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Chapter IV
Imperial Reluctance: State Initiatives
.. The Government of India has been so busy with the administration that it has not
had much time or attention for anything else. Public health has been allowed to
develop by itself or to stagnate, though every now and then immediate urgency or
twinges of conscience have resulted in spasmodic action. But the "ultimate
principles" of sound advance in public health have either not been studied, or they
have been mostly ignored and set aside. India has lacked an Edwin Chadwick or a
John Simon."1
In 1927 talking about the need for Public Health Policy in India an anonymous
author wrote the above lines in the Indian Medical gazette in 192 7. Public
Health policy in India was clearly not developed before 1920s and the impact
of Western medicine upon Indians' ideas, life-styles, and experiences were
very limited at least before 1914.2 The role of state in the organization of
public health was a modern concept introduced in India through the contacts
with the west. The comprehensive conception of what a community health
service should undertake has led to the development of modem health
administration, in which the State assumed almost the entire responsibility for
providing medical relief to the country and it alone had the power for
legislation. State was thus responsible for the establishment and maintenance of
the different organizations required for providing the community with health
protection on the wide basis. Though there were few private practitioners it was
beyond the capacity of individuals or of groups to take up the major task of
health administration of the entire population. Hospitals, dispensaries and other
adjuncts and the necessary personnel to run them were provided by state. The
early efforts of health administration were directed to the alleviation of
suffering and to the r~habilitation of the sick and the idea of prevention came
later. 3
I Anonymous Author, 'The Need for Public Health Policy in India', Indian Medical Ga::ette. Octobt"r 1927. p. 576. 2 David Arnold, Colonising the Body, OUP, New Delhi, 1993, p. 244. 3 Sir R.N. Chopra, ·organization of Public Health and Medical Services in India', Indian Medical Gazette, January 1941, p. 55.
126
For a long time there was no organised effort to introduce a public health
policy in India and the Public Health Department was primarily intended to
supervise and control the sanitary administration and devise measures to
prevent and control the diseases which often visited the towns and villages in
epidemics such as cholera, small pox, plague, malaria, dysentery etc. There
were no energetic advocates of public health laws in India like in England
where Sir Edwin Chadwick and Sir John Simon campaigned for better sanitary
measures. 4 The role of state in public health policy in India changed after
World War-I with the passing of Government oflndia Act of 1919.5 From 1919
the Public Health Departments, · both under the Central and Provincial
Governments, have been re-organised and schemes have been formulated to
tackle the Health problems. Health Department became not only an advisory
body to the Government but also for the self-governing bodies and other
institutions and it also extend its helping hands whenever such advice and help
was sought for. 6 During the same time period in the medical front the
administrative and technological limits of western medicine have become
apparent and there was a growing realisation that much of the ill-health of the
colonial world was almost intractably bound up with problems of poverty and
nutrition. There was a shift from curative to preventive medicine, from
epidemic diseases to endemic ill-health and under nourishment during inter war
period. Hmvever, the scale of problem revealed was too great for most colonial
administrators to contemplate tackling in any comprehensive way. 7
The role of state in the promotion of maternal health care system in India is
studied in this chapter. Some of the questions which will be addressed in this
chapter are as follows. What was the public health policy of India from 1920s?
4 Sir Edwin Chadwick (1800-1890) was the Secretary of Poor Law Commissioner and he propositioned that po\'erty and sickness were linked and to eradicate diseases it was necessary to eradicate poverty. He was the architect behind the enactment of the public health Act of 1848 and the acceptance of the principle that the state was responsible for the health of the people. Sir john Simon (1816-1904) was responsible m0re than any other for the sanitary reforms in England.
5 By 1921 India was a continent of 1,805,332 square miles, inhabited by 318,942.118 inhabitants, belonging to populations differing profoundly in race, language and culture as well as in habits and religion. 90 percent, of the total population - the 286,467,204 inhabitants who li\'e in the 685,665 villages of India. (Editorial, Indian Medical Journal, December 1931, p. 623)
6 Editorial, Indian .'dedical Journal, November 1931, p. 567.
7 David Arnold, Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, Manchester University Pres~. 1988, p. 2.
127
How was the administration of maternal health care system and what were the
devises of the state in this? How far state was able to succeed in its efforts and
what was the reach ofthe state provided medical relief to women in India? Was
the maternal health care system in India a benevolent gesture of the state? The
chapter first traces briefly the beginning of public health policy in India and
then studies the development of the medical administration from 1920. It traces
the development ofthe health organisation under the Government of India Acts
of 1919 and 1935 and how the central and provincial medical administration
was co-ordinated with the creation of Central Advisory Health Board. Focusing
on the theme of the present thesis the state sponsored maternal health
programme administered by Dufferin Fund i.e. Women's Medical Services is
studied. Besides this major scheme the functioning of the government
hospitals, dispensaries and meternal and child welfare centres (MCW) in
Punjab, United Provinces and Delhi are also analysed.
State and Public Health
"The state of health conditions of a country or a province depends largely on
the meteorological features, character of population, their occupation, mass
literacy, economic prosperity of the people and the extent to which organized
efforts are under taken by the Government and public institutions to mitigate
the human suffering."8 State has a major role in promotion of public health and
the British government in India tried to introduce public health schemes.
Western medicine came to India in the wake of colonialism and as early as
1664, hospitals· were opened by the East India Company for treatment of
servants of the Company. Ho'lpitals were provided for Indians towards the end
of eighteenth century. The first moffusil hospital was opened at Dacca in 1804
and by 1840 there were a dozen hospitals for Indians in various large towns
besides the presidencies.9 Under East India Company Public Health
Administration began with the creation of a Hospital Board in Bengal
presidency in 1786 for direct superintendence of military hospitals in the
8 Dr. Prakash Chandra, 'Public Health Conditions in U.P".lndian Medical Ga=ctte. December 1933, p. 725
9 John Megaw, 'Medicine and Public Health', in Sir Edward Blunt (ed.), Soci.:.-1 Sen·ice in India, London, 1938,pp. 184-85.
128
Presidency. In 1796 new medical boards were constituted in all the three
presidencies and they controlled all the medical affairs, both civil and military,
in the presidencies. 10 In 1858 with the transfer of power from East India
Company to the crown these medical boards were reorganised and a Director
General of Medical Department was appointed for each of the presidencies.
On the recommendation of the Royal Army Sanitary Commission of 1863 three
Sanitary Boards were appointed in 1864 for improving the sanitary conditions
of the towns and villages in the three presidencies. In 1867 Sanitary Inspector
Generals (afterwards re-designated as Sanitary Commissioners) were
appointed. All the sanitary works were handled by in the Public branch of
Ho!lle Department until a separate sanitary branch was created in 1868. In 1873
a separate medical branch was created in the Home Department to deai with all
medical affairs. In 1880 civil and military medical administration was
separated and all medical matters of Government of India (GOI) were placed
under a Surgeon General and in .1896 he was also designated as Dir~ctor
General, Indian Medical Services (DG, IMS) with the formation of Indian
Medical Services. In 1914 the office of the sanitarj commissioner with GOI
was amalgamated with that ofDG, IMS.
Public Department (I 764)
~ Home Department (I 843)
~ Education Department (19IO)
Education and Heath Department (I92I)
~ Education, Health and Lands Department (1923)
~ ~ ~ Education Department (I 945) Health Department (I 945) Agricultural Department (I 945)
~ Ministry of Health ( 1947)
10 TLe Hospital Board of 1786 consisted of the Physician General, the chief surgeon and the head surgeon. The Medical Board comprised the surgeon general, the physician general and the inspector of the hospitals.
129
Ministry of Health
Under Government of India Act 1919 reforms the Imperial and Provincial
Councils were to be enlarged and a new system of dyarchy was to be
introduced. As per the dyarchy the Viceroy would retain control of areas such
as Defence, Foreign Affairs and Communications and the Government
responsible for the Provincial Council would control Health and Education.
The former were the 'reserved list' whereas the latter 'transfered lists'. Medical
administration including hospitals, dispensaries and asylum and provision for
medical education, Public health and Sanitation and vital statistics became
provincial subjects. However matters connected with policy decision and co
ordination over these subjects remained with GOI and continued to be dealt in
the Home Department till these were transferred on 51h August 1921 to the
Education and Health Department. In 1923 this became the Department of
Education, Health and Lands and the 'Medical Branch' and 'Sanitary Branch'
were merged together in this. 11
The Government of India Act of 1935 confirmed the transfer of the
responsibility for local Medical and Public Health Administration to the
Provincial Government in 1919. Under the Reforms introduced by this Act the
distribution of health functions between the Centre and the Provinces has
remained practically unaltered. At the same time a larger measure of autonomy
has been granted to the Provinces than in the Government oflndia Act of 1919.
II By this the subjects of Medical branch i.e. administration ufCMS, Development of medical Science (including medical Colleges and Schools), Chemical examiners, civil lunatics and administration of lunatic asylums, Medical Regi.>tration Acts, Collection vital statistics, administration of pasture institute and Edward VII tuberculosis institute, along with subjects of Sanitary Branch i.e. Sanitary Commissioner, Sanitation and its improvements, sanitation in Haj pilgrimage control of malaria, plague etc., came under the Health Branch. In 1933, Local selfGovernm~nt Branch, which was dealing with functions like control of municipalities and Municipal local- bearers, the municipal Acts- framing and amendments, charitable and religious endowments, contributions from provincial to municipal funds and vice versa, loans received by municipal councils from Govt. or from other sources, town planning, village panchayats, pilgrim taxes, etc. as well taken over by the Health Branch. Department of Health was hence forth given the responsibility of dealing with subjects like medical relief; Public Health and Sanitation, Medical Research, Nutrition, medical profession, pharmaceutical profession, drug standards, medical store depots, cinchona products and quinine substitutes, resettlement of demobilized medical and auxiliary medical personnel and also miscellaneous matters like burial grounds, inns and inn keepers, pilgrimage in India !tc. On 2 August 1946 registration of births and deaths and matters relating to lunatic asylums, which were being dealt within the Home Department were transferred to Department of Health.
130
This resulted in the provincial legislatures and provincial governments being
more in control over the development of internal health policy and its
implementation. The ministers to the legislatures were anxious to promote the
growth of education, medical relief and preventive he<.lth measures as far as
funds permitted. Public Health officers were recruited in all the provinces and
the organization of such services became the marked feature in a number of
provmces.
There was no body for coordinating the health activities of the Centre and the
Provinces and to rectifY this defect in the constitutional position in June 1937
the GOI established the Central Advisory Board of Health (CABH). This Board
was under the chairmanship of the Member-in-Charge of Health in the
Viceroy's Executive Council and consisted as members the Health Ministers in
the provinces and the representatives from a certain number of Indian States. A
women member was also generally nominated by the GOI. Board has no
executive powers and provided only advice, consultation and cooperation with
regard to public health questions. On 151 September 1945 in the interest of the
Department of Education, Health and Land, this Department was and a separate
Department of Health was constituted. 12 On 291h August 194 7 Department of
Health was designated as Ministry of Health.
On the technical side the Member in charge of the Health Department had two
advisers, the Director General (DG), Indian Medical Service (IMS) and the
Public Health Commissioner with the GOI. The DG, IMS advised the GOI on
all questions of a medical nature and the administration of the Indian Medical
Services. The Public Health Commissioner with the GOI in addition to his
main duties acts as Staff Officer on public health matters to the DG, IMS. He
was also the adviser to the GOI on all public health matters and was also
responsible for the consolidation and issue of vital statistical returns for British
India as a whole and for an annual report to the Government of India on the
health of the country. 13 Apart from the technical advice they place at the
12 Directory of National Archives of India, p. 124.
13 Bhore Committee Report 1946, p. 32.
131
disposal of the Central Government and of the Provincial Governments, if so
desired by the latter, they also assisted in promoting the activities of a number
of organizations. 14
Organization of the Public Health Department
Two things which were inherent in the health policy of British government
after 1919 were the separation of preventive health care system and curative
health care systein and the devolution of power between centre and state lead to
more responsibilities to the states but more power were vested with the centre.
This separation of preventive from curative medicine continued in each
presidency. Most provinces had created a separate 'department' for preventive
medicine with an independent budget and functioned under an officer
designated as the 'Director of Public Health Department'. 15 He was assisted by
various ru;sistant directors of public health and in larger towns sanitary
inspector or heath officers were appointed. Generally there was lack of co
operation and consequently of co-ordination in many parts of India between the
official medical and public health departments. This was a problem peculiar to
India for it neither existed in western countries nor in the dominions and
colonies, where the separation ofthe official health services into 'curative' and
'preventive' has never been effected.
'Surgeon-General' and 'Director of Public Health' were the two titles largely
responsible for the confusion of functions pertaining to the two departments
and the consequent overlapping, duplication and wastage of their resources.
Another factor contributing to this confusion has been the absence of orders
14 Both the Director General and the Public Health Commissioner were closely associated with the promotion of r.1edical research in India. The former was the administrative head of the Medical Research Department maintained by the GOI, while the latter was mainly responsible for its actual administration 'under the control of the Director General. In the Indian Research Fund Association, which is the largest body concerned with the promotion of medical research in India both were members of the governing body of the association. In addition to these duties, the two officers participated in the health activities of a number of volunta~ organizations, either as chairman or as members. These organi~tions include the Indian Red Cross Society. the Tuberculosis Association of India and the !ndiar. Councils of the St. John's Ambulance Association. In addition, these officers were also members of certain committees concerned with the dir.::ction of special fields of health activity such as the Central Committee of the Pasteur Institut:: of India, the Governing body of the School of Tropical 1'1edicine, Calcutta, and the Countess oi Dufferin 's Fund.
15 Prior to 1922 the Director of Public Health was known as Sanitar: Commissioner.
132
laying down the exact policy and scope of work for each department. While the
specialists in preventive medicine argued that those who had not taken a
diploma in public health could not appreciate the requirements and scope of
their work, the clinicians held that public health personnel were so fully
occupied with environmental hygiene that it lost all touch with clinical work
and was, therefore, not the proper agency for the administration of medical
relief. This lack of understanding between the two official departments led to
the development of 'exclusion' instead of a sense of co-operation. 16
In many branches of health activity the curative and ·preventive aspects could
not be separated without lowering the efficiency of the service to the people.
Co-ordination between the medical and public health departments was perhaps
more vital in the field of maternity and child welfare (MCW) than in any other
of medical and public health work. Maternity and child welfare organization
could not be built up on satisfactory lines without including in it the service of
health visitors and midwives. Besides this basic services, the facilities for
diagnosis and treatment required in respect of many forms of maternal ill health
and for the institutional care of difficult cases of childbearing were also
required. So when public health depanment proceeded to interest itself in
individuals rather than communities overlapping began to nppear in maternity
and child welfare work.
Generally the level of efficiency of health administration by local bodies was
low. Although there had been quantitative expansion of public health activity in
the provinces since 1921, the quality of work suffered from the weak control of
the local government over the local bodies as well as limited resources.
Commenting on the weak position of the provincial governments the Simon
Commission (1930) stated that "The result of the legislative and administrative
action taken in accordance with the scheme of the reform was, in effect, to
deprive the new ministers of Local Self Government of powers which were
essentials if they were to perform their tasks successfully ...... we have heard
the criticism that the only effective powers passed by provincial government,
namely those of suspension and dissolution, have left the ministers powerless
16 Chopra, 'Organization of Public Health and Medical Services in India', in Indian Medical Ga::ette, January 1941, p. 55.
133
in the face of misconduct calling for less drastic treatment, and we think that
this criticism is well founded." 17
In majority of the cases he financial resources of these bodies were insufficient
to maintain adequate services staffed with well qualified personnel. The
executive power was generally vested in an elected Chairman who often found
himself powerless to enforce the law against vested interests in the absence of a
public opinion~ The Provincial Director of Public health could only give advice
to the Chairman but could not ensure that such advice would be carried out
even where it was urgently required in the public interest, as in the case of
measures to control epidemics.
"The Public Health Department being the transferred subject under the Minister is said
to be a starving department, and particularly when it is not paying but a spending
concern, it is natural that all big and comprehensive schemes costing an initial outlay of
big sums will be shelved for 'want of funds' but when in the western countries the
State is primarily responsible for the health of the people committed to its charge, the
Government of this country can ill-afford to remain inactive as mere spectators any
longer and to allow the ravages of the preventable diseases to work havoc and
decimate villages." 18
On the whole it can be said that there was no definite public health Policy in
India till 1920s. "In Indian public health administration there has been no
continuity of policy, no long views, but a series of abrupt actions, dictated
sometimes by the feeling that something had to be done, sometimes by the
view that the people were not ready, and sometimes by fears lest one
department should acquire too much control and too much independence."19
Often it was felt that measures adopted with success in a country like England
or America were not applicable in India, which stood on a different footing in
respect of tradition, culture, climate, religious faiths, civilization, habit and
social and economic conditions of the people. "It is, therefore, necessary to
! 7 J.B. Grant, The Health of India, 1943, p. 12. 18 Editorial, Indian Medical Jou"nal, November 1931, p. 568. 19 Anonymous Author 'The need for Public Health Policy in India' Indian Medical Ga=we, October 1927, p. 576.
134
proceed with caution and pursue a policy on which may not bring about any
disastrous effect upon the people for whose well-being it is inaugurated.2°
Co-operation of the indigenous elite was sought to overcome these suspicions
and for the decimation of western public health system in India. The more
established colonial power became (or the more it fell back upon the support of
'traditional' elites and social groups in the face of mounting nationalist
opposition) the more reluctant it was to undertake a wholesale medical
interventionism that might undermine an already precarious status quo.21
Maternal Health Care
Every society expects women to go through the process of child birth and
society considers as its duty to find ways and means to minimize the risk
entailed in such a process. Everj endeavour was made to lessen the mortality of
the mother during child birth. There was no reliable statistics yet it was
estimated in 1936 that the number of women dying every year during child
birth was nearly one and half lakhs and the inclusion of the deaths due to
abortion would swell the number more. While an epidemic disease assuming
these proportions demanded and received attention from local authorities health
departments and the public too, the deaths of women from preventable causes
did not receive the same attention.
"The explanation may be partly that the facts are not known sufficiently, partly because
mortality from child-bearing does not occur in epidemic form, but it must also be due
to the too commonly held view that it is inevitable that some women must die during
child-birth. 'Some women' in each aiea naturally become thousands when applied to
the whole oflndia."22
The death rate for the age period, 15 to 40, was as usual higher among females
than among males, and the cause is ascribable to the greater risk of death to
which women are exposed during child-bearing ages, the rates being 10.7 for
males and 12.4 for females. Considering deaths by communities the rates for
20 Editorial, Indian Medical Journal, November 1931, p. 568. 21 [bid 20 22 Abstract from Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GOI 1933, Indian Medical Ga::ette, March 1936, p. 170.
135
i:he whole of British India are 28 for Hindus, 24.2 for Mohammedans, and 17.5
for Christians and thhe provincial figures for 1931 were as foliO\vs:
Hindu Mohammedans Christians
North-west of Province 15 21 14
Punjab 29 27 25
Delhi 33 25 10
United Prevince 26 29 5
Bihar and Orissa 27. 23 17
Bengal 23 24 14
C. Province 34 32 -Bombay 28 17 14
Madras 34 22 19
Coorg 22 27 -
Assam 18 20 18
Burma 21 15 14
Ajmer-Miwara 31 27 3
(Source: Indian Medical Gazette, May 1937, p. 324)
The births in India in 1921 were 7, 774,776 therefore the maternal deaths-taking
the death rate as 14 per 1000 births- would be 108,852. The maternal mortality
rate remained unaltered year after year and very slow progress was made in
reducing it. "A country which has met with signal success in combating the
general and the infant death rate, which has spent money freely and has passed
several enactments for the greater protection of women in child birth, has yet
done little to reduce the maternal mortality. What hope then can there be for
India, where every distressing condition endured by mothers in England is
magnified a hundred fold?"23
Often the detail figures for the maternal death rates for the province were not
accurate, and those of the rural areas were quite incomplete. Though most of
the facts were thus unreliable and. it was noted by the Public Health
Commissioner in his report that "They are incompleLe as they stand, but serve
23 Miss M.l. Balfour 'Maternal Mortality: A comment on the report on maternal mortality d,tring childbirth in England by Dr. Janet Campbell of the ministry of health, with a reference to maternal mortality in India' -Indian Medical Gazette, December 1924, p. 621.
136
to indicate the volume of work which is now being done in this department, the
increased of its ramifications and the enormous field yet to be overtaken. The
movement is in its infancy in India, but the conditions crying for amelioration
are only too potent to all; and the tedious reiterations of statistics many of
which are inaccurate serves all the more to focus on these urgent problems the
attention of all who think. " 24
Reducing maternal mortality included both preventive and curative care. While
the preventive care steps included long term plans like ways and means of
advancing the age of motherhood to a suitable period when a woman is more
capable of easily bearing a child, providing adequate nourishment for the
expectant mother, providing adequate medical aid for the expectant mother,
limiting the number of children, opening MCW centres etc. Of these,
concentration was on the antenatal work as it is the best single measure that
would produce the maximum benefit to the expectant_ mother. On the other
hand the curative care included providing the infrastructure like opening up of
women's wards in the hospitals and dispensaries, women's hospitals etc. Both
of these steps undertaken by the state for the promotion of the health care of
women in India. In the present chapter, the initiatives of state through WMS,
contribution to philanthropic organisations, Working of MCW scheme are
studied. The areas of Delhi Punjab and United Provinces are further studied in
detail for the understanding of the working of maternal health care system as
provided by the state.
(i) Women's Medical Services
The Women's Medical Services was found m the year 1914 and was
maintained by the Countess of Dufferin 's Fund (CDF) by means of a subsidy
received from the GOI. The maximum subsidy of Rs.3,70,000 was paid
annually to the CDF for the maintenance of WMS25 Most of the hospitals were
maintained by the native states, local governments, local bodies and private
persons of corporations and CDF provided trained doctors to run these
24 Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GOI 1924, p. 26. 25 NAI, File no I 0-69 'A' Medical May 19~ I
137
hospitals. The CDF, along with the GOI maintained a service of qualified
medical women and sent individuals to the institutions which most require
them. A medical woman, who was Secretary to the CDF, was Chief Medical
Officer of the Service.26 The Secretary had a personal assistant who was a
highly trained medical woman to assist her in her duties. But the Secretary had
no official status as such which would enable her to deal more effectively with
Provincial and Local Health Departments. She had no ready access to sources
of information which were available with the Government of India regarding
Maternity and Child Welfare or allied subjects in the Indian provinces and
States and in other countries through the Public Health Department of the
League of Nations.
In 1926 WMS 44 qualified medical officers attended 7289 maternity cases and
treated 30456 inpatients and 384242.27 In 1927 and about 400 women doctors
with registrable qualification were working in India. Of this 42 were in WMS
and 15 in junior branch of that service ar.d its training reserve; about 90 unde::.
provincial governments and in local fund hospitals; about 150 under different
missionary societies and some I 00 in private practice. 28 In 1929, 42 medical
women were employed together with 7 in the Training Reserve. 29 But the
doctors working with WMS often faced many problems.
"In many hospitals doctors are fighting a difficult game, having to work in \\Tetchedly
constructed, ~apidly deteriorating buildings with poor equipments and an inefficient
staff. The struggle to make both ends meet is a constant anxiety and adds enormously
to the heavy responsibility entailed in the cadre and treatment of patients in
considerable climatic difficulties and often great loneliness."30
26 The Chief Medical Officer, Women's Medical Service, and Secretary of the Countess of Dufferin's fund, was ex-officio Secretary of the Lady Chelmsford All-India League for Maternity and child Welfare and of the Victoria Memorial Scholarships Fund. These were charitable funds raised by the wives of former viceroys for assistance of Maternity and Child Welfare work and improving the conditions of childbirth. 27 Annual Report of the Public Health Commissioner with GOI 1926. p. 217. 28 Abstract from the Annual Report uf CDF for 1928, Indian Medical Ga::ette, September 1929, p. 537.
29 20 of these were in charge of hospitals in different Provinces of British India, 6 were in charge of hospitals in Government of India areas, 8 were employed as professors or lecturers at the Lady Harding Meuical College, Delhi, 3 were appointed as l~ctures in medical schools or assistar.ts in the larger hospitals, while 5 formed a leave or sickness reserve.
30 Abstract from the Annual Report of CDF 1928, Indian Medical Ga::ette, September 1929, p. 537.
138
On 12 March 1929 a deputation of WMS went to Her Excellency Lady Irwin
and presented a memorandum on the need for the extension of medical aid by
women in India, but it had little out come. 31
Financial constrain was another problem faced by CDF in maintaining WMS.
The grant-in-aid from the Imperial Government was supplemented by large
donations by Indian privies and merchants who realized the need of
maintaining the WMS. But when medicine was transferred to provinces in
1919 it faced lot of problems. The Imperial Government clearly felt that they
could do no more for it than they were doing already; while the provincial
government were always faced with severe shortage of funds.
31 NAI, File no. 24 Health Deposits September 1929, EHL Department Some of the suggestions forwarded in the application were as follows.
• The increase of the Women's Medical Service to allow of experienced medical women being appointed to the five larger Provinces to inspect and report on all work done by women in medical institutions aided by government.
• To allow also of the appomtment of additional medical women to the larger women's hospital in the Provinces. This would enable a better standard of work to be done, would make it possible to open Branch Dispensaries in villages and to u11dertake some touring in the districts.
• An increase in the Training Reserve of the Women's Medical Service to allow women medical graduates trained in India to spend a year or two after graduation in a good women's hospital to gain practical experience.
• The formation of a senior grade for the Women's Medical Service, carrying a higher rate of salary to which the best of the personnel would be promoted by selection for filling expert posts.
• The organization of post graduat~ courses for medical women in obstetrics, gynaecology, maternity and child welfare !lnd tropical diseases.
• The appointment of a medical women to the office of the Commissioner for Public Health with the Government of India, who would be in touch with Maternity and Child Welfare Department throughout India, would act as a Bureau of information linking the different Departments with each other and with other nations. She would stimulate and co-ordinate the work and think 0ut methods of prevention suited to the peculiar conditions of the country.
• The appointment of medical women to the office of the Directors of Public Health in at least the five largest provinces, to organize and develop Maternity and Child Welfare work in the manner best suited to the Provinces. Attention would be directed to the medical inspection of school girls and women studP.nts and to the organization of welfare work among women industrial workers, and to the supervision of midwives and dais.
• The development of the grant-in-aid system from Provincia! Revenues to approved schemes of Maternity and Child Welfare.
• The provision by Government of training facilities for medical women to enable them to take up preventive work in India with a full understanding of its purpose, of its difficulties and the ways in which these m~y be overcome. Also the provision of training schools for Heal!h Visitors.
• The appoin.ment of at least one woman to all commissions appointed to enquire into the condition of the people. Where questions of health or welfare are concerned a medical woman should be appointed.
139
"The WMS in India may be no one's child; neither a legitimate object upon ~.~ohich
imperial revenues may be expended-since medicine is a transferred subject; or a matter
of much interest to provincial government who are trying their best to economise. Yet
it is an organization in being and one which is almost certain to expand to limits almost
equivalent to those ofthe general civil medical organization for lndia."32
There was hardly any subject more vital than the supplying of medical aid to
the women of India by well qualified women doctor and it was a matter of
necessity to maintain this Cadre. Yet it has been left out totally to be run by a
voluntary organisation and government refused to take any sort of
responsibility besides providing a fixed amount evecy year. It also continually
refused to extend any more financial help than the. fixed grant given to it
annually.33
WMS and Provinces
Provinces could recruit highly skilled women doctors from \VMS. The
Governments of Bombay, Madras and the United Provinces each employed
first class medical women in charge of the hospitals at Bombay, Madras and
Agra, respectively. The medical women at Agra acted as Principal of the
Women's Medical School and as well as the Superintendent of Medical Aid in
the United Provinces. However, the scale of relief for the province was
notoriously uneven. "Even where it is most generous, it does not pretend to be
commiserating with actual needs. It is the only agency that can step in and give
assistance where local efforts-official or non-official needs to be supplemented
or is non-existent"34 The limited number of the cadre did not allow of any one
being appointed to organize MCW work or to assist in the provincial
32 Abstract from the Annual Report ofthe CDF, Indian Medical Ga::ette, September 1929, p. 536.
33 For example in 1922 when CDF requested for extra grant, the Deputy Secretary to GOI, Department of Education and Health replied "Although the countess of Dufferin's Fund receiYes a luge subsidy from Central funds, the Government of India understand that it supplies lady doctors to many hospitals, e.g., local fund hospitals, hospitals in Indian States and ~ven purely provincial hospitals- to which they will not in future, under the Reforms scheme, make any grants from Central revenues. If, therefore. the Association should find any necessity for increasing their resources for the maintenance of the Women's Medical Service, it would not be unreasonable, in the opinion of the Government of India. to expect them to appi~' for pecuniary assistance to local Governments, local bodies, etc.. which employ their staff." NAI, File No 3-5 'B' March 1922 34 NAI, File no. 60-1134-H EHL Department
140
administration of women's hospitals. It allowed for three or four doctors only
being lent to each Province.
In 1924 it was observed that while a portion of the expenditures incurred on
appointments under the direct control of the local government in Governor's
provinces was recovered, no such recovery is made on the account of
appointments of the local bodies situated in those provinces. The Auditor
General objected to the pay of salaries to WMS officers serving in provincial
government hospitals, for then this particular grant to CDF would be regarded
as contribution by the central government towards a provincial object.35 CDF
maintained a service of qualified medical women and lent individuals to
institutions which most require them and was the only organized body capable
of providing such facilities. The continuance of its activities depended almost
entirely on the continuance of Government grant.
The Deputy Secretary of Department of Education, Health, and Lands in his
letter of 5th December 1924 to the Secretary of State noted "Neither local
governments and local bodies nor private persons or corporation would be in a
positions to carry on the work of the Association if, as a result of the
withdrawal of the financial assistance now given us to it, the Assistants were to
terminate its activities. Such a step would involve a great set back to the
welfare of the women of India and the matter has to be treated as possessing an
All India importance. "36 It was argued that the institutions to which these grants
were made did not belong to any particular province and had an all India
interest in their operations.
However, in the peculiar social conditions prevailing in the country the
provision of women doctors to minister to the medical needs of women was a
matter of primary importance and this justified the continuance of the grant.
The Governments of India with the concurrence of the Auditor G~neral has
therefore decided to continue to make these payments from central revenues.
The secretary of state approved this by the legislation, subject to the condition
35 NAI, File no. 5 Health 'A' January 1925 EHL Department
36 NAI, File no. 1-5 Health 'A' January 1925 EHL Department
141
that in future no officers of the WMS were to serve local government except in
return for full payment of salary including contribution to Provincial fund. Late
in October 1926 it was decided to continue the grant but that no addition should
be made to the list of such contributors. 37 This requirement that WMS o.llicers
serving under local governments must be paid for entirely by that Government
has resulted in loss to the Punjab of WMS officer who acted as Assistant to
Inspector Gene.ral of civil hospitals. Due to financial reasons several provinces
continued to enter the plea of a financial non possums and in these cases the
WMS had no option but to provide officers free of ch~rge or the women of the
locality concerned had to do without a doctor.38
The WMS officers also occupied many teaching and specialist post. One of the
most pressing needs of India in the sphere of medical aid to women was the
provision of an adequate supply of qualified women doctors. It was for this
reason that the proportion of WMS officers engaged in teaching institutions
was very high. Out of a cadre of 44 officers 13 were continually employed in
teaching at the LHMC, the Agra Ivfedical School, and in Madras. Students after
qualifying from these institutes had at least a year's experience of medical
supervision in hospitals staffed by 1st class medical women belonging to WMS.
Women Sub-Assistant-Surgeons from Agra were being posted to Agra,
Cawnpore, Allahabad, Banaras, or Lucknow under officers of WMS. "The
Association finds itself more and more committed to a policy of recruiting for
the service women who have specialized in the various branches of medicine
and Surgery. This high proportion of specialists is a heavy handicap on the
general usefulness of the WMS; but the Association looks upon the training of
Indian medical women as of the highest importance and as one of its greatest
responsibilities. "39
37 NAI, File no. 114-115 Health 'B' October 1927 EHL Department
38 NAI, tile no. 60-1/34-H EHL Department
39 NAI, File no. 114-115 Health 'B' October 1927 EHL Department
1~2
Training Reserve of WMS
Association has started the training of practitioners by forming a trammg
reserve of 8 officers for the WMS from 1924. The idea was to enlist two
promising young students each year soon after their taking degree and to give
them employment involving higher training for 4 years before taking them
finally into the WMS. First year they will work as clinical cssistant, for the
second year as ·resident medical officers, for the third in charge of small
hospitals, whilst in the fourth they will go to Europe for a post graduate course.
Since 1924 32 members have been admitted of which 12 were still in the
training reserve, 3 were temporary and 8 in WMS. In 1934 the raining reserve
had 43 doctors of whom 24 were Indian domicile and 19-non Asiatic domicile
doctors.
WMS was thus maintained by a voluntary organisation and government was
clearly reluctant to take direct responsibility of the women's health care. There
was always great pressure on WMS for supplying more doctors but the
numbers were limited. The study also shows that out of the total \VMS doctors
nearly one fourth were at Delhi teaching at Lady Hardinge Medical School.
(II) Philanthropic Organisations
Major work of organising Women's Health Care in India was under taken by
the philontrophic organisation, some f them were started by the Vicerines. Due '
to their dose association with the government these organisations were able to
get grant-in-aid from government. In this section these organisations are also
briefly studied. At the instance of Countess of Dufferin the National
Association for Supplying medical Aid to the Women of India or the Dufferin
Fund was established in 1885 mainly with the object of bringing out medical
women from England for employment in the local fund hospitals. The income
from the Countess of Dufterin Fund was spent on the grants to the provincial
Dufferin branches and to various hospitals and other institutions. It also gave
£cholarship to the women students pursuing studies in medicine in different
medical colleges and schools in India. By 1888 the GOI was supervising the
143
work of the Association and providing employment for women graduates. The
pay of these posts was, however, small owing to this and with the absence of
pension and official status the appointments failed to attract women of ability
in the numbers required. In 1909 an appeal for assistance was made to the GOI
and eventually in 1913 an Annual grant-in-aid was given to the National
Association for Supplying Female Aid to women of India to enable it to
constitute a Women's Medical Service to be under its sole administration and
control.
Besides WMS the following organizations have been carried out their activities
from the Dufferin Fund Offices: The opening of a Training School for Health
Visitors 1918, Foundation of the Lady Chelmsford League for Maternity and
child Welfare 1920, All-India Maternity Exhibition 1920, Opening of a
quarterly Journal for Maternity and Child Welfare 1921, All-India Baby Week
1924, All-India Conference of Health Workers 192 7, All India Conference on
Maternity and Child Welfare at Delhi in 192 7. The organising secretaries of all
these movements were members of WMS.
The governing bodies of the four different organisations i.e. Women's Medical
Services for India, Victoria Memorial Scholarship, the Lady Reading Women
of India Fund and the Lady Chelmsford All India League, were co-ordinated
and a centralised board of control was established in 1923. All of four have
originated at different times but their scope of work largely covered the same
ground. 40 The work chiefly carried out by Victoria Memorial Scholarship was
the training of dais at numerous centres throughout India and then subsequent
examination. There was a difference of opinion to whether it was better to train
the indigenous dias or to import properly trained midwives into the different
centres of the population. Good teachers for the former class of pupil were
scarce and health visitors who were only partly trained themselves do not make
good teachers.41
40 Abstract from the Annual Report ofCDFI923, Indian Medical Ga=elle, December 1924, p. 639. 41 Abstract from the Annual Report ofC;)F 1928, Indian Medical Ga::ette, September 1929, p. 537.
144
Lady Chelmsford All India League for MCW consisted chiefly of running
Health Schools, training of dais at different MCW centres and propaganda.
From very small beginning in 1918 the organization has later spread widely all
over India. The provincial governments of tLe Punjab, Bengal and of other
provinces made contributions which render such schools nearly self
supporting. The Lady Reading Health School at Delhi was the most important
of these schools. The students who passed out of this school were working at
different centres scattered throughout India. A new school was opened in
Lucknow in 1923. The work at different centres was mainly concerned with the
training of dais and the organization of health wealth.42 It also brought out a
quarterly journal 'Maternity and Child Welfare in India'.
The Lady Reading Women of India Fund came into existence in January 1922
and had 3 main objectives- the provision of a hosi:el for the nursing staff of the
Lady Harcinge hospital at Delhi; the provision of a first class hospital for
Indian Nursing Association with the intention of raising the status and standard
of training for Indian nurses and provision of a first class hospital for Indian
women and children at Simla. In February 1923 the hostel was inaugurated by
Her Excellency the Countess of Reading which had accommodation for 70
nurses.43
Although these organisations were philanthropic in nature they were dependent
on GOI for funds for successfully carrying out their work. Any reduction of
Grant directly affected the working. CDF was greatly dependent on GOI for
maintaining the WMS. An annual subvention of Rs.1.5 was paid to the central
committee of CDF from 1913 to 1919 and later on a further subsidy of
Rs.2.5lakhs was sanctioned. Subsequent to this there have been 2/3 occasions
when the committee came up for additional subYention which was rejected.
Orders were issued promulgating that the amount of the subvention was fixed
at Rs.370000 and that the GOI did not concern themselves with the question of
pay etc of the WMS and that the Association would have to make their own
arrangements. 44
42 Ibid 43 Abstract from the Annual Report of CDF 1924, Indian Medical Ga::ette, December 1924 , p. 670.
44 NAI, File no. 10-69 medical 'A' May 1921
145
In 1932 as a retrenchment measure the GOI reduced the grant to the CDF from
Rs. 370000 to Rs.344300. The work of the service has been cramped for years
and due to the uncertainty the CDF could recruit only 'temporary' officers
which was an unsatisfactory step and make shift arrangement. This
arrangement failed to provide proper standard or efficiency. Dr. M.V. Webb,
C.M.O, WMS/ Secretary Dufferin Fund wrote to Deputy Secretary of India in
January 1934 appealing for the restoration of Funds.
"In this connection, it seems desirable to remind the Government of India that an
amount equal to the whole of the unreduced grant is required merely for the pay e:..."'ld
allowance including Provident Fund contribution and passage. money of the cadre of
medical officers. In the recent past the council have fortunate!) had other res(lurces
from which to meet the other essential expenditure required for the maintenance e:...1d
administration of the WMS. But these resources are slender and largely fortuito~s
and if the grant from the Government of India is not restored in full to the figure at
which it formerly stood, definite and considerable curtailment of the activities of L"'le
WMS is inevitable in the future. One of the institutions which would in that event re affected would be the LHMC, for which the Government of India have a spec:al
concern and responsibility."45
The council earnestly prayed that the grant for the maintenance of the WMS for
India may be restored in fu11 as the reduction has lead to closing down ')[relief
or the curtailment of the relief to be afforded in many of the existing centres. In
a letter dated 11.1.33 to the Deputy Secretary of the CDF further noted "The
council consider that a distinction may fairly be drawn between their own and
other classes of work which have had to be restricted owing to retrenchment.
In many cases with the restriction of funds, work. can be resumed at t.~e point
where it was left off. Their own case is different Diminution in the number of
patients due to inability to provide relief, will result in Joss of ground and loss
of life, which cannot be recovered at once with the advent of better
times ............ such loss cannot be averted if financial stringency necessitates
continued curtailment of work, reduction of cadre and closing down of some
hospitals. "46
45 NAI, File no. 50-21 34-H EHL Department
46 NAI, File no. 30-2/i2-H EHL Department
I.f6
The Junior Women's Medical Services supported by the Government of India
grant was directly affected. In 1931 then~ were 6 numbers and in 1934 only 3.
As long as cut remained it was not possible to expand the training reserve of
works to balance the los.:; from non recruited to the Junior Branch. In a reply to
the CMO, WMS the Deputy Secretary note on 20.09.1934 that "On the merits
of the case it is undoubtedly desirable that the grant should be restored to its
original figures; since I do not think there can be any doubt that India receives
good value for the money." Yet Government defended the reduction saying
that the cut was generally 10% but for CDF it was less. and was not ofthe fixed
%. The Fund was restored to its original amount only in 1937 on the condition
that it would send WMS officer to run the MCW section at the AIIHPH at
Calcutta.
"The amount required to restore to its former figure the annual grant to the
National Association for supplying medical Aid by women to women of India
is Rs.25700, which Rs.l7000/-would be spent during next financial year on the
maintenance of the Maternity and Child Welfare section at the All India
Institute of Hygiene and Public Health, Calcutta. The balance will be utilized
for meeting a part of the increased expenditure generally. For instances a sum
of Rs.5846 is required for normal increments to officers on the permanent
cadre of the WMS and a sum of Rs.12900 is needed for the employment of 2
extra temporary officers owing to the unexpected illness of 2 officers in
addition to the number normally on leave throughout the years. In regard to the
latter it may be stated that an officer has to be posted from the 1st April, 1935 to
the newly constructed Dufferin hospital at Shillong and arrangements have to
be made to provide for the hospital at Lucknow a highly qualified and
experienced officer, who in addition to her own work, assists in the teaching of
midwifery and gynaecology to the students of the Lucknow University.47
Many of the private efforts for the promotion of the maternity and child welfare
in India were dependent on the Government funds for their functioning. The
Countess of Dufferin Fund was the largest of these organisations and the effect
47 NAI, File no. 32-9/35-H EHL Department
147
of the reduction in the government funds largely affected the work of the
council. On the other hand there were few contributions from the public too.
The financial conditions of the Dufferin Hospitals as a whole was not
satisfactory as so many were having a precarious existence ow!ng to lack of
endowments and local support although their works was being more and more
appreciated by the patients who came in increasing numbers. "It is to be
regretted that the public still seem slow to realize the fact that medical relief, all
to modem western methods is expensive and if they wish to obtain the services
of highly qualified and experienced doctors such as WMS officers and take the
treatment required they must be willing to contribute something towards the
expenses in proportion to their resources. ,,4g
It was often found that many middle and better class patients insisted on
occupying free beds in the general wards though paying rooms were available.
Most of the hospital commitlee were not willing to give the medical officer in
charge authority to refuse admission to free beds to such patients and in fact,
often encouraged the practice with the result that the hospitals were in a
chronic state of financial distress. "Modem India, like other countries needs to
assimilate the fact that it can only afford free medical treatment to the really
poor, and the generate public must make a change in their attitude towards
medical relief and be taught not to except free advice and treatment unless they
are really proper. Only when this comes about will the hospitals be placed on a
satisfactory basis. '.49
(iii) Civil Hospitals or Dispensaries
Civil hospitals and dispensaries were run by the government to provide medical
relief to the people. There were very few civil hospitals run exclusively for
women as Dufferin Hospitals were functioning. The women doctors working in
the civil hospitals were usually of the sub-assistant surgeon grade and their
preliminary education and medical training were for a shorter period than that
required for a university degree. They work under the male civil or Assistant
48 Abstract from the Annual Report of the CDF 1939,/ndian Medical Ga=ette, September 1940.
49 Ib;d
148
Surgeon and he was not consulted by women. The male doctors often failed to
organise or direct effectively the work concerning childbirth and its
complications often due to the difficulties in most medical schools as to
practical train::tg in midwifery for men. The women assistant or sub-assistant
surgeon had often no other woman but a midwife (perhaps a poorly trained
one) to assist her or to anaesthetize the patient. Hence the relief of the women
was often very ·inefficient.
There was always shortage of women doctors in most of the hospitals and
dispensaries. "In the beginning there were only 24 wotnen doctors practicing in
whole of India and Burma; now after 50 years later 26 qualified women doctors
are working in zenana hospitals of Delhi and New Delhi alone". By 1935 the
Association of Medical Women in India had about 300 members and there
were approximately 700 registered women doctors in India. 50 Yet this number
was too small compared to the requirememnt in the country.
Educated women in the towns were availing the services of these hospitals and
dispensaries. "Indian women are using to some extent their former prejudice
against entering hospitals for confinement. Hospitals staffed by women exist in
all the big towns now, which was not the case 30 years ago and the more
educated are willing to avail themselves of the care and skill met with in these
hospitals. "51 Medical relief by women was almost entire I:/ confined to the cities
and large numbers of women in small towns and villages were debarred from
medical relief in their special troubles. They were dependent on the indigenous
dais. The first step towards ensuring that skilled service was available for all
confinements was emphasising on the training of these indigenous dais and
midwives and this did not fulfil the emergency needs or the treatment of
abnormal cases. For cases of complicated pregnancy and labour and for patient
with unsuitable home conditions maternity beds in hospitals were needed. The
total number of special beds recorded in 1935 \Vas 3,162 only.
50 Abstract from the Annual Report of the CDF 1935, Indian Medical Ga=ette, September 1936, p. 557.
51 Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GO! 1927, p. 75.
149
These hospitals accommodation was totally inadequate to meet the demand and
the hospitals for women were all over crowded and under staffed. There were
still a large number of women who would die rather than enter a general
hospital a still large number who would prefer to be atten~ed by a member of
their own sex for their confinements and for special diseases of women. The
local authorities were unable to give proper financial support to the hospitals
under their administration. 52
(iv) Maternity and Child Welfare Centres
Hospitals and Dispensaries mostly helped women in the child birth and other
immediate medical needs. However, MCW centres were opened to provide
prenatal care or preventive centres. Secondly there were very few hospitals and
the demand for maternity homes for the middle classes was increasing.
Municipalities were pressed to provide and maintain institutions. While
Maternity hospitals and homes were more expensive to equip, to staff and to
run MCW centres were much cheaper. MCW centres are mostly run by
voluntary organisations which sometimes received a small grant from
Government.
MCW movement in India has received great impetus due to the assiduous
efforts of the Countess of Reading. "it may be said that the outstanding need of
the maternity and child-welfare service in India to-day is expert medical
control, developing, coordinating and directing all efforts, voluntary and
official towards the one common goal of robust individual health and racial
improvement."53 There was slow but definite progress and MCW work did
penetrate in to the public consciousness in the different provinces. "The
movement has come to stay. It must develop before great progress in reducing
the infantile mortality can be expected and it is for Indians themselves to
promote and carry forward this development process if they wish to participate
in the results on a scale commensurate with the impact of the subject. "54 The
52 Abstract from the Annual Report of the CDF 1938, Indian Medical Ga::ette, January ! 940.
53 Abstract of Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GOI 1935, Indian Medical Ga::ette, April 1938, p. 248.
54 Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GO! 1927, p. I 06.
!50
number of welfare centres in England and Wales in 1934 was 2,884; the
number in India was 684, of which North-West Frontier Province had 2, the
Punjab 96, Delhi 26, United provinces 166 excluding 13 sub centres, Bihar and
Orissa 23, Bt:nga141, Central Provinces 57, Bombay 81, Madras 153, Coorg 1,
Assam 3 and Burma 22.55 The United Provinces heads the list in number but
many of these are in charge of poorly-trained and untrained welfare workers.
In some cases medical women were employed to supervise centres but the
payment given was usually poor and did not attract experienced workers. There
was no general system of Government's aid, no systematic inspection and this
lead to the preventive principle to be forgotten and for the centre to degenerate
in to a third class dispensary. 56
Training of Midwives and Dais
For centuries the work of attending women at child birth has been performed
by a special class of women who learn the methods of midwifery from their
seniors; usually their mothers or mother-in-law. These methods were not based
on modern knowledge of anatomy, physiology or surgery, but are entirely
empirical. There was PO knowledge of asepsis or antisepsis and therefore no
conception of the need for cleanliness and non interference. Yet she was the
only help available in the villages for women during child birth. Approximately
nine times as many children were born in villages as in towns in India. Normal
cases mostly recovered but there were often cases of morbidity due to bad
midwifery and subsequent lack of nursing care. In abnormal cases the patient
rarely survived, sometimes undelivered, of sepsis or shock. If there were
hospitals near by they were taken there but usually too late. Rural women's
needs have been altogether neglected in most of the plans and this voblem of
maternity work in rural cases has never been addressed with the vigour it
deserved. The training of dais and midwives was a very important component
ofthe maternity welfare work.
55 Abstract from Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GOt 1934, lnaian ,;redical Ga=ette, July 1937, p. 449.
56 NAt, File no. 24 Healtl-: Deposits September 1929 EHL Department
!51
Training ofthe dais in hospital was in those days the only method visualized by
those who wished to see them instructed and this was a very daunting task. 57
An impetus to this work was given in 1902 by the formation of the Victoria
Memorial Scholarship Fund. This was a movemen~ set on foot by Lady Curzon
who collected money for training of indigenous dais as a memorial to the late
Queen Victoria. The money provided by this fund, yielding an income of rather
more than Rs. 40,000 yearly, enabled the training of dais to be undertaken on
much larger scale throughout India. The work, however, proceeded very slowly
and there were many obstacles to overcome. 58 The agencies which undertook
the training of the dais were doctors attached to hospitals; either mission or
state-aided, voluntary societies; and health visitors. This system was ideal
because it afforded the dai opportunity of acquiring experience in ante-natal
work and in domiciliary as well as institutional methods of midwifery. 59
All doctors who have had experience of the work were convinced that it is not
sufficient mereiy to train the dais. Supervision of their work subsequently was
necessary to prevent their lapsing into the old methods. It was for the most part
non-existent and could not be supplied due to need of greater funds and
personnel.
"During the last 20 years, large numbers have been trained in hospitals eLc. But owing
to the fact that the training in many cases has been unpractical in its nature and that the
women (often illiterate) are quite unsupervised, their after work leaves much to be
desired. For the improvement of the conditions of childbirth in India are needed
training and supervision of the work of indigenous dais; better training and supen·ision
of work of trained midwives; and improvement of obstetric standard of doctors t.rainec!
in India, men and women but especially women whose life work it forms. At present
the medical regulations at the University only require six cases to be conducted before
a degree in midwifery is obtained." 60
57 The dais feared to come for training as it would interfere with their practice owing to the necessary absence from home and they were not at all convinced that their patients w~uld appreciate their service more if they secured diplomas, nor pay them more highly. The most successful plan in &awing a good number of indigenous dais into classes for instruction was giving payment. The conditions attached to the payments were regular attendance, general good condu..;t, reporting of their cases. calling of the teacher in all difficulties.
58 Annual Report of the Public Health Commissioner with GOI 1927, p. 75. 59 The older methods of public health officers, sub-assistant surgeons and midwives instructing dais was later on replaced by the establishment of training centres run in conjunction wi:h a maternity hospital or home and having an infant-welfare centre attached.
60 Abstract from the Annual Report of the CDF 1919, Indian Medical Gazette. Februar::· 1921, p. 72.
152
Most of the provinces, however, lacked a definite policy in regard to the
training, registration and control of the dais, midwives and nurses. Punjab was
an outstanding exception where the training of dai was vigorously prosecuted
and -:rained dais were registered under the Punjab Nurses and Midwives Act,
1932. This act prohibited untrained dais from practicing and was enforced by
the local authority or failing it by the provincial Government whenever the
local situation warranted this step. 61 In 1933 there were 3923 trained dais in
India and only 2187 trained midwives.
Similarly the need for some organization of the training and work of midwives
in India was great. The training of midwives, other than indigenous dais, was
carried out at almost all big hospitals. These midwives worked mostly in the
towns and a good portion of them sought paid posts or were engaged in private
practice. As a rule they charged much higher fees than even the trained
indigenous dais. Those in paid posts were in the employment of local
authorities such as municipalities where their services are available to the poor.
Control and inspection of the work of qualified midwives varied greatly from
no inspection at all to detailed control by officers of the medical and public
health departments and voluntary societies. Registration of midwives was not
achieved in India for a long time. In Punjab there was a central midwives
Board which examined midwives and dais; awarded diplomas and kept a
register of those who were certificated. In the United Provinces the State
Medical faculty acted in a similar manner. In other places examinations were
conducted and certificates issued by hospitals undertaking the training of
midwives. 62
However legislation regulating the training and registration of midwives was
passed in eight provinces by 1938.63 Apart from the scarcity of training schools
and of trained midwives a serious handicap existed in the lack of supervision of
the midwives and their practice. These midwIves were supervised by health
61 Abstract from with GOI of Public Health Commissioner 1934, Indian Medical Ga=ette, July 1937, p. 449.
62 Annual Report Public Health Commissioner with GOI 1927, p. 75.
63 Abstract from Annual Report of Public Health Commissi.:mer with GOI 1935, Indian Medical Ga=ette, April 1938, p. 248.
153
visitors. The health visitor was the most important single unit in the maternity
and child-welfare services and the success or failure ofMCW centres depended
on her personality, knowledge and skill. A rough computation of the number of
health visitors working in India was about three htmdred i.e. less than one per
million of the population in some centres. Nurses and midwives were often
employed as health visitors. The provinces which employed the greatest
number of health visitors were the Punjab, the Central Provinces and Delhi.
The two former provinces have had health schools which were financed by the
provincial government concerned. In 1934 there wer~ only fi\·e health schools
in India.
Punjab
The estimated population of Punjab in 1923 was 20,685,024 and it usually had
a high birth rate and natural increase of population. "A serious feature of the
position, however, is the excess of males over femal~s; this calls urgently for
an extension of very considerable volume of MCW work which is already
carried out in the province. "64 There were hospitals dispensaries and MCW
centres all over Punjab to take care of maternal health care of the women in
Punjab. MCW centres were extended and a great deal of useful work was done
by the Public Health School in this regard. "In addition attempts were made by
the delivery of lectures and the distribution of leaflets and pamphlets to
disseminate amongst the masses knowledge of the value of the hygienic living.
The importance of propaganda in Public Health matter cannot be too strongly
emphasized. "65
MCW Work in Punjab
Most of the hospitals were situated in the district head quarters or the tehsil
head quarters and large number of women in rural area depended on MCW
centres for there medical needs. The MCW centres were run by a qualified
64 Abstract from Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner of Punj.d> 19:8, Indian Medical Ga::ette , Maich 1930, p. 176. 65 Abstract from Annual Report on the Public Health Administration of the Pun_;.:J for 1925, Indian Medical Gazette, 1927 February, pp. 116-117.
154
Health Visitor and medical facilities were provided for women before, during
and after confinement. Her duties were to visit mothers after confinements, to
supervise as many as confinement cases of dais as possiule; to train dais for the
indigenous dais examination and to attend the Baby Clinic.
The chief and most important duty of the Health visitor was the training and
in~pection of the midwives and dais. Refresher courses were held at most of the
centres for dais in order to prevent any deterioration in their knowledge or
standard of work. The public health inspectors carried on the inspection of the
work of health visitors in the MCW centres. Some times the Principal of the
Punjab Health School inspected all local centres and conducted departmental
propaganda. As the work of the inspectress of health visitors and health centres
increased, government sanctioned the post of an assistant inspectress in 1935.
In Punjab there were 64 centres by the end of the 1934 and these centres were
financed by local bodies, the Lady Chelmsford League, the Red Cross Society
and independent local committees. Year after year efforts were made to expand
the MCW activities. In 1926 arrangements were made by the Local Bodies to
afford medical relief for women by doctors of their own sex at new places like
Gojra and Jaranwala in the Lyallpur District, Batala, Gurdaspur District and
Sheikhupura. Similar arrangements were in progress at Dera Ghazi Khan and
Chiniot, District Jhang where wome'l sub-assistant surgeons were to be
appointed. 66 By 193 7 the number of MCW centres increased to 76 67 and by
1939 it was 102 .
.In 1923 about 16 local bodies employed qualified lady health visitors and most
of them had opened MCW centres. The local Health Committees have recruited
28 and 19 more health visitors in 1926 and 1927 respcstively. The demand for
these medical personnel was so great that they were posted to MCW centres
immediately after their training. However, there was often shortage of health
visitors also and in 1934 two centres had to be closed as there was no one to
66 Note 0:1 the Annual Statement of the D:spensaries and Charitable Instituti0ns ofthe Punjab 1923, p. 6. 67 Abstract from the Annual Report on the Public Health Administration of Punjab for the year 1935, Indian Medical Ga=ette, October 1937, p. 645.
155
run them. "Lack of funds and uncertainly as to the altitude of government in
respect of grants-in-aid prevented more rapid expansion of MCW work, though
public opinion was acutely alive to its importance. "68
Training of Dais ·
The progress in training of the dais was rather slow as the conservation,
prejudice and ignorance of the people stood in the way. The trained dais were
also very reluctant to leave their houses to take up services in other districts.
However, steps were taken for regularisation of the trained dais. The proposal
for the compulsory registration of dais was considered by standing committee
on Public health of the Punjab legislative councils in 1924 but was dropped as
the number of d~is was not considered sufficient to · warrant such an
enactment. 69 But the same was achieved by 1930s and the registration of dais
under the Nurses registration Act has also made progress. A number of local
bodies have also made by-laws under the Act forbidding the practice of
unregistered dais. 70
The grant from the Victoria Memorial Scholarship Fund has been promised for
training of dais during the year 1924 to 9 additional centres of Ambala,
Jagadhari, Rewari, Fazilks, Narowal, Jhelum, Jhang, Mianwali and
Montgomerywala (District Lyallpur).71 A sum ofRs.60,000 was provided from
the government of India in 1938 for rural construction tu be spent on
scholarship to encourage women from rural areas to be trained as dais and
nurse-dais. 72 The number of women who qualified in 1934 was 50 for the
diploma in midwives, 43 for the nurse dais certificate. and 200 for the
indigenous Dais certificate of the Punjab Central midwives board. 73 The
68 Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GOI 1927, p. 88. 69 Note on the Annual Statement of the Dispensaries and Charitable Institutions of the Punjab 1924, p. 7. 70 Abstract from the Annual Report of the Public Health Administration of Punjab for the year 1935, Indian Medical Gazette, 1937 October, p. 645. 71 Note on the Annual Statement of the Dispensaries and Charitable Institutions of the Punjab 1923, p. 6. 72 A Report on the working of Hospitals and Dispensaries in the Punjab 1938. 73 Abstract from the Report on the Working of Hospitals and Dispensaries in the Punjab for the Triennium 1932 to 1934, Indian Medical Gazette, 1936 May, p. 30!.
156
number of dais under training at various health centres in 1935 was 1758 and
350 passed the examination for indigenous dais. 74
233 women qualified for Indigenous Dais Certificate, 66 for Nurse Dais
Certificate and 45 for Diploma in Maternity in 1936.75 The number of qualified
midwives showed a steady increase. During the triennium of 1935-37 there
were 127 midwives, 189 nurse dais and 1056 trained dais qualified themselves
for the diploma and certificate of the Punjab central midwives Board. 76 The
number of dais under training increased to 2593 and certificate after
completion of training were obtained by 627 dais in 1939 as compared with
563 in 193 7. 77 There was always shortage of female medical workers and the
dearth of women dispensers was acute. Besides the scholarships sanctioned by
Government for the training of women dispensers some of the Local Bodies
have also endowed scholarships, but candidates were not forthcoming to take
them. 78
Hospitals and Dispensaries
Many hospitals and dispensaries were opened in Punjab to cater to the needs of
women. Besides the women's wards L'1 the general hospitals there were special
hospitals run by women doctors. There were 7 assistant surgeons in the
women's branch ofthe Punjab Civil Medical Service and the provincial cadre
of women sub-assistant surgeons has also been made in 1939.79
In Punjab there was one dispensary serving an average population of 33,043 in
147 sq miles. The Punjab Government in 1924 considered a scheme for the
expansion of medical relief under which it proposed to provide one dispensary
per 100 sq. miles and one dispensary per 3000 of population. It planned ~o
74 Abstract Annual Report on the Public Health Administration of Punjab for the year 1935, Indian Medical Ga=ette, 1937 October, p. 645. 75 Abstract of the Annual Report on the Working of Hospital and Dispensaries in the Punjab for the year 1936, Indian Medical Ga=t:tte, July 1938, p. 443-444. 76 Abstract from Annual Report on Working of Hospital and Dispensaries in Punjab, 1935-37, Indian Medical Ga=ette, February 1940, p. 126. Abstract Annua! Report on the Public Health Administration of Punjab for the year 1939, lnc!ian Medical Gazette, 1941 August, p. ,l96. 78 Note on the Annual Statement of tf)e Dispensaries and Charitable Institutions of the Punjab 1923
79 Abstract frum the Report on the Working of Hospitals and Dispensaries in the Punjab for the year 1939, Indian Medical Gazette, September 1941. p. 573.
157
open 70 new dispensaries by January 1926 which were to be in charge of Sub
Assistant Surgeons recruited by district board on a five year contract. 80 A very
considerable increase in the number of dispensaries was to be made to ac.r..ieve
the ideal of OJ.1e dispensary for every 100 sq. miles. The local bodies had
limited funds and these ideals could not be realized. Often due to the financial
stringency there was consolidation rather than expansion of hospitals and
dispensaries in Punjab. By the end of 1934, 360 rural dispensaries were
established and at 4 7 places hospitals and dispensaries were provincialised.
Again due to lack of funds for the maintenance of hospitals the government
could not proceed with its programme of provincialzing 66 more districts and
tehsil head quarter hospitals and dispensaries. Provincializing of hospitals has
saved many hospitals from untimely closure. For example, the Lady Aitchi5on
hospital \Vas the only hospital in Lahore and one of very few in the province
where medical attendance for women was provided entirely by qualified lady
doctors. It was in great demand yet was on the verge of closure when the
government took it over and saved it.
Number of indoor-outdoor patients according to class and sex treated in the
state Public, local fund and private aided dispensaries of the Punjab - 1924. 81
Male Female Boys Girl.s
Europeans/ Foreigner 1,423 1,906 547 517
Hindu 12,62,441 5,14,997 4,35,573 3,01,539
Muslim 13,00,778 7,22,374 5,90,343 1,29,791
Others 1,29,791 85,386 64,694 53,227
Total- 59,35,079
The above table clearly shows that the number of Hindu and Muslim women
who were treated at hospitals and dispensaries was less than half the number of
the men. At the same time the number of European and other foreign women
was higher than the men of same community.
80 Note on the Annual Statement of the Dispensaries and Charitable Institutions of the Punjab: I 9:24. p. 2.
81 Ibid
158
Number of Hos~itals in Punjab at the end of 1923
State Public 23 State Special
i. Police 31 ii. Forest and survey- 3 iii. Canal 86 iv. Others 14
Local Fund 355 Private Aided 31 Private Non-Aided 8 Railway 53 Total 610 (Source: Annual Statement on the Dispensaries and Charitable Institutions of the Punjab: 1923, p. 53)
Number of Hospitals and Dispensaries in Punjab
Year Number Rural Urban
1923 626 - -1924 640 - -
1936 961 687 274
1937 968 693 279
1938 974 697 277
1946 1064 778 287
Women's Hospitals and Wards
In Punjab there were 34 female hospitals and dispensaries which treated about
11884 women patients in 1923. In 1926 a special scheme was inaugurated for
providing medical aid to women by lady doctors in separate hospitals at each
district head quarter and special female sections in the general hospital at each
tehsil head quarter. Separate women's hospitals were to be under a woman
doctor, while the women's wards in the general wards had \vomen Sub
Assistant Surgeon. This Scheme could not be completed even after 10 years. In
1938 one District head quarter i.e. Jhelum and 54 tehsil head quarters haJ no
women doctors i.e. abo:.It 2/3 of the tehsil headquarter hospitals and
159
dispensaries had no-arrangement for the treatment of wo:nen patients by
doctors of their own sex. 82
By the end of I 934 there were 85 women's institutes (50 women's hospitals
and 35 women wards) in all of this 25 were maintained by Government, 32 by
local bodies and 28 by missionary societies. In 194 7 this increased to I 06 and
there were 345 maternity beds. There was always an inadequate provision for
proper female ·medical aid and it was rarely given the due consideration in any
scheme of expansion. "But the achievement of this ideal is still remote; for
financial reasons. The other limiting factor was the insufficient supply of
Punjab women doctors."83 Annexure -V table shows that the Female hospitals
and dispensaries in Punjab were run by the local fund or by the missionaries.
The statistics of the Lady Willington Hospital, Lahore show that these women
speciality hospitals were very popular and were in great demand. It also
fulfilled the important function of providing clinical material for the training of
students at the King Edward Medical College in practical midwifery and
Gynaecology.84 The Lady Willingdon Hospital, Lahore continued to work at
full pressure and many gynaecological cases had to be refused for want of
accommodation. Proposal was put up for providing accommodation for 116
more beds.
The extent to which women were availing themselves of this facilities is shown
by the number of women patients at hospital and dispensaries which rise from
1131632 (110672 out-patients + 24907 in-patients) in 1924 to 3326355
(3249818 out-patients + 76537 in-patients) in 1934. These figures refer to
women patients treated at ordinary hospitals as well as at women's hospital or
wards where lady doctors were available. The number of beds for ;vomen has
risen from 223 5 (912 at exclusive female hospitals and dispensaries) in 1924 to
82 Abstract from the Report on the Working of Hospitals and Dispensaries in the Punjab for the Triennium 1935-37, Indian Medical Gazette, February 1940, p 126. 83 Abstract from Annual Report on the working of Hospitals and Dispensaries in the Pun.;ab 1938, Indian Medical Gazette, July 1940, p. 444. 84 Abstract from the Report on the Working of Hospitals and Dispensaries in the Punjab for the Triennium 1932 to 1934, Indian Medical Gazette, May 1936, p. 301.
160
4024 in 1935.85 There was definitely a growing demand for women's hospitals
and this has brought to the forefront the problem of making adequate provision
for female medical aid io meet the growing demand. "The year shows a
remarkable increase in the number of women patients, both indoor and outdoor.
Thanks to the combined efforts of Medical, Public Health education and Rural
Reconstruction Department and Indian Red Cross society, there are signs of a
general awakening in the public who have begun to realize the necessity of the
proper medical aid for their women folk. "86
Village Nurse Scheme
Many schemes were introduced in Punjab aiming at the welfare of the women
and the reduction of infantile mortality but these activities were mostly
confined to the large towns and cities where all facilities existed for the
women. Rural dispensaries catering to men and women fell hopelessly short of
the provision that was rightly expected for the women. Local bodies were not
in a position to finance any large undertaking and due to financial stringency
Government also could not provide adequate assistance and funds.
It was in the middle ofthe year 1925 that an attempt was made by G. McGuire,
I.M.S Civil Surgeon, Kamal, Punjab with the assistance of his wife and in the
face of great deal of ridicule, to provide some help for the women in the
villages by adding to the number of qualified nurses in the district. According
to this scheme a body of nurses and nurse-dais trained in midwifery and paid
for by Government was to be maintained in every district with at least a nurse
in each and every dispensary. Great enthusiasm was shown by the public, who
came forward in numbers of their own accord asking for the services of trained
nurses. The District Boa;ds were prevailed upon to pass a resolution providing
a nurse in every dispensary if subscriptions of Rs. 1 ,500 were raised by the
people of the area. This scheme supplemented to a much felt want in the rural
areas, as it was not possible to provide for trained lady doctors. Nurses and
85 Review of the Report on the working of Hospitals and Dispensaries in the Punjab 1935 , Indian Medical Gazette, January 1937, p. 61. 86 Abstract of the Report on the Working of Hospital and Dispensaries in the Punjab for the year 1936, Indian Medical Gazette, July 1938, p. 443.
161
nurse-dais trained in midwifery played an important part in reducing puerperal
fever. There were 22 nurses in a district instead of the prior number of 2. It is
not intended that these nurses should take the place of lady doctors and even
though these nurses would fail to be useful in obstructed delivery, thousands of
women whose labour was normal and who die from puerperal fever through
sheer neglect and want of ordinary aseptic precautions at the hands of the
ignorant untrained indigenous dai, were saved. 87
Delhi
According to 1931 census the population of Delhi was 6,36,246 and the death
rate of females in the age group of 10 to 50 was 12.16 compared to 7.6 of the
males of the same age group per mile of the population. The total P.xpenditure
on MCW work in Delhi 1931 was about Rs. 70,692 which was about 5% of the
total expenditure incurred on account of public health. 88 The first of the MCW
centre was started in Delhi city in 1915. By 1931 there were 24 MC\V centres
of which 19 are in the urban areas and 5 in the rural areas (including the
notified areas of Shahdara, Mehrauli, and Najafgarh) of which onlv 2 were
actually located in the villages of Bawana and Nangloi. At all these centres a
mother card was kept and every effort was made to follow up the case from the
antenatal period to at least ten days of delivery. In these centre classes for
indigenous dais were also held twice a week and e.t:forts were made to wean of
these dais from their ignorance of elementary laws of hygienic and crude
methods as far as possible. Almost all these centres are popular and well
patronized.
Another very significant function of the health unit at Najafgarh was the
facility it offered for the training of students; medical or lay, and the fullest
advantages has been taken of this facility throughout the year. The Medical
Officer of health also fulfilled the very important function of teaching the pupil
teachers at the normal training school at Najafgarh. She taught all that was
practical and important in hygiene and suitable as applied to Indian villages'
87 G. McGuire, 'Hints ot Village Nurse Scheme', Indian Medical Ga=Ptte, February 1929, pp. 95-99.
88 Public Health Report for Delhi Province 1931, p. 31.
162
conditions, t0 school, their environment and to school children. 89 Students from
Lady Reading Health School and Lady Irwin College attended specially
arranged course lasting over a week during which period they had the fullest
opportunity of studying at first hand life of the villagers, the duties and
functions of the skilled workers appointed to assist them, the organization of
the health unit and the value or co-ordinated social services. Day tour was also
arranged for the senior students from the LHMC.
The organization of the centre varied according to the size and locality. In all
the municipality areas MCW work was carried out under supervision of their
respective health officers and the expenditure in the large municipalities was
entirely financed by the local authorities themselves. The Assistant Director of
Public Health with the help ofLady Health Visitor in charge of the main MCW
centre in New Delhi also supervised the work of the welfare centres in the rural
areas. Delhi was the only province, besides Madras, where women doctors
were recruited for organising the MCW centres both in urban and rural areas. 90
The MCW staff usually consisted of 2 European Health Visitors under whom
were 2 Indian Lady Health Visitors and 2 trained dais. Under the re-organised
MCW schemes each of the 4 municipal centres was provided with the one
senior Lady Health Visitor, Junior Lady Health Visitors and 2 dais.
Th~ smallest centre was in charge of a nurse dais and was attended at least once
a week in the urban areas by the lady doctor. During the intervening period in
the week the nurse dais followed up the instructions of the doctor and devoted
her time in home visiting in the locality. These home visiting were very
significant for only by visiting the home of the patients some of the worst kinds
of ignorance and prejudices were successfully overcome. More over during
such visits friendly advice as to proper feeding for the mother and the child,
sick nursing, clothing, ventilation, drainage and home economics was given.
Such work was more efficiently done by the Lady Health Visitors but due to
shortage of funds it could not be taken up extensively. The 2 trained dais
89 Abstract from the Annual Public Health Report of Dei hi province 1939, Indian Medical Ga=ette , May 1941, p. 314.
90 Bhore Committee Report 1946, p. 65.
163
working under Lady Health Visitors paid 3,349 visits. The Indian Health
Visitor paid 96I new visits and attended I09 midwifery cases, visiting 480
houses which were gynaecological cases. 69 dais were under training in I923.91
·~n I927 the number of dais increased to 95 including 4I trained and 54 under
training. 2 out of the 3 dais who appeared at the Punjab Centre midwives Board
Examination passed. 92
The total number of home visits made for different reasons were 92707 for
Urban areas (New Delhi, Delhi city and notified area Civil lines, Delhi) and
I7444 for rural areas for the year I93I as compared to 90572 and I7752
respectively in I930. Total number of attendance at the clinics in the urban area
was I99765 while the number in the rural areas was 8580 during I93I and
166I25 and 9049 for I930.93 Number of confinements in the health centre had
rose from I004 in I938 to I2I8 in I939. Attendance at the clinic rose sharply
from 26310 to 35505 and home visits rose form 3II92 to 31880. The rural
areas served by the centres has been considerably widened and whereas in
I938, the staff of the three centres at Narela, Nangloi and Meharuli dealt only
with 548 cases of confinement in 1939 they deal with twice that number i.e.
1088.94
More rural centres were required but financial stringency had hampered the
expansion of the work in rural areas and as a result Nangoli centre closed in
I93I. Voluntary Organisations or private individuals often contributed towards
the maintenance of the centres at Shahdara, Raj pur, Dhakka, and Meh.rauli. In
1939 a MCW centre was built at Jangpura with the donation given by
Marchioness of Willing don.
In I918 at Delhi 22 new dispensaries were opened of thi::; 8 were state special,
II sponsored by local fund, 2 were private and one was of railways. 95 The
Victoria Zenana Hospital was one of the famous hospitals for women in Delhi.
91 Annual Report of Public Healtll Commissioner with 0011923, p. 106. 92 Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GOI 1927, p. 94.
93 Public Health Report For Delhi Province 1931, p. 31. 94 Abstract from the Annual Public Health Report of Delhi province 1939, fr,riian Medical Gazette, May 1941, p. 314. 95 Report on the Administration of Delhi province 1918-1919.
164
It was run by the Dufferin Fund and it received grant-in-aid from Red Cross
Society, Delhi Muncipal Committee and Delhi Administration.96 Many patients
came to this hospital and there was always over crowding. "This increase in
maternity work is particularly encouraging as it shows that women have at last
realized the advantages of hospital care and treatment. At times the rush of
maternal cases has been so great that less urgent cases have had to be refused
admission and there is the danger of losing our medical and general work
unless the committee takes early steps to build the long-talked of Maternity
Block" 97
United Provinces
In United Provinces both ~he District Public Heath staff and the Local Health
staff were both provincialised and were under the control of the Director of
Public Health. It also had a Board of Health for the provinces which besides
being an advisory body, allotted funds for the sanitary purposes. The services
of District Medical Officers of Health and Assistant Medical Officers of Health
were provincialised and unified with the services of municipal Medical
Officers of Health. The provincialised Public Health Services has been formed
into two Distinct classes for Class I and those of with an Indian Licence into
Public Health of Class II.98 According to the 1921 census the population of
United Provinces was about 45,375,787.99 There were 632 hospitals and
dispensaries in 1923 and this later rose to 844 hospitals and dispensaries. Of
these 388 was in urban areas, each institution serving a population of 17, 668
and 456 in rural areas, each institution serving a population of 105,626. The
average number of villages served by a single medical institution was 224 and
a single dol'tor catered to the medical needs of about 13,586 people. And it was
the lowest provision for rural population in India. "It seems fairly certain that
96 NAI File no.S0-11139-H 97 Annual Report of the CDF 1932, p. 23.
98 Abstract from the Annual Report of the Director of Public Health qf United provinces and Oudh 1927, Indian Medical Ga=ette, p. 98.
99 Indian Medical Ga::ette, July 1929, P .409.
165
an appreciable proportion of those living in rural areas may, throughout their
lives, receive no medical aid from either a hospital or a dispensary." 100
During 1925, 1926, and 1927 deaths reported from child birth were 1405, 1817
and 1518 respectively. A member of the Women's Medical Service was
appointed as Superintendent of Medical Aid to Women in the United Provinces
since 1922. She organized preventive work in addition to the inspection of
hospitals. She has greatly increased the number of Maternity and Child Welfare
Centres and the training of midwives and dais. "She organizes and attends
Baby Week Celebrations give lectures, personally checks the work of the many
Health Centres she has started. All this is work of the greatest value in a
country like India, which could not be done by male workers. No other medical
woman is employed by any provincial Government to organize Maternity and
Child Welfare." 101
Jn 1935 the number of medical women employed on the preventive work in
municipalities and other local bodies was 18 and the number of health visitors
with diplomas in the municipalities was 10. The number of midwives employed
was 203. One medical woman (LMP) and 2 Delhi trained health visitors
worked in the Provincial Training Centre, Lucknow. One medical woman
(MBBS) and two Lucknow trained health visitors worked in the health unit of
Pratapgarh. 102 "The urgent need for incr~ased medical aid in the rural areas is
being more and more stressed on every hand and it is satisfactory to note a
scheme for an ambulance service has been inaugurated in United Provinces." 103
MCWCentres
At MCW centres maternity work and the treatment of mother and infants were
done. The midwives paid house visits daily discovered expectant mothers and
gave them elementary lessons on hygienic conditions and on care of the baby.
Expenses were met from the publicity funds, public donations and municipal
100 Bhore Committee Report 1946 ,p. 37. 101 NAI, File no. 24 Health Deposits September 1929 EHL Department 102 Abstract from the Annual Report of the Director of Public Health of United provinces and Oudh 1935, Indian Medical Gazette, February 1937, p. 126. 103 Abstract from the Annual Report of the CDF 1938, Indian Medical Ga=el/e, January 1940, p. 57.
166
contributions. The U.P branch of the Lady Chelmsford league in co-operation
with the provincial branch of the Indian Red Cross society controls the child
welfare work and has opened many centres in cities and some small towns.
These centres have played an important part in the propagation of antenatal and
post natal knowledge in the expectant mothers. 104 In addition to health care
work regular classes were held for indigenous dais where lectures were given at
these centres. TP,e training of probationer dais and midwives was also carried
out at these centres which were recognized by the United Provinces State
Medical Faculty.105 Sometimes these midwives were .sent for health visitors
training to the Lady Reading School at Delhi.
In 1926 MCW work was carried out in 22 districts with 27 MCW and this
increased 'i:o 33 in 1927. By 1935 there were 223 MCW centres (114 rural and
I 09 urban) but all were run by the Red Cross Society. 106 The organisation of
these MCW centres varied according to the place and availability of the fund. ·
Some centres were having just a dai and sometimes they were having even a
qualified women doctor. A modified health Unit was introduced in 9 districts in
1935 in connection with rural development work and it had a health visitor, six
midwives and six trained dais.
Five midwives supervised by 2 health Visitors were employed in Lucknow
MCW centre. The number of labour cases conducted by these was 3 70 and of
expect mothers seen was 452. The training of the probationary midwives was
carried out at the Provincial Training Centre situated at Lucknow in
domiciliary midwifery and house visiting. By 1927 there were 6 MCW centres
in Lucknow. At Allahabad midwives have beeP- appointed in different localities
to visit the homes of expected mothers and to attend to confinement cases. The
duty order was to explain to the public the measures to be adopted in order to
combat the high infantile mortality. 2 sub-assistant surgeons have been
104 Dr. Prakash Chandra, 'Public Health Conditions in U.P', in Indian Medical Gazette, December 1933, p. 727. I 05 Abstract from the Annual Report of the Director of Public Health of United provinces and Oudh 1927, p. 34. I 06 Abstract from the Annual Report of the Director of Public Health of United provinces and Oudh 1935, Indian Medical Gazette, February 1937, p. 126.
167
appointed to supervise the work of these midwives and train the probationary
midwives. Four probations midwives were said to be under training here in
1925. Efforts to improve the standard of indigenous dais are also being made
by 2 resident midwives and the Health visitors for these provinces whose
headquarters were at Allahabad. In 1924 these midwives gave lectures to 42
dais and held about 49 classes with an average attendance of 6. The Allahabad
scheme was fmanced by the Red Cross Society, the provincial league the
municipality and by subscriptions donations and fees earned by the staff
maintained its success and popularity.
Cawnpore had five centres, two of which were financed and managed by the
British India Corporation was for the workers of Cooper Allen and woollen
Mills; two were run by the municipality and one privately. Only 26 cases of
confinements were attended by three centres. 107 At Jhansi two centres were
opened in November 1925. The Maternity staff of these two centres made 600
home visits and conducted 50 cases through dais that year. The centre at
Dehradun was established in December 1924. The midwives paid 10 tol5
house visits daily. Expenses for this centre were met from the publicity funds,
public donations and municipal contributions. Lectures were given to dais in 51
classes. The MCW centres at Pilibhit, Muzaffamagar, Bahraich, Gonda etc
were small and there was just a resident midwife who worked under the
municipality. She made house visits, attended normal labour cases free of
charge and sometimes held classes for dais. The centre a~ Muttra had a
maternity Nurse and at this centre lectures were given to indigenous dais and
women in their own homes.
The local government sanctioned Rs.l 0, 000 for the improvement and Rs.6000
for the training of dais and Rs.l 0, 000 for the purchase of models for the
opening of fresh centres and for propaganda work in 1924. The Victoria
Memorial Scholarship Fund also sanctioned Rs.3300 grant and these were
spent in helping the centres at Jhansi, Bijnor, Gorakhpur, Cawnpore,
107 Annual Report of the Public Health Commissioner with the GOI 1925, p. 18.
168
Saharanpur, Fatehpur, Bareily. 108 The local government increased their grant
from Rs.26,000 to Rs.50,000 in 1926 it also distributed Rs.36,000 as
preliminary gift to the branches already in existence only to encourage them. 109
The local government grant during year 1927-28 was increased from Rs.50,000
to Rs.59,600. A sum of Rs.3300 from the Victoria Memorial Scholarship fund
was given for the improvement of indigenous dais. In 1935 a sum of
Rs.1 ,00,000 was sanctioned from the silver jubilee fund for the building of a
health school in Lucknow for the training ofthe health visitors and midwives.
Midwife and Dai Training
Sanction was accorded to the training of 6 midwives at the Dufferin Hospitals
at Allahabad, Benares and Lucknow, 4 at Cawnpore, 2 each at remaining
places and 4 at Women's School and Hospital at Agra in 1923 itself. In all
there were 36 probations midwives have been under training that year. Of these
whole 6 were discharged or left, being unsuitable and 14 passed out. The
remaining 16 were still under training. The scheme for the training of midwives
was introduced later at the Dufferin and Women's Hospitals at Gorakhpur,
Fyzabad, Meerut, Aligarh, Moradabad, Allahabad, Bareily, Benares, Cawnpore
and Agra. Government made a grant of Rs.6000 for this training in 1925. 48
midwives were enrolled, of whom only 10 passed, 11 left, 7 failed and 20 were
still in training that year. At Cawnpore in 1925 facility for midwifery training
was conducted at the MCW Centre, Dufferin and Mission Hospitals, but these
institutions only trained workers for their own needs. Indigenous dais were
given lectures in special classes held for training them in modem methods of
doing their work. Sometimes demonstrations on . cleanliness and aseptic
1~ethods were also given to indigenous dais at the bedside of cases. In 1923
there were also centre for improvement of indigenous dais at Lucknow, Agra,
Allahabad, Meerut, and Gonda. At each centre a resident midwife was working
in connection with this scheme. At Shajahanpur indigenous dais were trained
by the Sub Assistant Surgeon in charge of the Dufferih's Hospital.
I 08 Annual Report ofthe Public Health Commissioner with the GOI 1924, p. 18. 109 Abstract from the Annual Report of Public Health Commissioner with GO! for 1926, Indian Medical Ga=ette, March 1929, p. 168.
169
A serious effort was made in 1935 to train dais through out the province,
especially in 25 MCW centres, where medical women or health visitors were
employed and in areas under the ten health units in the province. At Pratapgarh
a special health unit was established in 1931 as a model scheme and it was
funded by Rockefeller foundation. 110 600 dais were trained during 1937 at this
centre.
Due to financial reasons MCW centres were sometimes closed. In 1926 the
Muzzaffarnagar centre was closed. Where as the centre at Almora had to be
closed, as it did no useful work. The centre at Gazipur, in spite of public
opposition, frequent changes of chairman and financial stringency, did continue
showing progress. The centre at Meerut was discontinued in August 1925. The
MCW centres were always struggling to survive due to financial and other
reasons which directly effected their futtctioning. The number of Maternity
cases attended by these trained staffwas often very less. At Allahabad in 1925
out of 6118 births recorded 1526 maternity cases were attended by the MCW
staff. Similarly the following year, out of 6445 registered births the MCW staff
attended only 2000. At Benaras out of 10,245 births recorded in 1927 only 666
were attended by maternity staff. At Lucknow the number of births in the
maternity wards was 8147, of which the maternity staff attended 1698 cases
only. III
Women's Hospitals
Most of the women's hospitals and dispensaries in the United Provinces were
run by the Countess of Dufferin's Fund Association. (See Annexure-VI)
Government run female hospitals were very few. During retrenchment when
government introduced cut in the the grant to CDF, there were major changes
in the provincial cadres also. The effect was felt in the maintenance of the
IIO Abstract from the Seventieth Annual Report of the o:rector of Public Health of the United Provinces 1937, Indian Medical Gazette, May 1939, p. 316. Ill Annual Report ofthe Public Health Commissioner with GO: 1927, p. 84.
170
Dufferin hospitals in United Provinces. The following were the changes
introduced in I 932 in the United Provinces to make up for the deficit budget. 112
1. One post of first class medical women was abolished.
2. At Bijnor, Mirzapur and Gazipur Sub- assistant Surgeons were appointed in
place of assistant surgeon.
3. A universal cut of I 0 per cent was made in the pay of all employees of the
provincial Dufferin Fund in place of Graded cuts
4. Further increments in the pay ofFirst class medical.women were stopped.
5.The clerks in the offices of the secretary and the honorary Treasurer,
provincial committee, Countess of Dufferin's Fund, U.P., Allahabad, were
deprived of increase in pay due to them.
6. The rate of uniform aJiowance to Anglo-Indian and Indian Staff Nurses was
cut down to half the former amount.
7. The number of Dufferin Fund scholarships at the Women's Medical School,
Agra, was reduced to half.
8. The amounts provided m the budget estimates against the heads
"Superintendent's T.A., Gratuities and Bonus" and "Contribution to Local
Branches" were cut down
All these steps have directly affected the functioning of Hospitals, Dispensaries
and MCW centres. The direct effect was ·the lose of the only first class medical
woman of United Province. She was the only person who organised MCW
work in the province she also was the principal of the Agra Girls Medical
School. The functioning of these had a major set back.
Dr. S. H. Commissariat SMO, WMS, Superintendent Medical Aid to Women,
U.P; inspected 27 Dufferin Hospitals and 51 women's hospitals between
January and October 31, 1932. Basing on her report the provincial Committee
112 Ibid
171
of the Countess of Dufferin's Fund, U.P., passed the following resolutions to
improve the functioning ofhospitals and dispensaries: 113
(1) That half the number of Dufferin Fund Scholars admitted in future to the
Women's Medical School, Agra, should be bona-fide residents of these
provinces.
(2) That in order to encourage Indian lady students to study in Europe, half the
number of posts for First Class Medical Women should be reserved for
Indian Women, i.e., for women other than European and Anglo-Indian.
(3) That four per cent of the cadre be First Class Medical Women.
(4) That the appointment of 2 Indian Nurses on Rs. 40-5-50 p.m., as pay and
Rs. 2-8-0 p.m. as uniform allowance, and 4 probationer nurse on a stipend
of Rs. 12 p.m., each to the Dufferin Hospital, Lucknow, a:1d of 4
probationer nurses on a stipend ofRs. 12 p.m., each to other larger Dufferin
Hospitals in place of 2 junior staff nurses on Rs. 50 p.m. as pay and Rs. 30
p.m as board allowance, and 2 probationer nurses on a stipend of Rs. 20
p.m. each paid out of the Government grant ofRs. 2,400 be sanctioned.
(5) That a woman Sub-assistant Surgeon, who has passed the membership
examination of the State Medical Faculty, U.P., be exempted from one of
the grade examinations required to be taken under the Dufferin Fund rules
113 Annual Report ofCDF 1932, p. 39-41.
172