wives of one

of his Hindu nobles., He mentions that the wives and concubines of Raja Bhao

Singh, one ofhis nobles, burnt themselves in the fire of fidelity after his death.

( 42)'~r(Raja Bhao Singh),fu t;,ifr ,));;:! ~,(;);" These narrations only reflect the status of women belonging to the higher

classes. There is almost no information about women belonging to the lower classes.

Probably they enjoyed more freedom. They frequented bazaars and meadows

without any restriction and might also have interacted with the opposite gender,

while working in the fields or while traversing the lanes and bylanes of towns to sell

their agricultural or handicraft products.

41 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 67

42 ibid, p. 337

114

RELIGIOUS BELIEF & PRACTICES: The imperial memoirs of Jahangir

occupy a noteworthy place also as a source for the study of religious beliefs and

practices prevalent in his ~mpire. The account gives significant information about

the theory of reincarnation in Hindu religion, religious belief of Jainas, customs and

practices of ascetics and Muslim sufis, Hindu pilgrimage centres and also passing

reference to Sikkhism.

Like his edictic father, Jahangir also enjoyed the comapany of the learned

and of pious and virtuous men of every description. He engaged himself in

philosophical discussions with Hindu scholars, Muslim theologians and Christian

missionaries, but he never got carreid away by the arguments and emotional appeal

of any one of them. A mcdern day historian even says, "it is difficult to define

clearly Jahangir's religious belief''.(43) Another historian observes, " ...... some

looked upon him(Jahangir) as an atheist, or an eclectic, pantheist or a devout ·-~ :.»

Muslim, while others thought that he believed in Christian gospel. There were yet

others who considered him to be a mocker of all religions after the fashion of

voltarine".(44) But it is striking to note that the imperial narrative is characterised

by its emphasis on divine ordination. The Memoirs itself start with the name of

Allah and while recalling the events leading to his birth he says.

43 A.L. Srivastava. The Mughal Empir, Agra, 1969, p. 287

44 Prasad Ishwari, A short histmy of Muslim mle in JnJia, AllahahaJ. 1912, p. J75

115

C4s)'~j_,r,r..,~r)'(;ry~rl:l~-:>JYAfv'.:..--tL!,Ib!::t;/;J7

At another place he writes that without the slightest effort of human skill,.

God almighty placed the empire ofHindustan at his disposal. Therefore the reality is

that Jahangir had firm believe in the one and only alimghty Allah and was

unaffected by the doctrines of any other religion, cult or heterodox sect. Therefore

just as he loved to hold discussions with Mian Mir, the famous Muslim saint of

Lahore, so also he was fond of the company of the celebrated Vaishnava ascetic

Jadrup Gosain of Ujjain. The emperor seems to be highly impressed by the ascetic

and says that he had thoroughly mastered the science ofVedanta which is the

science of Sufism.

( 46)'~ .... · ... e~;_,~} ~~._;~( JfJ~~~("

It was this ascetic who told Jahangir about the four stages(Ashramas) of life

which the Brahamin has to follow. The emperor gives detailed information about

this system in his Memoirs. According to this system, a child born in a Brahamin

family is called Brahamin only when he attains the age of eight years and undergoes

the initiation ceremony. At this ceremony a chord of religious significance is put

around his right shoulder. After the initiation ceremony the child is handed over to a

learned Brahamin who imparts Vedic knov:ledge to him. The child remains there for

next twelve years. This stage is called Brahamcharya. After completing this stage he

45 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 1

46 ibid, p. 176

116

comes back home and tries the nuptial knot with a maiden of his caste and starts

married life. This stage is called Grihastha. When his son attains the age of sixteen

years, the time of parting away comes, he retires to a place of solitude preferably in

forest. It is called Banprastha. After twelve years he comes back home and closes

the road to his heart and desires and knows no one except the "True Cause of

Being". The emperor mentions that this stage is called Sarhiyas. ( 47)

In subsequent pages Jahangir praises the ascetic for his knowledge and also

his frugal style of life in the following words-

JfJfpJfJ~f.J.k:0...~rJA..::.-_JjJJ ~ (!)_,.,. j..:Yt/~j"=""JthJ."

;~~J~j~J:)~); lP!.!LJ(~.;/.~ ~z;v JIJ1.::..-tzLJ ;tJJJ6

There were other learned men from Hindu community with whom Jahangir

often conversed and debated about their belief system. The emperor mentions in his

Memoirs about the theory of incarnation of God in Hinduism. But he does not seem

to be convinced by this theory and told the.pundits about the futility of this belief in

these words.

· J~~)!....;L1 £~).JJ..::..r,~Crv#.:.:u...~.1u)l.'r~:,!>J ~ Jl"

{f.;tJ_f.f~~fJ,J;.JIJ(JJJ~~~fJ..::..rfJJJ/J" "":"'~AJ'iJ.h.:J1

~.J)..::.v', usL;.)~y JIJ.;;~~).r. J;J/JJ}~ ~,.....::.v-,..::.-~

47 Sarbiyasi means distribution of every thing, The real krm ror the I<Hnih st:1ge is Sannyas ' . I

Ashram

48 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 280

117

..::,~fJ!/ )i,~~ £~Jd.. ~J..:.v-'f{)'JL. ... ..::.-fJ?. y' _;v.IJJ.h.:J1(~'

ci 1,\:[J/.JJ,.Jif ),.;..:.v-'.JJr-( ..::.-.JY"\:[.JJ..:.v-'fj,..::,~)f ~

~Ji.J~..:.v-'fj~jf-1-Jh:JU(;JLJ/ _i:,;ff fo"' ..::.-Lfh..::.-1 j(;)~l,..,

(49)':tf

The emperor wirtes that after arguments and counter arguments the Hindu

scholars acknowledged a God of Gods, devoid of a form and said that they give him

a form and worship these ten forms because their imagination fails to conceive a

formless personality.

The Tuzuk is also enriched with the account of ditTerent places and towns

considered sacred by the followers of Hindu religion. In the course of narration

about the religious places Jahangir also mentions about temples and the deities

0

associated with these temples. During his visit to Ajmer, the emperor had gone to

the Pushkar lake. He says that it is one of the established praying-places of Hindus.

(so)'~1

He further mentions that there are many temples around the lake which are

called 'Deohara'(Sl) by the Hindus( 52) and they believe that the tank is bottomless

but the emperor ordered for an enquiry and it appeared that it was nowhere deeper

than twelve cubits. In the evleventh year of his reign in 1617 A.D., the emperor

49 ibid, p. 14

50 ibid. p. 124

51 In other Hindu religious text the tenn 'Deohara' is used l(u· temples. which means house of goJ.

52 The text mentions Kuffar (infidels)

118

visited the city of Ujjain and says that it is one of the most celebrated cities in the

subah of Malwa. the emperor further writes that it is one of the seven established

places of worship of Hindus situated at the bank of the river Sipra. He records one

strange belief of the Hindus assoceated with this river in the following words.

t,JLJ.JJJJJ(,)_i~.JJ\:.['1'"':"'1-=:JJ£.,.1~ JL.--.1Jf ~t)IJPJlVI"

~Jl;/jJ~~~(-'JI..t.JI.YIL,_,J..l.gl ~ I.J~IJ!I t~'-'J(-'Ih% )IJ

~f.tJbUI/C)~JpJI}.(t.Y-..!JbJ_,J~I~/.J!J.~...J.;I,I.tJi.

~.JJt)IJff-''"':"'1~C)1.JJfJJ/{~Jb.;,; _i'"':"'ll:[l if' I:[Uij;J.J

1:.['1~ ~ JJ}~Icf'~LI ... Jb.;,; _i{,lPi1...J,)L,_,~.tJi.~IJ..t.

(53)''iJIP~I.1J

Another holy place of the Hindus mentioned by J ahangir is Brindaban,

situated near Mathura. He writes that Rajput nobles had built many temples in this

place. These temples are adorned with intense ornamentation on the outside walls

but inside bats and owls had rriade their abode due to which bad smell emanates and

therefore it is tough to breathe inside.(54)

Haridwar is another city about which the emperor mentions in his Tuzuk as a ·

place of religious importance.

(!PI:[ .JJC)'V,.:/ j,C) 1/'..t. JIU-'k--1 J..::.v-'~JP.J J'".J:Ir ?JI.JIJJ/'"

css). .... :~vJJ""ub:cJ.!fl:l)~r~)Y0f.?'-tl~~r

53 ibid, p. 175

54 ibid, p. 279

55 ibid, p. 337

119

Even modern day Haridwar is also a place of retirement for elderly brahmins.

Many religious Hindus who give up all worldly pleasures in their youth, chose a

corner of retierment in this place.

The temple of goddess Durga at a place called Bhawan in the vicinity of

Kangra also finds place in the Memoirs of Jahangir. The emperor visited this place

while he was campaigning in Kangra. Though it is not an important place of

pilgrimage, yet the story associated with the temple deity sounded interesting to the

emperor. It is remarkable to note that apart from Hindus, Muslims also came to the

temple with their offerings.(56) The popular story associated with this temple

which is recorded in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri is described in following words.

J.:.;A7 ./1JIJ..:..rl(sulfur)J.//C) 1(0_a~U:~/(;(1JDJ/r ,;~ -..(J-J"

..::,. .::.;LI./;1 £ ,.tl ~Jlf(t? VI?. 1;1.Aft) uY- J7r;.--5 J:c­

Jit)w~J/..:,.}u Y./l;iJlttJJtJ~fk/tJ,_v, .... ~.HJ;I}

I,)J} ~I;JI,_;, iJJJlfcJlf. ;_y~J.f J,~I;JI~J _/..::.IJJ~f~~~~

;Jtj,;zr_l'.::.:f..J,)(;I,dJlP,I~;..::. ;f~:~.../,J..4.U~kb./

f ~cJ~ ~b..::/7,.::.; /1;lf1,;zr/..::/l/,..:;;,t})fj)JJV1tJif

, ;I,) I./ ~tJ'.P>t(- I; ~IJVI(lP--1:/._;J..:..rl;-....!'} .f)tJ~~~

Cs7)"AJ

The other religion which the emperor finds worth mentioning due to its

peculiarities, is that of Jains. During his campaign in Gujrat Jahngir came to know

56 ibid, p. 340

57 ibid, p. 341

120

about a group of people called Sewra who practised Jaina religion. In fact Abu! Fazl

mentions Jains as Siurha and gives some vital information abouttheir ideolof:,ry and

understanding of cosmology. He writes that he issued an order in Gujrat that all the

Jaina(Sewra) temples be closed and the Jaina saints to be expelled from his empire

because of moral reasons: wives and daughters of devotees visited the Jains saint at

the temple and these temples and their other places of abode were centres of

sedition.(58) But whether this order was executed or not is not fully confirmed

because we also have inscriptional evidence from Gujrat supported by Jains sources,

which suggest that during this period. Jahangir continued to have good relations

with Jaina saints and also gave liberal grants for the construction oftemples.(59)

Just like that of Jainism we can also accrue some information about

Sikkhism from the Memoirs. In his Memoirs Jahangir notes that "at Govindval, a

place at the bank of river Beas, Guru Arjun posing as a religious guide and

instructor had enrolled a large number of Hindu and Muslim followers who called

him Guru and expressed their absolute faith in him". Derenncing the followers of

Gum as "fools and fraud believer," Jahangir declares that-

J"t.f.7.D I.;JI~dv~~..J).J.'I.JJ~C)(,J~If ~ ..1.(--)lr.~.A."

(60Yw1.JJ~~.JJ(LVI

From the Memoirs it is clear that Jahangir did not take any action against the

58 ibid, p. 438

59 Chandra Satish, Medieval India, Part 2, p. 251

60 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri; p. 34

121

common followers of Sikkhism but only against Guru Adun on the charge that he

had blessed the rebellious Khusraow by putting a tika on his forehead and also

extended financial suppport to him. He was summoned and ordered to be put to

death. As this incident occured barely after six months of Jahangir's succesion, this

appears to be and attempt on Jahangir's part of trying to please the orthodox section

of the nobility, so that he could be able to consolidate his position. Apart from this

he gives no information about the ideology, philosophy and religious practices and

rituals of Sikkhism. Only one remarkable thing· which is mentioned is that people

accross religious belief flocked to him and payed respect to him.

Till now the ideology and rituals of religions other than Islam as recorded by

Jahangir, have been discussed. In the forthcoming pages his observations about

Islam, will be discussed. Though the emperor fails to give complete and systematic

information on this topic, an attempt is being made to draw an outline of the ·-· ·: .. ;b

prevalent Islamic ideas on the basis of available inform.ation. Because the emperor

has taken much interest in sufism and recorded their philosophy and teachings at

length in'his Memoirs, it seems that different silsilahs(sects) of Sufism were quite

active during those days.

The emperor seems to be quite generous in showering unlimited praise for

the extraordinary and supernatural qualities of sufi saint Sheikh Muinuddin Chishti

and Sheikh Salim Chishti, the latter was also spiritual patron of the Mughals during

the reign of Akbar and Jahangir. It was the reason that both Akbar and Jahangir

122

were ardent supporters of Chishti silsilah of Sufis. The Chishti saints believed in the

theory of "unity of being" (Wahadat-ul-Wajud) which to some extent is similar to

vedantic monotheism and therefore Jahangir seems to have confused the vedantict

teaching of Hindu saint Jadrup Gosain with that of sufism.

(6l)'~~).JJ'-:""}~~..J~(ft.J..::-!I~(~JIJ)IJ(;"

Due to his deep interest in monotheism, Jahangir sought the company of

Mian Mir, the famous Qadirya Sufi of Lahore. Another sufi saint about whom

Jahangir mentions in his Memoirs was Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi. Jahangir mentions

that the Sheikh was an "imposter" and indulged in "decieving" people, therefore he

punished him. The emperor writes in his memoirs.

o~J)v,JvJJ.JJ(b.t /.JJUJ~(t.KI Cf ~.1J/- (k'd.>/'

I.JJ}dl~/ )1£ U.JkJjlS/'/.JoJh} ~~J ~CJI;:--{_I'U:JIU.J\r.

oJli( t..;JP .tb /..:f; dlk)II.Jlf.-)(J /JJ).::,;, /JJI/fd (J ~~f

OJ.J(t J~~).JJf (1)~C( ~}J}dca:;~df~_/.f Jui_7 -0)1,;--)

( .. )Y.tJ/..J.tJJftf~ ~J.u.v~L.APL..!~u-? ...£.d1.J)J

,-;.I'JfJ.;...-'-5..::/J t¥.'(11~ .tJv ?~cE1~c~o(;~ f(JY)

~J}J.JJj"'~~JbJJ}(~ ~JJ_,/dLv..:..JIPJr '-:""I.Y. (~{

t-~~v/.'-:""J'd'.thJ~lSJ.vf(~)i:L''.J) ~~J~ [.;~-~ JZU:

(62)'~;);d(I!J.J;J)! {cr:0l5.J)JL?1,(;,f?J~.J;

But the reality is something else. Sheikh was a follower of Naqshbandi

61 ibid, p. 176

62 ibid, p. 273

123

Silsilah of sufis(63) and believed in the philosophy of 'unity of

witness'(Wahdat-ul-Shahood). He had antagonised the emperor by denouncing the .•

conceptof 'unity of being' (Wahdat-ul-Wajood) due to which the emperor ordered

for his imprisonment. The Sheikh was later released in the fifteenth year of

Jahangir's reign. From these scattered informations about religious beliefs and ideas

practised durint those days, it can be easily inferred that sectarian differences and ---religious conflictprevaile~ in the society.

Apart from the different sufi ideology and traditions prevalent in those days

Jahangir also writes about the Islamisation and religious and cultural exclusiveness

of Kashmir. The emperor writes that Kashmir was illuminated with Islam in 712

A.H. (1312-13 A.D) and since then thirty two Muslim rulers reigned over it for 282

years. It was conquered in A.H. 994 (1556 A.D) by his father Akbar the great. From

that date till the time of recording these events in the 1itzuk, being a period of thirty

years, Kashmir has been in the possession of Mughals. About its religious

composition the Memoirs say that most of the merchants and artificers of this region

are followers ofSunni sect oflslam,. while the soldiers are lmamiya Shiyas. Another

sect which is mentioned here but detailed information of which is not available in

the Tuzuk is that of the Nur Bakshis. Perhaps they were the followers of the sufi

saint Sheikh Nuruddin Wali.(64) Another silsilah of sufis present in Kashmir is the

· Rishi Silsilah. Jahangir refers to them as y; ~U, (group of faqir or aim seekers). He

63 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Eng Tr, Alexender Roger, p. 92(fn)

64 ihid, p. 149(f.n) vol II

124

does not mention them as Muslim,(65) he simply writes that they do not have any

sort of religious knowledge or learning and praised them for their simplicity-

J~v~ --:J-.tAt d?"J~~-/u::.IJ:..~t, ~If .t-~~ ~u,"

-.t~IJDt.f~u~J~,;~v-~1 J~~~ ~k.xJ,~r/'u;

(-'/f.::.:!djPIJ:Jt:'~_,~IJD,;d~-'/r;JflJ~;J.t~}J~/

DJi. DJ/ d.:' )I v:I;/'JJ '-:"'; .t;( J /. & ~~ Jb} j .tY ~J/. ~~)I

(66)'~~

The most remarkable thing mentioned about Kashmir is the religio-cultural

assimilation of Kahsmiri people. It says that Brahmanas live there since old days.

From their outlook one cannot distinguish them from Kashmiri Muslims. They

speak in Kashmiri language but their religious books were in sanskrit language.

They worshipped idols and visit the lofty temples in which their idols are placed.

These temples were built before the manifestation of Islam in the region. During

those days Kashmir experienced considerable religio-cultural assimilation, and

unlike Jains(Sewra) and Sikhs , these people do not seem to have 11offended11 the

emperor. Thus if at one side religious and sectarian differences prevailed in India,

on the other and such differences were giving genesis to new ideas which were

composite in nature and gradually evolved into Indo-Islamic culture.

65 Some text mention them as Brahmin(Ain-i-Akbari);Thc Rishi were Muhanm1adans,Baba

Zainuddin Risi was a follower of this silsilah, Henry Bcveridge,Tuzuk-i- .Jahangir, Eng Tr.

Alexander Rogers~ Delh,:, 1989, Pg. l49(II) fn; Coloncll Newall's paper on the Rishis of

Kashmir, A.S.B.J, 1870, p.265

66 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 302

125

CUSTOM & TRADIITON: It is a practice or a way of doing things that has \

been handed down from one generation to the next. It Is followed at two levels in

the society, one at domestic level, i.e. within the confines of house and the other at

community level.

Celebration of festivals whether of religious importance or of some other

social importance, specific to certain regions can be placed in the category of

community level custom and tradition. The Tuzuk gives vital information about

such celebrations. Religious festival like Rakshabandhan,Dussehra, Holi, Diwali,

Navratri, Shab-i-barat and Nauroz are mentioned so many times in the Tuzuk.

Jahangir writes that on the occasion of Dussehra royal horses and elephants were

richly decorated and brought before him. A unique custom prevalent in Kashmir· is

also mentioned in the Memoirs. Kashmiris have been practising this custom since

ancient times. Every year 0n a fixed date, each one irrespective of his economic \

status, having a house on the bank of the river Jhelum, light lamps along its bank.

The Kashmiris(Brahmins) believed that on this particular day the fountain head of

the Jhehim started to flow. This festival was called "Veth tarwah". V~th means

Jhelum in Kashmiri language and "tarwah" me~ns thirteen, as they light lamps on

the 13th of shawwal month.(67) It is curious to note that this festival was chiefly

celebrated by the Kashmiri Brahmins, but the date of the festival reckoned according

to Islamic calender.

67 . Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 316; veth the Kashmiri name fix .lhdum might had come fi·om Vitasta,

the ancient name of Jhelum mentioned in Rig Veda.

126

Another remarkable custom specific to a place called Rajouri in Kashmir

region, is mentioned in the Tuzuk. It says that the people of this place had accepted

Islam during the reign of Sultan Firuz but they still practised some ancient Indian

customs due to their ignorance. One of the customs was, that just like Hindu

widows who are burnt alongwith their dead husband, Muslim widows were also put

into the grave alongwith their dead husbands.(68) Another bizarre practice was that,

when a daughter was born in a poor family, they put her to death.(69) But one

remarkable thing about the people of this place mentioned by Jhangir is that both

Hindus and Muslims married with each other.(70) Jahangir says that he issued an

order to stop the social evils and even the inter-religion marriage, prevalent in that

regwn.

The most conspicuous customs at domestic level were naturally related to the

family set up, various stages of growth in the life of a person, namely birth,

adolescence, puberty, marriage and death. The Memoirs are silent about the family

set up of common people of India but at one place it mentions about the life of a

Brahmin being divided into four stages which has already been discussed in

prevwus pages.

It is well known that the dead bodies are disposed of either by burial or by

cremation, depending upon the religious affiliation ofthe person, but we do not find

68 ibid, p. 317; Sati not practised by burning but by buming, M.M.Elliot, History of India(VI),

Pg.376

69 ibid,p. 317

70 ibid,

127

any information from the Tuzuk on this matter. It only mentions that widow of dead

also used to burn themselves on the pyre of their dead husband. Interestingly Abu!

Fazl mentions five categories of Sati practice.(71)

DRESS & CLOTHING: In matters of dressing there has never been uniformity

among the various social and religious groups of Hindustan. Sense of dressing is

-also influenced by local needs and climate factors. While going through the four

· stages of a Brahmins life as mentioned in the Tuzuk we come across the description

of dress to be worn by Brahmin, while forming his duties associated with each stage

of life.

During the brahamcharya period he wears only a loin cloth, enough to cover

his modesty and two or three yards(gaz) of another piece of cotton which he throws

over his back, he has nothing else.(72) Some ascetics also used to wear same type

of cloth. About Jadrup Gosain, he says that he was quite naked with the exception of

a piece of rag that he has in front and behind.(73) It is obvious that this type of

dress code was not followed by the sundry, it was limited only to those who gave up

all the worldly things in pursuit of knowledge and salvation.

From the above discussion it is quite clear that the Memoirs do not give

systematic and satisfactory information about the dress and clothing of commom

71 ibid,p. 176-177

72 ibid, p. 171

73 ibid, p. 89

128

Indians. But while the emperor was on his second visit to Kashmir he observed

minutely the culture and tradition ofKashmiris and recorded them in his Memoirs.

About their attire he says that woollen clothes in Kashmir were well known. Men

and women wore a woollen tunic(kurta), and called it 'pattu'. The Kashmiris

believed that if they did not put on a tunic, the air affected them, due to which it

became impossible for them to digest their food. The men of Kahsmir shaved their

head and put on a round tarban, and the common women did not wear clean clothes.

They used a tunic for three or four years, which they brought unwashed from the

weaver's house and sew it into a tunic and it was not washed till fell to pieces. They

wore the tunic long and ample as far as the head and falling down to the feet and

also wear a belt . (7 4)

Barring these sporadic narrations about the dressing style, the Tuzuk is

devoid of detailed narrations about it. The reason could be that Jahangir being

already settled in India did not find anything exceptional, in the dressing style of

Indians. But he must have found uniqueness in the dressing style of Kahsmiris,

Brahmins and ascetic which he mentioned in the Memoirs.

FOOD HABIT: The Tuzyk is full of details· about the culinary preparation at

the royal kitchen. Non-vegetarian dishes of various wild animals, fish and birds

hunted by the emperor or royal ladies like Noor Jahan, were often prepared in the

74 ibid, p. 301

129

royal kitchen. As far as eating habit of common people is concerned,· the Tuzuk

gives information only about Gujratis and Kashmiris. The food item peculiar to. the

Gujratis was 'khichri' which was prepared by mixing bajra with split peas and

boiling it together, they called this preparation by the name laziza. Jahangir ordered

the royal cook to prepare the same. Jahangir says that it was of good taste and suited

him, therefore he ordered that on the days of abstinence when he didn't take

Non-vegetarian food, he should be served this khichri.(75) About the eating habit of

Kashmiris he gives more detailed information. Rice is mentioned as the staple diet

of Kashmiris. They boiled and ate it when it got cooled down. They called it

batha.(76) It was unusual for them to take warm food. Vegetables were also boiled

and salt was added to them to give flavour and was eaten with hatha. ln order to

make the dishes more tasty they put walnut oil in them. They also used cow-oil or

Ghee (roghan-i-gau), which is prepared from butter. The ghee is added to the food

and called Sada-pak in Kaahmiri language. The wheat produced in Kashmir was of

inferior quality and it was not the custom to eat bread. A tailless sheep was also

found in Kashmir which the Kashmiris called handu. Its meat was eaten by them

and it tasted good. Birds like fowls, gees and ducks (murghahi) and fishes were

found there which were of inferior quality were cooked and eaten by them. Of

course, such description of the eating habit of Gujratis and Kashmiris was not that

of the affluent classes but reflect the economic condition of common people who

75 ibid, p. 207

76 ibid, p. 300

130

had to sustain their life on simple food, and lead a frugal life. Francisco Pelsaert also

mentioned that the staple food of common Indian was khlchri.(77)

LANGUAGE & LITERATURE: Persian and Sanskrit played important role

as vehicles of thought and governance during the medieval period. This period also

experienced the development of regional languages which was largly due to two

factors. Firstly, the bhakti saints in order to communicate with the rural masses and

to spread their thought to them used local vocabulary and dialects which gave rise to

well developed regional languages or vernaculars. Secondly, the local and regional

rulers, provincal govemers and nobles extended patronage to local scholars, poets

and philosophers who used local languages. Though we do not find any wide spread

use of Persian language during the initial years of Mughal rule, but by th~ time of

Akbar, knowledge of Persian had become so wide spread that he ordered to record

revenue transactions in Persian also. Earlier only Hindawi language was used for the

purpose.

But the Tuzuk does not give any important information about the languages

spoken in different parts of India. Apart from one or two vague references, the

Tuzuk is devoid of any information in this regard. At one place while referring to

the Magha tribes of north eastern India, the emperor mentions that they spoke

Tibetan language.

77 The Remonstrantie (Jahangir's India), p. 68

131

;tlf~ JJ ...::/J IJ.lP>JJJ~j)~..J,1Ji.J}j_.; ~J~ j)f~~(IY'A"

-:!JL).r1J.l:J!;21l)~JY: ..... ..::,.1"'1 ~JIJ f .. ~;.l:)(;21ftj,..C(J/

( ?s)');L JJ'_;;Ivi.$..::,.1"'1J~!;2'l:.IVL'..::,.I"''

Obiviously, it is incorrect to say that the Magha people speak Tibetan

language .but both the languages belong to the same group. 1t is possible that due to

similarity in the pronounciation of these languages, the emperor got confused the

Magha language with Tibetan. Apart from this, numerous references are made about

Hindi language but not about its different dialects, spoken in different parts of

northern India.

~/.I) L)JL JUP..::.-LJJ ..:,.~"'IJ()JJ l)lP>JJt Jlfl) )1}~)).> J;"

~v--:..v'-ftr-JyJJ)Jl:)~..vr"-:"up.~rJ;lflfl),JJ'...£,;;;,~

·~_,?.,)~f)JJ}lf_;;a.

From this passage and numerous other examples it is also clear that Hindi

and Persian both languages flourished during those days. Poets and eminent singers

were well versed in both the languages and could compose couplets or sing with

equal ease. Faizi, Bairamkhan and Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khana were the leading

poets with mastery over both the languages. Though Jahangir's empire encompassed

entire north India, but no worth noticing reference is made about various dialects of

Hindi languages or other north western Indian languages like Bengali, Kashmiri,

Dogri, Punjabi or Gujrati. Though the emperor does not mention any masterpiece in

78 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, ed.Sayyid Ahmad. p. 115

132

Indian languages, yet he mentions about the specific use of certain terms as allegory

and simili in Indian leterature. Allegory and simili are inalienable part of poetry in

any language of the world, in the same manner their use is very common in Persian

poetry since its very evolution.But Jahangir seems to have taken special note of the

use of such style of poetics in Hindi poetry. In this regard he mentions the use of

such terms typical to Indian literatures and the reason behind it.

e/-t.:)JJ}J.j~iJ v/iif/. ~~_kt)yff)tpJt,.J;h--JK)"

,.r;p:e,,~j~')'J(.fl),J-1-(J)_,i;J;()~J/'t.:/..'cJk'"J)f

;t~( j)/J';)j}~.t k:/ t.:)tJ)t)_,Pf ~( VJJ)X/ J;f J . u~ -::.v'vl~tJ.:ty;JJ,eh--JiJ0~,k;t,-?u1/.t.:Jk'" ;1 ~

,.V. )f.tfe..? (' ~JJJ~~lUeJ_,JA~IJif~ YcJ~f)tp

JfJ(fC)}J..if~JJ,jeJJ.J}C)LJ~~~J{..:/~JJf..:.-)L(~~

/.J J? tf ~,),, t.:)J /(?, ":-'e;r ')'?. u,j ~;, i j) # J.t

,fq.,j"':-'/.?'".1(?->f~u~j)JD)')-:ft.:)'cJk'" ;ff)_,PfcJ_ . .r ·

(79Y~).~~,;_,P[n~j)J?

Therefore it seems that reference to language and literature is very limited

and the Tuzuk fails to give a clear picture of Indian languages and leterature

produced during that period. Language being primary identity of human being

should have given proper place in the narrative.

79 ibid, p. 206

FINE ARTS: Architecture, Painting & Music: Fine arts is the prduct of creative

thinking of human mind. Whenever man gets leisure time from his busy life

schedule, he tries to produce some artistic masterpiece either in the form of painting,

music or architecture. Earlier in ancient and medieval period when women were

engaged in only household activities, the younger ones or the unmarried females

tried to excel in painting, music, dance etc. but with the passage of time fine arts

came to be associated with economic condition of a particular society or civilization.

Societies, civilization or nationalities with sound and flourishing economy utilise

their wealth in creating remarkable artistic masterpiece. In earlier times artists got

patronage from royal house, nobility and other rich classes. Therefore India which

had flourishing economy since ancient days also saw the development of fine arts to

the optimal level. In this regard the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri does give information about

achievements in this field.

Jahangir's Memoirs give valuable information about different temples,

mosques,forts, mausoleums, religions seminaries etc. The forts of Mandu Dhar,

Ranthambor and Fatehpur Sikri are the important one, which are mentio~ed in the

Tuzuk. The einperor has dealt in detail about the area occupied by these forts,

different types ofbuildings and the style ofthese buildings. Even the reason behind . (

nomenclature of some ofthese buildings is also mentioned.

About Mandu he says that it is one of the famous sarkars of the subah of

Malwa. The fort is situated on a hill top and consisted of a Jami mosque, tomb of

134

Khilji rulers, a pool called Nilkund and seven story building founded by Sultan

Mohammad Khalji called Haft Manzar. The Jami mosque was built of carved

stones, though it was built about 180 years ago it seemed that the architect had just

withdrawn its hand. The emperor praised the climate ofMandu in following words.

oJi.!/"J(:>~IkJJI.f'~}~ JIJ(:> J.tL~ f ..::r-:f(}v~ ~o.1~/'

UJ.J).J) ~ ~ 1;-!C".~)'"JlP>L ;1,..( r"JJ_..:.-L.--/. ~) ~~~

J ~~IJyJ(:> ~t;))J~~ f UY.lP>Jj.J.!~I}cJI~..J~~ ~(; (so)'~l(1ulA.·}J.~~JI,jju;a>);,;;;~~~Jt{L»t

Another fort town mentioned in the Tuzuk is Dhar. The emperor mentions

rightly that the exiting buildings were founded by Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq and

says that the fort town was devoid of good buildings and it is one of the oldest in

India where the famous Raja Bhoj ruled.(81) But he does not give satisfactory

information about the fort of Ranthambor, presently in Sawai Madhopur distriCt of

Rajasthan and simply mentions it to be one of the strongest forts of India. He writes

that the fort is situated atop a hill called 'Ran' and there is another hill nearby called

'Thambur' due to which it was named Ranthambor. But he does not give any detailed .

information about the buildings in the fort, only says that it is not wanting in space

and air and there is no better place in the whole fort. About the Sikri fort he writes,

it is deficient in water and the available water is unhygenic too.

80 ibid, p. 189

81 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 262

135

Apart from this he mentions in detail about the architecture of the moe.que

inside the fort and says that it has no compere in any other mosque of the entire

world. The other buildings of the fort city ·ofFatehpur mentioned in the Tuzuk is the

Mausoleum of Shiekh Salim Chishti. These two buildings are cited in the Memoirs

as the two best architectural specimens of Akbar1s period. But the emperor does not

mention a single word about other buildings like Birbal's house, Jodhabai's palace.

Panch Mahal etc. It seems that he was not so impressed by these buildings. On his

visit to Ahmadabad the emperor came acrosss. the famous Jami mosque built by

Sultan Ahmad the founder ofthe city. He has described the architectural style of the

mosque. The pillars of the portico are carved of red stone and there are total 3 54

pillars in its portico. The flooring, arches and the pulpit are made of marble. Like

typical mosque architecture it also has two three storied minarets. Interestingly this

mosque also contained separate enclosures for women.

The Tuzuk also mentions about some Hindu temple architectures situated

around Pushkar lake in Ajmer, temples in Vrindavan, Mathura and Haridwar and a

temple of goddess durga in Kangra. He fails to give information about the style of

architecture and only writes about the Vrindavan temples that these temples were

built by Rajput nobles, and are richly ornamented from outside, bats and ahahils (a

type of bird) had made thier abode inside.

82 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 262

136

But Jahangir does not give any information about the architectural style of

other Hindu and Jaina temples. About the Durga temple in Kangra he only explains

the mythical beliefbehind the construction.ofthis temple.

The achievements and developments in the field of painting is also dealt with

in the same manner as the architecture of that period. The emperor only writes about

the painters employed in the royal atelier and about the work produced therein. He

mentions that Ustad Mansur, who was given the title of Nadir-ul-asr (wonder of the

age) was ordered to paint a falcon. At another place in the Tuzuk Jahangir writes

compares zebra(i.J/)with a tiger and finding it rare species he got it captured and

send it a gift to Shah Abbas fo Perisa(84), hut interestingly he does not mention that

it was painted by Mansur.(85) He also mentions about his own excellence in the

field of painting.

)/.J'/.J(J~_,,.:;J((.:)IJt=--JI)J,.(..y_~I.)I(-JI_i~A(J;(~J_,_;~"

~~ J. Jf.J. ..::.-.rr C)~.J(f(. ~-'JAJ:J;_~/;, ift_fl ~ ~~ O.JJ

, .J(e_4.1'f ..:,;,1(rjitJ~~(.:)IJt:--_,r;rJ..'_~ reA.I'-'eA~/. ~

~r,.( (/; ~.J.,..JI.J)~~ e--t?u~r_~ J/.r _,~~-~~~ _~)J, _,~

83 ibid, p. 279

84 ibid, p. 327

85 M.A. Alai, & A. Rahman , Jahangir-The naturalist, National Institute of Science of India,

N.Delhi, 1968, plate-6, p. 34-35

1~7

Music which is another important branch of fine arts and mode of

entertainment has drawn the attention of mankind since time immemorial. It also

formed an important part of Hindu cultural and religious life as well. Prayers with

music are often offered in front of gods in different temples. 'Veena'(violin) and flute

are associated with goddess Saraswati and god Krishna respectively. But in Islam

music has been discouraged and is totally isolated from prayer. It was given

importance by some sufi Saints especially the Chishti Saint when they played music

liberally to sing songs in praise of prophet and the God almighty. Amir Khusroo, the

famous disciple of Chishti saint Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya is said to have invented

ragas like ghora, aiman and sanam. He is also credited with inventing musical

instruments like 'Tabla' and 'Setar'. Therefore, music was undergoing improvisation

and innovation during the Sultanate period which continued in the Mughal period

also. Tansen Kalawant, the great musician and singer of Mughal period adorned

Akbar's court. His. teacher Swami Haridas of Vrindavan who was a great Bhakti

saint played an important role in the development of north Indian music. Other

Bhakti saints 'who contributed in the growth of music in India were Namdeva,

Sankaradev, Vidyapti, Mira Bai, Dasopant Swami Haridas, Tulsidas etc. Though

except the first three all were Jahangir's contemporary, they do not find mention in

the Memoirs for their contribution to the growth of music. It is only Tansen who is

86 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 235

138

mentioned in the Tuzuk and that too only for his poetical talent.

Precisely we can say that the Tuzuk-i-.Jahangiri provides valuable

information about-the Indian society and culture during Mughal period, but it fails

to give a complete picture. In fact this book is like a travellogue written by the

emperor, during his more like expeditions and travels to various parts of his empire.

Whatever worth noticing came infront of his eyes, were recorded with the emperors

own analytical inputs. It gives more than satisfactory picture of social structure and

different religious belief and practices prevalent in India. The information about

country's economy and economic condition of people seems to be inadequate

because while it gives good information about the industrial and trading activities

the Memoirs are completely silent about agricultural activities which formed the

backbone of Mughal empire. But the information about other aspects of indian

socio-cultural life like dress and clothing, food habits, status of women, fine arts etc.

are rare. Thererfore, in a nutshell we can say that, though the 'l'uzuk cannot be

considered as a complete book for the study of socio-cultural life ofMughal period

or of Jahangir's period, yet it is a valuable source of information on this subject and . .

can be considered as an important text for the study of socio-cultural history of

Mughal II'dia.

139

(c)Comparision of Babur's Ideas About Indian Society and

Culture with that of Jahangir's

The Mughal age can boast of a galaxy of official and non-official historiographers

and Memoirs writers. Abu! Fazl, author of Akabr Nama, Abdul Hamid Lahori,

author of Padshah Namah; Inayat Khan, author of Shahjahan Nama; Mirza

Mohammad Kazim, author of Alamgir Namah are some of the popular official

historians of....._this period. Mirza Abdul Qadir Badayuni, author of

Muntakhab-ut-tawarikh; Khafi Khan, author of Muntakha-ul-lubab; Iswar Das

Nagor, author of Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri and host of others come in the category of

non-official historiographers of Mughal period. The important chroniclers of the

third category, i.e. Memoirs writers of the same period are Gulbadan Begum,

authoress of Humayun Namah and Mirza Haid_e,_r Daughlata author of

Tarikh-i-Rashidi. But strangely enough this golden epoch of historiography 0 .

produces no true historian who writes with veracity and impartiality. None of the

famous writers of history rises above the prejudices or the ideas of the age nor

displays discerning attitude in the critical appraisal of the actions and the policies of

his imperial master. Thus Abdul Hamid Lahori and Muhammad Saqi who are eye

witnesses of events in the reign of Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb can not afford to tell

140

the truth. Even Abul Fazl with his high regard for truth and correctness of

information remains an advocate and panegyrist of Akbar.· Not withstanding his

magnificent record of the reign of Akbar he fails to reach the level of a true

historian. Moreover most of these chroniclers concentrated mainly on the political

and military achievements of their patrons or the rulers of their realm, as the case

be.

In this manner nearly all medieval Indian historical texts are either disfigured by

panegyrics or by vindictive biases. Even when the author had no special reason for

flattery and for suppression of truth, he has been dazzled by the greatness of his

patron or the ruler of his country and give us a picture which no more reveals the

real king. But when monarchs like Babar and Jahangir give us chronicles the case is

different. They have no occasion for fear and favour and mercilessly expose their

own failings and also that of other contemporaneous rulers. It is this reason which

leads us to the proposition that the Babur Nama and .Jahangir Nama stand out

brilliantly on the threshold of history. If the basis of history is nothing but the

depiction and narration of incidents and other things in truthful manner, the faithful

and impartial narrative ofthe two emperors are true historical works. In accuracy of

observations and abundance of facts both of them have tried to surpass each other. A

detailed study of the two memoirs along with other chronicles of the time reveals

that, of all the real Mughals, Babar an_d Jahangir are the two royal autobiographers

and chroniclers who wield their pen and scepter with equal ease. Babur was a great

141

general who for a greater part of his life wandered in the rugged terrains of Central

Asia and fought many battles to regain his ancestral kingdom and thereby, tried to

carve out a niche for himself, but finally succeeded in founding an empire in India,

outside his native realm, which had its compeer in the Borboun empire of France.

As a great scholar of his native language, Chaghtai Turkish he wrote his delightful

Memoirs in this language in a vivid and charming style. Lane-Poole rightly says,

"His Memoirs are no rough soldier's chronicle of marches and counter marches

...... ; they contain the personal impressions and acute reflections of a cultivated

man of the world, well-read in Eastern literature, a close and curious observer, quick

in perception, a discerning judge of persons ...... (I)" The work excels in statistical

details, in graphic accounts of the countries he visited, like kabul, Farghana,

Samarqand and most importantly India, which is already discussed in the second

chapter. He also gives minute description of his countrymen and contemporaries -

their appearances, dress, manners, tastes;·babits and actions. The Tuzuk-i-Bahari is

justly reckoned as a "specimen of real history" and the royal auother is truly

regarded·as a historian of his own times. As Lane Poole observes: "The utter

frankness of self revelation, the unconscious portraiture of all his virtues and foJJies,

his obvious truthfulness and fine sense ofhumour, give the Memoirs an authority

which is equal to their charm"(2) Like his great Timurid ancestor and great

grandfather, Jahangir, too, shows a brilliant testimony to his artistic

Stanley Lane-Poole, Babur, (Rulers oflndia Se1ies), Delhi, I 957, p. I 2

2 Ibid, p. 13

142

accomplishments as to his impartial and unbia.Sed attitude and love of exact truth.

Like the other compilers of history in his days, he never calls "a shell by the name of

a ruby" or a gem a pebble. As Francis Gladwin observes: "He appears in general, to

have exposed his own follies and weaknesses with great candour and fidelity"(3)

Though many authors allege Jahangir of conspiring the killing of Sher Afghan, and

escaping from describing the incident in his Memoirs. But the entire incident is so

shrouded in mistry that nothing can he said about it with exactness and authenticity.

With disarming simplicity Jahangir speaks of his addiction to excessive drinking,

intemperate habits, his paroxysms of rage, barbarous punishi11ent to offenders and

enemies. But in the description of such matters he is unable to surpass his great

ancestor Babar. Though Babar also candidly confesses his drinking habit and

handing over his sister to Shaibani Khan as part of a treaty, favourable to the Uzbek

ruler. But most surprisingly he does not hesitate even in confessing his momentary

romantic and homosexual feelings for a young boy whom he saw in a camp market.

In the same manner both of them proudly and frankly boast of some of their

barbarous activities like erecting towers of the skulls of vanquished soldiers. Baburs

style of narration of incidents· and depiction of ambience of the royal court and

other places is simple and straight forward and he seems to have evaded pompous

and ostentatious claims. On the contrary Jahangir is sincere in his pompous

declarations of regal splendur and powers, his lavish favours to his faithful Ameers

3 Francis Gladwin, The History of .Tahangir, Madras, 1910, p. 15,1-1 :)5

143

and nobles. If on the one hand we come across in Bahur Nama of Babar's deep

affection for his elder sister Khanzada Begum, Jahangir also expresses in his

Memoirs his doting affection for his rebellious son Khusrow and his outburst of

deep anguish at loss of a dearly loved one like the lovely young son ofMirza

Rustam.

Both the royal autobiographies indeed, provide a fascinating study, As a true . .

portraiture of the reigns of their respective authors and the state of Mughal India,

they prove to be a veritable mine of information. As specimens of historical works,

both the Memoirs. Tuzuk-i-Bahuri and Tuzuk-i-jahangiri enhance their value by

giving due attention to chronology. The various episode and events which the

emperors record with meticulous care broadly follow a chronological order, though

some wide chronological gaps do occur in the former , which is the result of damage

to a large number of notes prepared by Babur, due to storm and fire. Both the

Memoirs begin with the year of accession of the respective authors. While the

Babur Nama begins with June 1494, and ends with a significant incident .of Babur's

arrival at Agra in 1529, the Jahangir Nama starts from 1605 and ends suddenly with

the narration' of incidents of the year 1622. While every incident in the

Tuzuk-i-Baburi is mentioned day by day? the account of .Jahangir contains few dates.

--Babur also gives due space to description of his father, his nobles and family

members but Jahangir surpasses him in giving detailed description of his ancestors

their family members and nobles. While Babur refers to his t~1ther by his name in the

144

Memoirs. Jahangir uses anO honorary title viz Arsh Ashyani, to refer to his father in

the Memoirs. He also makes numerous rfeerences to Akbar, like his bravery and

fateful encounter with Hemu, his capture of Chittor and expedition against

Burhanpur , suppression of rebellions, his state crafts and ideas of kingship, the

weighing of his vast treasure, his habit and appearances, his. last illness and death,

the type of which is missing in the Memoirs of Babar. In addition to his father,

Jahangir does not refer even to his other ancestors like Humayun and Babur, by their

names. He uses Sahib-i-qirani for Amir Timur , Firdaus makani for Babar and

Jannat Ashyani for Humayun. Therefore, it is evident that in comparison to Babur,

Jahangir showed much respect and reverence to his ancestors. The use of such

pompous titles suggest that, by the time of Jahangir the Mughal imperialism had

reached its zenith. Both the accouts are also interspersed with interesting side light.

The Babur Nama gives few such descriptions like Babur's assumption that how will

a Rhinoceros react if brought before an elephant and the expression of his romantic

feelings for a boy, but Jahangir records more information of this type, like the

description of the magical jugglery of the seven wonderful wizards of Bengal, the

amazing skill of Banker Noojum Thani , an influential Amir at the court, in the

bowman's art, the unrivalled musical skill ofUstad Mohammad Nae, the celebrated

piper of the age, the fantastic story of the Arabian merchant loosing his arm, the

fairy-tale origin of famous fortress of Mandu and sundry other events. The narrative

of Jahangir, unlike that ofBabur which is remarkably realistic and straight forward

145

·in putting the facts before the reader, overflows with an emotional panebryric with

devout outpourings to the Almighty, "the eternal designer" and the prophet, "the

most excellent of created beings ..... ". If the realistic narration brings Babur Nama at

par with standard historical chronicles, the overflowing panegyrics and invocation

of God's and prophet's name do not detract the .Jahangir Nama from its merit as a

true historical record which ends with the description of his delightful excursion to

the beautiful valley ofKahsmir.

Both the imperial authors do not limit their memoirs to the narration and

mere compilation of political and military achievements, they also give us a glimpse

into the social and economic conditions ofthe Mughallndia. By any means Jahangir

was not as remarkable a man as his great-grandfather, yet Jahangir's Memoirs are

not inferior to those of Babur. Indeed it can be said with authenticity that there is

twice as much matter in them as in Babur's Memoirs. In the same fashion, Jahangir

gives more information about Indian society and culture, than in comparison to his

great grandfather. ButJahangir's depiction of India is cursory and scattered over in

the text, ·more appropriately it can be said that it is descried as a part of the main

narrative pertaining to military and political incidents. On the other hand Babur

gives a very meagre information about Indian society and culture, yet these

informations are not scattered but recorded in a separate sub section titled.

"Description of Hindustan." Moreover the description of all aspects of Indian

society and culture varies widely in the two Memoirs.

146

While dealing with the prevailing economic condition of the country and its

people, Babar does not go in statistical and factual details. He very vaguely writes

that it is full of 'men and produce' and has 'masses of gold and silver', and Indian

people deal in trading and commerce, but does not give the source of these precious

metals or the type of merchandise exported or imported by the traders. Even he does

not give any factual information about agricultural products. except some fruits like

mango, date palm, etc. But it is praise worthy that he showed considerable interest

in understanding agricultural practice of Indians and gave graphic ~lcscription of

different agricultural devices used by Indian peasants. Moreover his remarks about

the Indian economic activity suggest that he tacitly admired resources and

availibility of immense manpower in Indian. On the other hand .lahangir describes in

detail about different economic and commercial towns of India and the related

activities in these towns, like he mentions Ahmadabad. Carnhay. Burhanpur, as the

important commercial centers of his empire. In order to liH.:ilitate ~IIH.I encourage

trading activities he even abolished many cessl~s and tolls and ensured security of

the mercantile traffic.on trade routes. He also mentions about· diflerent variety of

'/ 1 ' .. -

woolen shawls man~t;actured in Kashmir. But in the name of agricultural products I I . I

he writes only abo4'i the Saffron cultivation. While describing the economic

condition of people a~d country both the Memoirs concur with each other in one

aspect at least, i.e. both reflect the prevailing wide disparity among different

sections ofthe society. Some ofthe incidents do suggest thai. the lower dasscs were

147

the ultimate sufferers during the time of extremities but nothing concrete was done

to ·ameliorate their pathetic condition.

Secondly, both the memoirs also suggest that the Indian society was

composed of different religious economic ethnic and professional groups. In this

respect again Babur gives a very vague information about the caste system· in India

but interestingly he does not describe it as a characteristic ofHindu society. Which

is very clearly mentioned in the Jahnagir Nama. Moreover Jahangir gives the names

of the main four castes of Hindus, the duty assigned to them 'by the religion' and

also their respective festivals. In addition, some of the writings in the .Jahangir

Nama suggest the presence of a section of people considered to be untouchable and

outcaste. Therefore, in comparision to Babur Nama Jahangir's Memoirs gives

considerable information which is helpful in constructing some what clear picture of

Indian social structure. . .....

··-- ... Thirdly, the medieval India society was primarily male dominant and women

were not given any importance. Though Babur gives some information about the

royalladie·s, especially his maternal grand mother, elder sister Khanzada Begum and

his mother, but these ladies had nothing to do with the Indian set up and in the

Indian section of the Babur Nama, the emperor ceases to .mention about them. He

also evades from giving any information about the position of women in Indian

society. Though Jahangir too does not give any information about the common

Indian woman, he does not mention about the political power enjoyed by his

148

favorite wife Nur Jahan, who had made her own coterie among the nobles and other

members ofthe royal family, termed by historians as "Nur .lahan Junta". Therefore,

one cannot deny from the possibility of women reaching to influential position, with

the help oftheir activism and genius. But some refereces to "Sati system" also hints

that women were subservient to male and their security was guaranteed only in male

company, mainly husband after their marriage.

Fourthly regarding the prevailing religious belief and practices, Babur only

says that majority of Indians are pagan (kafir) who are called Hindu, and they

believe in the transmigration of souls. He does not write about other religions and

sects prevalent in India during his times like Jainism, Buddhism and Sikkhism the

last one had started to flourish around 1500 A.D. He even does not mention about

different Sufi and Bhakti movements of that period. But Jahangir's description of

different religions and sects is far more exhaustive than Babur's. He gives all sorts of

information related to Hinduism like Hindu caste system, Varnashrama system and

theory of incarnation of God in different forins.(4) His writings in the Memoirs

also suggest the prevalence and popularity ofSikkhism and Jainism hut due to some

social and political consideration Jahangir developed aversion for these religions

and project them in poor light. In similar fashion, he tries to projects Sufi saint

Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi as a heretic because the Sheikh was a follower of

Naqshbandi Silsilah which was not in agreement with the Chishti sufi ideolo!:,ry

followed and patronized by most of the Mughal rulers including Jahangir. In

4 Chapter II, f.n.- 27, Ch~;-ter III, f.n- 47-49

149

addition, he also gives information about Hindu customs practiced at local level. But

in matters of religion Babur seems to be more liberal than Jahangir. At no place in

his Memoirs the former shows any aversion against Hinduism or any other religious

ideology. Though Babur declared the war against Rana Sanga to be a Jihad, but it

was a military strategy adopted by Babur to boost the morale of his forces which had

already suffered defeat by the Rana's army near Bayana. Moreover the Rana's forces

was a confederation of many other powers including Afghans also. On the other

hand Jahangir shows aversion against some Hindu practices and terms Hinduism as

worthless religion (Jt~?)(6) and abhors its Varaha (boar) incarnation ofGod

by terming it as hideous image, and therefore ordered the boar idol to be broken and

thrown into the Pushkar lake near Ajmer (7). But it does not mean that Jahangir was

a religious bigot. Brought up in the eclectic environment of his father Akbar's court,

he devoted every Friday to the society of learned, pious and virtuous men of every

description. He engaged himself in philosophical discussion with the scholars and

preachers of all major religions, but he never adopted any of the rites or practices of

the Hindus, Christians or Zoroastrians. R.C. Majumdar writes that he "did not

remain satisfied with mere dogmas of any particular creed but was a deist" .(8)

Another scholar, Ishwari Prasad writes " .... yet others considered him to be a -~~ ...

"mocker of all religions after the fashion of Voltaire" .(9) The turth is that Jahangir

6 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p, 124

7 Ibid,

8 R.C. Majwndar, et al; An Advanced History of India, London, 194X, p. 470 .

9 lshwari Prasad, A short Histmy of Muslim male in India, Allahabad. I 'Jl'J. p. 375

150

sincerely believed in God and had high regards for learned men and scholars like

Jadrup Gosain (10). Some Hindu religious festivals like Diwali and Rakshabandhan

were also celebrated at the royal court.(ll) His Memoirs written with great

frankness, does not mention any incident of persecution of Hindus on religious

lines. Even other contemporary sources also suggest that he never imposed any

restriction on them for public celebration of religious festivals. In affairs of state

·also, the emperor was keen on ensuring the goodwill of his Hindu subjects and

·wisely followed his father's policy ofadmitting them to higher public services.

Therefore, if on the one hand Jahangir was responsible for the demolition of some

idols and temples, yet on the other hand he never persecuted and discriminated

among his subjects on communal basis, it will be proper to say that his attitude

towards other religious especially Hinduism was inconsistent one and has baffled

historians. But on the whole his religious policy was not discriminatory or fanaticaL

He looked primarily to the welfare of the state and his religious views were

subordinated to political expediency.

Jahangir also supersedes Babur in the description of Indian fine Arts. While

in the field of architecture, Babur gives the description of Chanderi fort complex

and temples of Gwalior town and criticises that there <ire no well laid and planned

gardens in India.(l2) Jahangir's memoirs are full of graphic description of Indian

10 Chapter III, p. ~ 76

11 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 131

12 BaburNama, p.191

151

secular architectural land marks. The fort complex of Mandu, Dhar, Ranthambor

Sikri, Jami mosque of Ahmadabad, temples of Haridwar, Mathura, Vrindavan,

Nagarkot and Ajmer are graphically described in it. But the Bahur Nama is

deficient in information regarding the development of painting and music, on the

other hand Jahangir boasts of his expertise in painting. Which suggests that the art

of painting was excelling during his times and due to the involvement of some

Persian artists in it, Iranian influence was visible in paintings. But like his great

grandfather Jahangir fails to give worth information about music, he writes only

about the poetic talent of Tansen, which is not sufficient to draw a picture of

development in the field of music. A little but important information about food

habit is available in the Jahangir Nama. Jah?-ngir mentions the method of

preparation of Khichri and an special rice item of Kashmir called Sada pak. But the

Babur Nama is completely silent about the culinary practice of Indians. It only . .

mentions about the taste of some fruits like Mango, Banana, Palmyra; Peacock .

flesh; and also about the taste of fish found in Indian rivers and lakes and about

some birds.

But both the Memoirs suffer from a common drawback they are dificient in

information about other important secular aspects oflndian society and culture, like

regional and domestic customs and traditions, dress and clothing and language and

literature etc.

In the name of secular custom and tradition Jahangir writes about a local Kashmiri

152

festival called "Veth tarwah" which was partially religious in character, because it

was celebrated mainly by Kashmiri Brahmins. The emperor also mentions about the

practice ofwidow burning (Sati) which he tried to stop but was unsuccessful. At a

place near Rajouri he observed another form ofSati practice, whereby the widow

was buried alive along with her dead husband in the grave. Infanticide was another

evil, prevalent in this region where poor people used to bury alive their new born

daughters. Though Jahangir mentions that he issued orders to stop these evils, but it

certainly indicates the continued male dominance in the society. The sati practice

was taking place due to the perpetual belief of subordination of wife to her husband

which rendered her, mentally insecure after her husband's death. The practice of girl

infanticide by poor people also indicates that, they were considered to be burdenby

the family members who preferred a male child, because they could help their father·

in earning livelihoods. Though girls could have been in manufacturing handicrafts

articles but~till the huge expenses incurred at the time of their marriage would have

discouraged the poor parents from having girl child. Jahangir realized that these

dreaded evils were practiced in some pockets oflndia by a limited number ofpeople

therefore he never generalized them for entire India.

On the other hand though Babur was unable to observe thes~ evil customs,

but he had indicted all Indians, for lack of social intercourse and good manners. He

was also surprised to note that in Bengal hereditary succession was rare and its

people were loyal to the post or throne only and not to the person, but it does not

153

mean that such things were not prevalent in Central Asia. Babur himself had to

wage battles against his uncles who were cautiously making attempts to capture his

kingdom and at one point of time his relatives had enthroned his younger brother

Jahangir Mirza at Farghana. Therefore it seems that in expressing his surprise over

the rarity of hereditary succession in Bengal and other customs and tradition. Babur

was carried away by some preconceived biases against India.

About dress and clothing of Indians both the Memoirs are silent, babur's . -

interesting description of Languta and Sari worn by Indian women is helpful in

constructing a picture of dress and clothing of different sections and communnities

of Indian populace. He might have found Languta and ,Sari unique therefore, he

m~ntioned them it in the Memoirs. But Jahangir gives a few important information

about dressing style of Kashmiri people. He tries to differentiate between the

dressing style of male and female and writes that they adopted distinct dressing style

due to climatic and weather compulsions.(l3) He also writes about the attire worn

by ascetics and alm seeker Brahmins, but it cannot be generalized for a large section

oflndian populace.

' It is well known fact that India is a multilingual country. Though Babur's ·

empire was limited to northern India only. Yet different languages were spoken in

his empire. Punjab, Haryana, northern Rajasthan, lower Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh and

Bihar which differed linguistically from each other formed part of his empire but

13 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 301

154

surprisingly this linguistic variation is not mentioned in any form in the Memoirs,

Jahangir's empire was much larger which included northern Deccani states, entire

Rajasthan, Gujrat, Bengal and Orissa, but like his great grandfather he also fails to

mention the linguistic diversity. Babar only mentions about wrong pronunciation of

certain alphabets.(14) by Indians while Jahangir expresses surprise and ignorance

over the different type of language spoken by Magha people of Pegu which was in

no way near to any of the Indian languages.

As far as volume of matter and information about Indian society and culture

is concerned Jahangir's Memoirs supersede the Memoirs of Babur. But the former

lags behind the latter in providing information about one important aspect of

society, i.e. scientific and technological advancement. Babur gives vital information

about method of irrigation practiced by Indians, he give a graphic description of

certain irrigation devices like Rahat and Dhenkli the former was improvised by the c

Turks by fitting additional wheel and gear system in it and termed itSaqiya.He also

writes about the system of time and weight measurement and about mode of

reckoning.{l5) More interesting is the graphic description of the device called

Ghariyal which was used for time measurement.(16) On the contraryJahangir's

Memoirs do not give any important information which could suggest that some sort

of technological advancement was taking place in India.

14 Chapter II, fn- 50&51.

IS Babur Nama, p. 207

16 ibid,

155

As far as Babur's and Jahangir's ideas about Indian society and culture are

concerned., it is worth noticing that the former does not give his opinion, positive or

negative about different religions especially Hinduism. But .lahangir seems to have

developed some sort of his own ideas about Hinduism. Popular Hinduism with its

doctrine of the incarnation of God appeared worthless( 17) to him. But when it

comes to other aspects especially the secular aspects of Indian .society, culture and

' flora and fauna, Babur is more severe in his criticism than Jahangir's criticism of

Hindu religion. Moreover, Jahangir seems to be is appreciative of the secular aspects

of Indian society and culture, flora and fauna and landscape. The memoirs of

Jahangir also reveal his great love for the land over which he ruled. He appreciated

the natural beauty ofKashmir(l8) and the favorable climate of Mandu. He writes.

w!~~..:.JUJJI.I'~}~;I()~J.tLJf...::..---!(,iP(~~.~Y".~J"

( 19)'~~

%ere Ishwari Prasad rightly remarks, "unlike his greatancestor Babur, he is

lover of Indian things, feels delight in Indian surroundings".(20) Indeed while

Jahangir feels a natural bond for the land of his birth, Babar feels himself 'an exile'

from his native country. As Lane Poole rightly observes " Though he (Babar)

conquered his new empire, he did not love it"(21). Dr. A.L. Srivastava says "he

17 ibid, p. 124.

18 ibid, p. 45-46

19 ibid, p. 189

20 Ishwari Prasad, A short History of Muslim Rule in lnJia, p. 211

21 Stanley Lane Poole, Medieval India Under Mohammadan ruks. l.undon. I <J(J1. p. 21 (i

156

looked it through a conquerors eye" .(22) Therefore, Babur finds Hindustan to be

uninteresting and monotonous, with few pleasures to recommend, its people ugly,

and unsociable, without genius, intellect, politeness, ingenuity or artistic sense. In

his Memoirs he observes, "Hindustan is a country of few charms ... there are no

good horses, no good dogs, no grapes, musk melons or first rate fruit, no ice or cold

water, no cooked food or good bread in bazaars, no hot baths, no colleges, no

candles, no torches or candlestick.(23) The only things that appealed him, are

described as follows, "Pleasant things ofHindustan are that it is a large country and

has masses of gold and silver. Its air in the rains is very fine".(24) Babur himself

says that he cherished a special liking for Kabul where he often longs to go back in

the midst of his stormy career in India. Even when in Hindustan, he never forgot the

melons of Farghana, the grapes and pomegranates of Kabul. Though he

acknowledges that mango is the best fruit of Hindus tan but he does not consider it

to be tastier than musk-melons.(25) On the other hand. his great grandson Jahangir

says, of all fruits he is most fond of mangoes.(26) Babur adoringly says that the

climate of Kabul is extremely delightful and there is no such place in the known

world. It is well known that after his death, his body first laid in. Arambagh in Agra,

was afterwards carried to Kabul in accordance with his wishes and there "it lies in

22 A.L. Srivastava, History of India, Agra, 1971, p. 33(i

23 Babur Nama, p. 204

24 ibid, p. 205

25 Babur Nama, p. 198-199.

26 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 3

157

peace in grave in the garden on the hill, surrounded by those he loved, by the

sweet-smelling flowers ofhis choice and the cool running stream".(27) In the midst

of such effusion of feeling for the homeland of Timurids it is a relief to find

Jahangir showing passionate admiration for the splendid places and the wonderous

beauties of nature in Hindustan. Beveridge aptly comments, "Babur's description of

India is meagre and splenetic. Jahangir on the other hand is a true Indian and dwells

diligently on the charm oflndian flowers, ... and avows that no fruit of Afghanistan

or Central Asia is equal to mango".(28) Thus the delightful valley of Kashmir with

its superb saffron meads is an ever enchanting land for the emperor. He loves to

spend the hot season in Kashmir which he calls "a garden of eternal spring, a

delightful flower bed".(29) Jahangir also shows great fondness for Lahore which

he describes 11as a noble city" embellished with lovely gardens and buildings.(30) It

is here that his last remains lie buried in a fine mausoleum at Shahdara on the banks

of river Ravi. The emperor speaks no less admiringly of the magpi.ficent cities of

Agra:, Gwalior and Mathura as "surprising all other cities in the world." He describes

Mathura ·as a celebrated sanctuary of Hindus and the city of Ujjain as one of the

most ancient in the whole territory of Hindustan. He also speaks highly of

Ahmadabad, the chief city of Gujrat, which with its gorgeous buildings must be

27 Stanley Lane- Poole, Babur, p. 200

28 Tuzuk-i-Jahngiri, Eng.Tr, Alexander Rogers, N. Delhi, I 'JX') pn:liu.:..:-:-;

29 Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, p. 299

30 ibid, p. 318

158

regarded among the most renowned city in Hindustan. A great lover of nature and a

worshipper of the beautiful, Jahangir is eloquent in describing the superb

"Bagh-e-gul afshan" (the rose diffusing garden) in his capital. It is interesting to note

that like Babur he also mentions various kinds of delicious fruits and scented

flowers planted in the famous rose garden by Babur himself. But nothing excels or

equals his love for Kashmir and J~hangir becomes rapturous in his description of the

enchanting beauties of nature in and around this "Happy valley". Indeed his ecstatic

delight in lovely flowers and foliage brooks and springs and in the scenic grandeur

of stately trees, valleys and mountains is almost unsurpassable. It would not be

wrong to say that, had emperor Jahangir been head of an Natural History Museum

. he would have been a better and happier man.

Therefore, if Jahangir's comment about India are attractive and lavish Babur's

comments are surprising and at the same time interesting. During the short period of

four years' rule iii India it was not possible for him to establish friendly contacts with

the upper strata of Indian society the Indo Muslim ruling elite, business men and

bankers, and the learned and well cultured caste Hindus who constituted the cream

of the society.' Lane-Poole makes a correct observation that, "Babur might have

modified his sweeping condemnation oflndians if he had lived longer in India and •

seen more of its people"(31) As a matter of fact during his short stay in India, it was

Babar who had come to like this country, the Indians had as yet no reason to be

31 Lane poole, Babar, Pg. 195

159

happy about the establishment of the Mughal rule, even after the death of Babur

Mughals were dubbed as foreigners by the Indians whether Hindus or Muslims who

fled their hearth and homes on the approach ofthe Mughal armies. That was one of

the reasons why Sher Khan could muster public support in his conflict with Babur's

successor Humayun.

160