CHapter-S:

(Progress of Lamf ̂ forms in Vttar (Pracfesfi

CHAPTERS

PROGRESS OF LAND REFORMS IN

UTTAR PRADESH

Uttar Pradesh is the rainbow land where the multi-hued Indian CuUure has

blossomed from times immemorial. Blessed with a variety of geographical land

and many cultural diversities, Uttar Pradesh, has been the area of activity of

historical heroes like- Rama, Krishna, Buddha, Mahavira, Ashoka, Harsha,

Akbar and Mahatma Gandhi. Rich and tranquil expanses of meadows,

perennial rivers, and dense forests and fertile soil of Uttar Pradesh have

contributed numerous golden chapters to the annals of Indian History. Dotted

with various holy shrines and pilgrim places, flill of joyous festivals, it plays an

important role in the politics, education, culture, industry, agriculture and

tourism of India. Garlanded by the Ganga and Yamuna, the two pious rivers of

Indian mythology, Uttar Pradesh is surrounded by Bihar in the East, Madhya

Pradesh in the South, Rajasthan, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh and Haryana in

the west and Uttaranchal in the north and Nepal touch the northern borders of

Uttar Pradesh, it assumes strategic importance for Indian defense. In sheer

magnitude it is half of the area of France, three times of Portugal, four times of

Ireland, seven times of Switzerland, ten times of Belgium and a little bigger

than England.The British East India Company came into contact with the

Awadh rulers during the reign of Ilird Nawab of Awadh. There is no doubt that

the history of Uttar Pradesh has run concurrently with the history of the country

during and after the British rule, but it is also well-known that the contribution

of the people of the State in National Freedom Movement had been significant.

Right from the beginning of the efforts at planned economic development land

reforms were assigned a high priority with a view to remove obstacles in the

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transformation of agriculture imposed by the exploitative and defective land

tenure system in the country and to create a more egalitarian rural society.

However land reforms in the country have remained content with the objective

of the creation of individual proprietary rights and granting of security of

tenure to the actual tiller of the land and did not attempt any basic

transformation of the agrarian relations on socialist lines. Even in the limited

objectives which the political leadership set before it, the success attained has

fallen much short of expectations. Over the years the political commitment to

land reforms has weakened considerably. The success of the land reform

measures and their impact on the rural economy has also varied from state to

state. In the present study, it has been attempted to have an overview of land

reforms in U.P. and made an assessment of their impact on the agrarian

structure, agricultural growth and community development in the state.

The history of mankind suggests that certain fundamental aspects of the nature

determine the fate of the people and nations and that relationship between man

and land is one of these. In India, land reform is an age old institution, which

originates from the Vedas. Rig-Veda mentions that Panchjana or five people,

i.e. the present day panchayat settled disputes, looked after civil affairs and

adjudicated cases of succession and partition. The Vedic village was a

complete self sufficient unit in itself and it had to look to the king only in the

event of external aggression. Thus, the old Indian scriptures recognized the

social responsibility in social costs involved in due cultivation of land for

production of adequate food grains for the society.

In agrarian societies, land has been the most important means of production,

status of power and prestige and therefore changes in agricultural institutions

would have far reality effects on land based social order. Imposition of revenue

farming as an institutional arrangement during Mughal India was not only the

root of inequality and poverty but also the seed of the growth of the Zamindar

class. Land Revenue in Mughal India was fixed on the basis of produce and

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not on size of land area. It was not the rent but taxes, the burnt of wliich was

felt by both lower and upper strata of the peasantry. However, upper strata had

to pay less per unit of land than the lower strata. Moreover, intermediaries were

authorized to collect excess over the fixed revenue to be paid to the king. Thus,

there were inherent regressive tendencies to aggravate inequality between the

rich and poor in the countryside.

There has been an immense and unprecedented wave of land reforms in India,

since the coming of independence in 1947. The acute problem of poverty and

agrarian stagnation had erupted into violent agrarian conflict, for example, the

Telangana and Tebhaga movement. Land reforms were used as a palliative to

the seething discontent in the rural areas and growing agrarian unrest. The

congress leadership of the freedom movement was committed to changing the

semi feudal agrarian structure, by a rapid increase in agricultural production,

through capitalist farming. Rapid industrialization would not be able to absorb

the vast rural masses; capitalist farming would also not be able to absorb them.

Dispossessing the peasant proprietors on a large scale would pose serious

social and political dangers. Hence, the need for a new agrarian structure would

gradually generate a layer of capitalist farmers and rich peasants on the one

hand and preserve the small and petty peasant on land on the other. Now the

agrarian structure would comprise at its base, a large number of small and

dwarf peasant property and at its top, rich peasant cum capitalist farming. This

policy suggested by Justice Ranade in the late W^ century gradually

percolated among the nationalist leaders of the 20"' century.

Zamindari abolition hardly benefited the mass of poor peasants and

agricultural labourers. But it did mark the beginning of structural change in

Indian agriculture. It vested ownership in the hands of the old occupancy

tenants, many of whom took to capitalist farming. While compensation and

resumption of land enabled the old semi feudal landlords to remain rich. They

were gradually extinguished as a social class. While semi-feudal landlordism

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survived in large parts of the country, the emerging reaUty was represented by

political and social power veering around the new breed of capitalist rural

bourgeoisie.

Land Tenure System in Pre-Independent India:-

According to 'S.T. Thiruma!ai'(1947)\Agricultural land in India was

administered under three systems of which Zamindari system covered nearly

57 percent of total area extending over nine provinces including Bengal,

Bihar, Eastern U.P., North Madras and parts of Assam and Orissa. The

Mahalwari system, which covered 5 percent of the total area and the Ryotwari

system, which covered about 38 percent of the total area also generated

unprotected tenants, sub tenants and sharecroppers, who did not have any

tenurial security over the land they cultivated.

The basic feature of the tenancy system is that the cultivator cultivates a land

taken from an owner on payment of rent or by sharing the produce of land with

the landlord. As such the tenurial system of a country identifies the ownership

of land and the relation of the owner with the cultivator. The two i.e. the owner

and the cultivator, may be separate entities as, for example, in the Zamindari

system, or the two functions of owning and cultivation may vest in the same

person as in the Ryotwari system. In case the owner and the tiller are separate

persons, cultivation is done in terms of conditions of tenancy. In such a system

the cultivator is a tenant who may be paying a rent or sharing the crop with the

owner. His tenancy may be temporary or fixed permanently, subject to the

fulfillment of certain conditions. The person identified as owner is also related

to government insofar as he is responsible for making tax payments such as

land revenue to the state. Thus a tenurial system encompasses such things as

the owner, the cultivator and the Government, interrelation among them and

the rights and obligations of each.

Thirumalai, S.T,- Post war agricultural problems and policies in India-1954, Bombay, P-13

131

As a result of historical factors, a number of tenurial systems emerged in the

country. These can be broadly classified under three heads, 1- the Zamindari

system, 2-the Ryotwari system and 3-the Mahalwari system.

(1) Zamindari System:

In the Zamindari system, the land revenue was collected from the farmers by

the Zamindars. The system was created by the East India Company when in

1793 Lord CornwalUs entered into "Permanent Settlement" with landlords

with a view to increase the revenue of the company. The share of the

government in total rent collected by the Zamindars was kept at 10/11"* in

Uttar Pradesh and other states, which remained till the time of independence.

Under this system two distinct classes emerged, owners and cultivators. Thus

between the government and tillers, Owners acted as intermediaries. Often the

number of intermediaries was very large, caused by the sub-tenancy of land.

The principal tenants sublet the land on lease from Zamindars. The subtenants

did likewise and leased the land to other tenants. In this way, the number of

intermediaries between the government and the actual cultivator multiplied.

According to the Simon Commission Report (1928) in some cases there were

as many as 50 intermediaries.

(2) Ryotwari System:

The cultivator under this system deals directly with the government. He takes

land from it and pays to it land revenue. No intermediary, therefore, stands

between the tiller and the government as under the Zamindari system. So long

as he regularly pays land revenue, he continues to hold the land and cannot be

evicted. He has even the right to sell the land. Since the ownership of land vests

with the government, he has simply the right of occupancy. It is for this reason

that he is known as an occupancy tenant. The payment made to the government

is in the mature of rent and it is settled for a period of 20 to 30 years. The

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system is to be found largely in Maharastra, Gujarat, Assam, Tamil Nadu,

and Madhya Pradesh. Cultivation under this system is done ordinarily by

owners themselves. But sometimes the owner gives land to other on lease. In

such cases cultivation is done by tenants. Under this arrangement tenants have

no permanent rights in land and for this reason they are called tenant at will or

non occupancy tenants. These tenants worked in terms of conditions laid down

in the lease and the conditions are generally dictated by owners.

(3) Mahalwari System:

In this system land is held under the joint ownership of the entire village

community. The members of the community jointly and individually are

responsibly for the payment of land revenue to the government. Generally, the

village community appoints a certain person for this purpose. The land revenue

is normally fixed for 30 to 40 years, and is subject to change after the expiry of

the fixed period. The fixation of land revenue, its payment and other connected

things are different in different places. This system is prevalent in Punjab, U.P.

and in some places of Madhya Pradesh. The arrangements for cultivation vary

from place to place. At some places, cultivation is undertaken by owners as, for

example, in Punjab, while at other it is done through tenants as in Uttar

Pradesh. The rights in land or the division of the produce raised on land are

based upon different considerations in different places. In some places it is

done as per arrangements made by their forefathers, in other, the basis is

traditional principles or with reference to the number of ploughs, wells etc, on

the land.

Land Reforms in Uttar Pradesh:

Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) which had seen the political mobilization of the peasantry

during the independence struggle on a large scale was among the more

progressive states of the country during the first phase of land reforms initiated

133

after independence. In this phase land reforms in the state aimed at the

abolition of all forms of intermediary land rights with a view to give land to the

tiller. In the second phase, attention was focused on the consolidation of the

fragmented holdings. The next phase aimed at a more equitable distribution of

land through two rounds of land ceiling legislation.

Reorganization of agriculture on cooperative lines was never given a serious

thought. Cooperative farming societies which did come into existence were

more often than an attempt by the large landovmers to circumvent the land

ceiling legislation and to get various concessions from the government. This is

clearly reflected in the jump in the number of cooperative farming societies

from 387 in 1960-61 to 1359 in 1965-66, when the first round of ceiling

legislation was implemented. Growth of cooperative farming societies

stagnated thereafter and is reported to be 1502 in 1988-89 with a membership

of 33,063 and area of 139,348 ha.

The Zamindari system in Uttar Pradesh developed along with Bengal's. The

system started with the appointment of Mansaram and his relatives in 1738.

They were known as Aamils (tax officials or land collectors). They were

finally recognized by the emperor, the Nawab of Awadh and the East India

Company as Raja of Banaras. The second phase, 1775-87 began with the treaty

concluded by Asafuddaula ceding the Banaras province to the company. After

Chait Singh, a descendant of Mansaram, paid the company two million

rupees and agreed to provide troops, he was allowed to run the province as his

own kingdom. In 1781, after Chait Singh's rebellion against the company,

Warren Hastings instituted some changes in the government of Raja, but

basically allowed Mahip Narayan Singh, a collateral relative of Chait Singh,

to continue to rule much as he did. The final phase started with the appointment

of J. Duncan as resident in 1787, with authority from the council in Calcutta to

run the revenue system on behalf of the Raja. The period ends with the

declarafion of the permanent settlement of land revenue in 1795, from 1795,

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the Banaras province was administered as part of British India, first as part of

Bengal, then as part of the north western provinces.

In Duncany Bandobast (1788-94), records of rights were hastily prepared and

9/10* was realized from revenue collectors of what they received in rent from

the cultivators. The land revenue was fixed forever and it was not to be revised.

However, as Zamindari system was the baby of permanent settlement, the

subsequent legislation strengthened the Zamindars hands. Comwallis also

imposed his "Permanent Settlement" in Ghazipur, Ballia, Jaunpur, Mirzapur

and in some parts of Azamgarh. Approximately 41 percent of the land

transferred, went to families whose principal occupations were mone> lending,

service and law. In addition, residence of majority of the buyers was urban,

principally in Banaras city. It defeated the very purpose of agriculture land. In

the beginning of 19* century Britishers only had Varanasi division and the

Allahabad fort. The so called ceded districts were acquired from the Nawab

Wazir of Avadh in 1801 consisting of Azamgarh, Gorakhpur, Deoria, Basti,

Allahabad, Fatehpur, Kanpur, Etawah, Mainpuri, Etah, Shahjahanpur, Bareilly,

Badayun, Bijnor & Pilibhit. Certain districts were acquired by a treaty from the

Marathas in 1803. these were Agra, Mathura, BulandShahar, Ghaziabad,

Meerut, Muzaffamagar and Saharanpur as well as Bundelkhand districts of

Banda and Hamirpur. The districts of Jhansi, Jalaum and Lalitpur were

acquired by lapse, forfeiture and treaty after 1840. The province of Avadh was

annexed in 1856. All the ceded and conquered districts were governed till 1935

by the Bengal Regulation. The Government of India act, 1832 provided for

establishment of presidency of Agra. In 1902, both provinces Agra and Avadh

were united in the name of "United Provinces, Agra & Avadh". By the

Government of India act, 1935, the word 'Agra and Avadh' omitted and

'United Provinces' was retained. The name of "The United Provinces" was

changed to the "Uttar Pradesh" on January 24,1950.

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In Oudh, Zamindars were known as Taluqdars. The taluqdars were not owners

of lands but rulers of men. They exploited the tenancy system. The sub

cultivators also were exploited on the basis of their castes. Cultivators had to

pay as much as 25 percent towards government demand, cesses and Malikana

of the taluqdar and the village expenses. The Zamindar or taluqdar used the

dreaded darkroom (Andheria Kotha) once used as dungeon for recalcitrant

tenants. The small farmers were treated worse than animals by the taluqdars

and, therefore, agriculturists were frustrated against Comwallis' pious hopes. J.

S. Mill termed the 'Permanent Settlement' as Bad Bargain in the long term.

Zamindars wangled the utmost out of the poor tenants. They took as much as

four times the amount they paid to the Government as land revenue. Thus

manipulations, flattery & corruption became prevalent in revenue

administration those days. In order to prevent the deterioration of the relations

between the landlords and the tenants and its consequent adverse effects on

agriculture, the Britishers realized the desirability of undertaking special

tenancy legislation. Some of the directors or men in India of East India

company believed in benevolence influenced by French Revolution. They

brought new thinking to this country as well. The Rent Recovery Act, 1859

was enacted to secure rights of tenants as against their landlords. It is called the

first Magna Carta for the tenants through Zamindars used it more for their

vested interests as tenants were illiterate and had divine faith in zamindar as a

part of a feudal set up. As per the act of 1859, the occupancy rights were

conferred on tenants with 12 years possession.

Other acts included N.W.F.P. Act 1873, Agra Tenancy Acts 1901, and 1926

which prescribed the relation between landlords and tenants of agricultural

land. The 1926 Act converted non occupancy tenants into statutory tenants.

This was the resuh of Eka Movement which has the slogan, 'No Nazrana No

Ejectment'. By U.P. tenancy Act 1939, the farmers were more accommodated.

If a tenant continued in uninterrupted possession, he could not be evicted

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easily. The Agra Tenancy Act of 1901, provided for accrual of occupancy

rights in the case of a break of less than seven years or a lease of the same

period. This act was later amended by the Agra tenancy act of 1926, which

created a new class of tenures called "Statutory Raiyats".

In Avadh, under the Act of 1886, occupancy rights were conferred on tenants

who had once enjoyed proprietary rights but who had later lost it. This right

was later extended to expropriators whose proprietary rights had been

transferred by sale or execution. Life tenancy was conferred on non-occupancy

tenants by the Oudh Rent Act in 1921. These various acts were consolidated

into the United Provinces Tenancy Act of 1939. The act provided for hereditary

rights to nearly all occupancy tenants and extension of this privilege to tenants

on Sir lands. It also restricted ejectment and provided for the setting down of

rents with in five years, and once fixed, rents were to remain unaltered

ordinarily for a period of 20 years. Under the Act, the permanent tenure holder

was classed as tenant, but actually he possessed the characteristics of an under

proprietor. He had a permanent heritable and transferable right in land which

he held as an intermediary between the landlord and the occupants at a rate of

rent fixed in perpetuity.

The Zamindars or intermediaries gradually isolated the English from the

public. The tenancy was crying under the yoke of exploitation and injustice

perpetuated by the agents of the Britishers. In Uttar Pradesh, the first Kisan

Sabha was presided over by Shri Purshottam Das Tandon. Shri Indra

Dwivedi was the Secretary. Shri Govind Ballabh Pant was elected as one of

the Vice Presidents in 1919. The exploitation of the cultivators by the

Zamindars, non response to the grievances of the cultivators by the British

rulers and efforts of Baba Ram Chandra Srivastava through the discourses ol

Ramayana in villages of Oudh laid an unprecedented upheaval in the form of

'Eka Movement' in 1921. Baba Ram Chandra organized the villagers. He

formed 'Eka Society' in each village. The purpose of forming an 'Eka

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Society' in a village was that the village should join the movement. The

persons who did not attend were ill treated or boycotted. Social boycott is a

powerful weapon and had been very widely used in the 'Eka Movement'. On

11'^ April, 1936, a conference of farmers was held in Lucknow. One

association known as "Bhartiya Kisan Sabha" was formed. An important

resolution passed during the conference protested that the land revenue rates

were excessive.

Since Lucknow session of the congress and subsequently Congress Agrarian

Enquiry Committee Report-1936, the question of land reforms was widely

debated till 1950, and this gavC: enough time to the Zamindars, Talukdars and

other intermediaries to dispose off their land or manipulate through

benami(fake) transfer. However, Uttar Pradesh got credit of becoming first in

enacting Land Reforms Act, "Uttar Pradesh Zamindar Abolition Land

Reforms (UPZA«&LR) Act, 1950". Subsequently, Rampur Thekedari and

Pattedari act of 1953, the Kumaon Land Act, 1954 etc. followed and

supplemented ZA&LRA- 1950 were enacted. These acts eroded the base of

feudal structure and direct relationship between peasants and state was

established. However Zanimdars were also confirmed as landholders along

with Bhoomidhars, Sirdhars and Assamis. Thus, the term Zamindar was of

course eliminated instead of Zamindar as such. As a result, there was hardly

any significant change in land distribution pattern. Subsequently, ceiling, on

land holding act of 1960 was introduced to address the resultant lapse of

ZA&LRA. But this act was self defeating in purpose because of provisions of

exemptions and other in buih loopholes. This ceiling act 1960 was further

amended in 1971 and 1973, which provided enough time and opportunities for

the landlords in killing the main spirit, and objectives of land reform in Uttar

Pradesh.

Besides these initiatives legislative measures regarding abolition of tenancy,

distribution of ceiling surplus and gram samaj land, consolidation of holdings

138

etc. were taken to address the problems of land reforms. Distribution of Gram

Samaj patta land with implementing emphasis by the government is an added

reinforcement. Undoubtedly, abolition of Zamindari and intermediaries was a

radical step to change agrarian relations. If enactment would have been the

yardstick for commitment and realization it was the largest body of legislation

that India could pass after independence. Concern for reducing disparity of land

ownership was very much recorded in plan documents for structural reforms

and agrarian efficiency. But there was apparent unwillingness of the rulers to

do anything concrete about changing the production relations in Indian

agriculture, which ensured that in most part of India even tenancy reforms and

land ceiling laws, enacted in however diluted a form, would never be

implemented.

U.P. ZAMINDARI ABOLITION & LAND REFORMS ACT-1950:-

Uttar Pradesh was one of the first states to enact legislation abolishing

Zamindari system. It took 6 years to complete the formalities. The U.P.

Tenancy Act, 1939 was in existence before the Zamindari Abolition and Land

Reforms, Act-1950.

In 1935, the Indian National Congress in Lucknow gave assent to the

principle of Zamindari Abolition. On the lines proposed by the Zamindar

Abolition Committee, a bill providing for the abolition of Zamindari in the

state was drafted. The U.P. Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Bill,

was introduced in the Assembly on July?, 1949. Going through several stages,

the bill was finally passed by the legislative assembly on lO"̂ January 1951 and

by the legislative council on 16th Januaryl951. When the bill was presented to

the Governor for his assent, he reserved it for the consideration of the

President. The Bill received the assent of the President on January 24, 1951 and

was published in the U.P. gazette dated 26th January, 1951. When it become

the law of the land.

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Section 4 of the 2-A, L.R. Act empowers all estates to be vested into the state

of U.P.from the data of notification. The Zamindars impugned the

constitutional validity of Zamindari abolition as contravening the fundamental

right to property guaranteed under Article 31 of the Constitution. On 10th may,

1951 the Allahabad High Court all petitions and referred it to the Supreme

Court dismissed it to the Supreme Court. In the meanwhile Parliament

amended act 31A and the Supreme Court on 5th may 1952 and dismissed all

petition. On 1st July, 1952, the gazette notification brought sec-4 ZA&LR Act

into effect. C F Daniel Thorner^ said " The act provided a legal basis for the

continuance of the grop sharing system."

Features of the UPZA«&LR Act-1950:

(1) The act abolished all intermediaries.

(2) The rights of intermediaries were acquired on payment of compensation at

eight times of their net assets.

(3) Rehabilitation grant provided for smaller Zamindars (who paid up to

Rs. 10,000 land revenue annually to the Govt.) or a graded scale of 2 to 20

times of the net assets, being largest for low incomes and smallest for

those comparatively large incomes.

(4) The tenant was entitled to ownership on payment of 10 times their rent

and henceforth called 'BHUMIDHAR' who will pay at land revenue 50%

of his existing rent.

(5) Land was settled with the cultivator 'Sir' and 'Khud Kasht' and grove

land could be retained in the name of personal cuhivation. Hired labour is

also included in the definition of personal cultivation. In such land, the

Zamindar becomes "BHUMIDAR".

2 C.F Daniel Thomer- "land and labour in India" -1962 pg-5

140

(6) Before the act, there were Kl intermediaries. Now a system of temire with

four classes of tenants was established, two major (BHUMIDHAR &

SIRDAR) and two minor (ASAMIS AND ADIVASIS). Government was

to acquire Zamindari right in all property not covered under the head of

personal cultivation. In 1954, the class of Adivasi was abolished and

converted to Sirdar. On 08/01/1977 tenancy changed to just 3 classes-

Sankramanie Bhumidhar with transferable rights. Asankramanie

Bhumidhar with nontransferable rights and Assami (Non-heritable and

Non transferable). Tenants were redefined as Sirdars with permanent

heritable (but not saleable) rights in their holding and can become

Bhumidhars (with saleable rights) on payment of 10 times of the annual

rent.

(7) Prohibition of letting and subletting of land.

(8) Prohibition of accumulation of land beyond 12 l/2acre in U P applicable

to the entire family- spouse, minor sons and minor daughters (later

amendment), the act tried to prevent fragmentation of land. In

consolidated areas, no person could transfer fragments except in cases

where the purchaser's land is contiguous.

(9) This act created a uniform rule of succession, irrespective of personal

laws.

(10) Creation of village Republics - the Land Management Committee (LMC),

the executive body of the gram sabha is responsible for development of

village lands.

(11) The weaker sections of the society have been given protection- no

scheduled caste is permitted to transfer his land to non- scheduled caste,

unless the collector's permission is sought. If after selling land the

remaining holding of an SC would be less than 3.125 acre, then

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permission is refused. For Scheduled Tribes, the collector cannot give

permission at all. Under Sec-178, a criminal proceeding can be instituted

against the person who has illegally grabbed the land of SC and ST.

U.P. Imposition Ceiling on Land Holdings Act-1960:

The policy on ceiling led to lengthy debates and discussions, giving enough

fore-warning to the landholder of the shape of things to come. Also the

legislation introduced loopholes in the form of exemption. "What could not

escape through the doors could finally escape the windows." The act was

amended on 8th June 1973.

Features:

(1) The act of 1960 imposed a ceiling of 40 acres of fair quality land (where the

Hereditary rate was above Rs. 6 per acre) for a family consisting of

(a) Spouse,

(b) Dependent father and dependent mother

(c) Son and son's son if they are unseparated from the holder wife or

widow of persons mentioned in clause 3,

(d) Daughter and unseparated son's daughter, as long as they are unmarried.

The amendment of 1973 laid down the ceiling limit to be 18.04 acres (7.30

hector) of irrigated land. 1 1/2 acre of unirrigated land was equivalent to 1

acre of irrigated land. This new ceiling limit is for a family of five- husband,

wife and three minor children.

(2) For every additional member of the family, the ceiling limit is stretched

by 2 hectares of land to the limit of 3 adult children, the maximum that

can be acquired additionally being six hectares. Adopted children before

8th June 1973 will also be included. If a son was in the womb on that

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date, then he will also be included. So the maximum ceiling limit is 13.03

hectares (32.18 acres).

(3) Every adult son is treated as an independent tenure holder entitled to

separate ceiling limit, if living separately.

(4) Plantations have been exempted from ceiling limits.

(5) 1972 Amendment had retrospective effect from 24-1-1971. Land sold

after this date was illegal and considered a part of original landholder.

(6) If any landholder acquired irrigation facilities on or after 6-8-1973, he gets

the benefit of unirrigated land ceiling limit. If he acquired it before this

date, the ceiling of irrigated land applies.

(7) Res-Judicata does not apply, cases which are already decided can be

reopened in accordance with the provisions of this act as amended from

time to time.

U.P. Consolidation of Holdings Act, 1953:-

Consolidation means re-arrangement of holding in a unit amongst several

tenure holders in such a way as to make their respective holdings more

compact and viable for intensive cultivation. Like all other acts, the success or

failure of the Act, depends upon the credibility of one person- the Lekhpal. He

is involved in every stage and the work of all other officials is just supervisory.

The Land Management Committee (LMC) forms the Consolidation Committee

(CC), with a minimum of five members and maximum of 11 members. One

seat is reserved for scheduled castes. Approval of the Consolidation Committee

at every stage is essential. Now the same powerful elements who constitute the

LMC also constitute the Consolidation Committee. In calculation of the

Exchange Ratio per plot (anna value per bigha or acre of plot), the value of

land increases or decreases at will and complaints of extortion by the lekhpal is

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often made. Better plots are given to persons who part with bribes to the

lekhpal quite often, plots of those landholders who refiise to grease the lekhpal,

are not taken under consolidation scheme at all. The act provides for the

suspension of the work of lekhpal by the Asstt. Consolidation officer (ACO)

and Consolidation Officer (CO). A conscientious ACO can be an effective

check on the lekhpal but here again, we are talking on terms of mdividual

credibility. Only the lekhpal is the actual field level worker and all other are

just supervisors and cannot devote adequate attention to every village. In U.P.

consolidation has been hailed as a successfiil land reform. Consolidation was

once done in the early 1960 and now, in most districts, it is being carried out

for the second time. Reality is very much different in the actual field than is

claimed in official circles. Though not devoid of malpractices, consolidation of

holdings has been of the most successfiil programmes of land reform which has

made investment on land more viable and profitable and has contributed to

increased agricultural production. This has been brought out by a number of

studies. The progress of consolidation of holdings in U.P. is being shown in the

table below.

TABLE; 12

Progress of consolidation of holdings in UP

Period

First five year plan

Second five year plan

Third five year plan

Fourth five year plan

Fifth five year plan

Sixth five year plan

Seventh five year plan

Area Consolidated

(in lakh hectares)

0.76

21.06

45.61

28.38

22.74

21.80

13.07

Cumulative Achievement

(in lakh hectares)

0.76

21.82

67.43

67.43

138.08

159.88

172.95

Source: Completed from plan Documents, UP Governments.

144

Initially the programme was undertaken in the western districts of the state,

which have been agriculturally more progressive. The coverage of eastern

districts was extended in the subsequent years. Consolidation of holdings is

among the important factors which have contributed to the dynamism of

agriculture in eastern U.P., visible since the early seventies. Thus, the growth

rate of agricultural output in this region jumped from 2.02 percent per annum in

the period 1950-53 to 1963-66 to 2.58 percent per annum in the period 1963-66

to 1976-79 and further to 3.48 per annum in the period 1968-71 to 1983-86.

This chapter is intended to examine relationship between Land Reform and

Community Development. We have considered Income and avenues Of

income. Employment, Gram Samaj land, net operated area, Work force, Level

of literacy. Health status. Happiness, Gender inequality. Living standard and

Schooling of girl child for this purpose. Basic objectives of the land reforms

across the globe were to release productive forces to speedup growth rate of

agriculture on the one hand and enhance the capabilities of poor on the other.

Evidences from various countries suggest that France, Netherlands, China,

Japan, Russia and many other countries could bring qualitative change in

production relations and development process through land redistribution. It is

also seen that land reforms provide savings out of conspicuous extravagant

consumption and leakages of landlords. Tenants are liberated from illegal

exaction and non-market coercion and constraints. This provides surplus to

invest in agriculture to increase production and productivity. This also works

towards diversification of agriculture and non-agricultural activities and

changes in occupational structure.

In India, abolition of intermediary tenurial system was one of the major

institutional reforms. Although this could not produce desired result, in select

pockets where peasant mobilization was effective, land reforms could improve

productivity and growth rates in agriculture and liberate tenants from illegal

exaction, non-market coercion and bondage. Kerala and West Bengal could

145

witness encouraging results. Kerala could protect civil, political and

substantive freedom through egalitarian land reforms. "Operation Berga" in

West Bengal could improve the status of sharecropper and redistribution of

land resulted into higher level of productivity and growth. This led to better

participation in education, health and development.

In Uttar Pradesh also, land reforms created space for economic security,

reduced landlessness and generated income despite several lapses and

shortcomings in implementation. In this chapter, it has been attempted to

discuss the role of land reform in community development taking distribution

of ceiling surplus land and Gram samaj land into account. In study of the

beneficiary, non-beneficiary household survey of sample villages, interesting

results are visible despite many shortcomings in the implementation of land

reform and redistribution.

Programmes pertaining to Land Reform and Community Development in

India with reference to Uttar Pradesh :-

Indian villages are characterized by age old stagnation. Economic

backwardness is pronounced and appalling poverty is easily perceptible.

Institutional set up is so rigid that it will take quite long to loosen its grip on

rural masses. Rituals, superstitions and dogmas are so much ingrained in their

blood that they hardly can think in terms of logic, objectivity and scientific

reasoning. Illiteracy and ignorance among the masses is whole scale and they

are inhibitive of adopting modem approaches to life. There is open

condemnation of those who break away from the old traditions and adopt new

outlook on economic and social matters. People lack drive and this has resulted

in large scale surplus labour in the agricultural sector the only sector w hich has

through ages, served as a shock absorber.

146

The basis economic characteristics of our rural economy are-

(1) Predominance of agriculture

(2) Poor land utilization pattern

(3) Low per capita income

(4) Defective cropping pattern

(5) Poor industrial base

(6) Heavy population base

(7) Existence of surplus labour

(8) Capital deficiency

(9) Low level of technology and poor human capital

(10) Poor standard of living

Agriculture contributes nearly one half of the national product and it absorbs

about 70 percent of our working population. Agricultural predominance in the

economic structure of a country is typical of its underdeveloped rural economy.

It is a known fact that agricultural conditions in our villages have not changed

much except in some cases where recently the introduction of "New

Agricultural Strategy" has improved the land and labour productivity. In

examining the Indian agricultural situation note has to be taken of the fact that it

has not rallied round the changed economic outlook in the country. It has

maintained its primitive character and resisted forces of change. Inhibitive

character of Indian peasant has always come in the way of change and stalled

an agricultural revolution that should have taken place in the country. A very

small section of village population is engaged in petty non agricultural jobs and

often shifts to agriculture in distress.

Agriculture is not only an occupation but a way of life which Indian masses

have lived through ages together. This particular way of life has generated its

own outlook which is resistant towards change. The mental conditioning of the

people is so rigid that science and logic have no meaning for them. Agriculture

147

as a style of living has generated its own social code beyond which everything

appears irrational to our rural masses. Superstitions, dogmas and institutions

associated with different stages and operations of agriculture are the rules

religiously followed by our peasants. Therefore, agriculture is not only

predominant as an occupation but equally or perhaps more strongly

predominant as a way of life. This fact has to be borne in mind while initiating

a discussion on Indian rural economy.

An important characteristic feature of our rural economy is the existence of

large scale surplus manpower in the form of disguised unemployment.

Disguised unemployment is a situation in which the withdrawal of a section of

working population from a productive sector leaves its total production

unchanged. It is generally held that a sizable proportion of agricultural labour

force is redundant and the withdrawal from agricultural sector would not

reduce agricultural production. Rural economy suffers from capital deficiency.

Not only availability of capital per worker very low but the rate of capital

formation is also very slow. Our villages are under equipped with capital in

relation to their population and natural resources. As a matter of fact capital

deficiency is a basic characteristic of underdeveloped countries. Rural biased

economies are said to be in the grip of vicious circle of poverty and

deficiencies.

Because of extreme poverty of in the rural areas, the ability to save is very

poor. Extreme poverty is the reflection of low productivity which directly

points to the fact that capital deficiencies are acute. Capital deficiency not only

stalls the improvement in agricultural but also hampers the process of structural

transformation. Owing to inadequate capital, rural working population is not in

a position to exploit the fuller growth potential to their advantage.

In spite of the fact that modem technology has reached a section of the rural

work force, the bulk of it is still dependent upon inferior and age old

148

technology. Even the non agricultural callings in the rural areas are using most

inferior techniques of production which makes their products, less acceptable

in the market. Use of inferior technology leads to the widening of income gap

between the rural poor and the urban rich classes because the latter use modem

techniques and make better fortunes.

It is generally believed that even if some of the new techniques have reached

villages, these have only been made use of by some limited educated section of

the village society and longer sections have remained unaffected.

The main problems regarding the non adoption of modern technology are lack

of resources and modem skills. Lack of education and training are also the

principal hurdles in bringing the modem technology to villages. We have

already maintained that mral economy is capital deficient in character and that

it is responsible for not installing the up-to-date- sophisticated techniques. Even

if capital is created and new techniques installed, mass illiteracy and lack of

skills among the rural working force make it difficult for them to benefit from

these. Low level of technology is mainly responsible for low land and labour

productivity in mral areas. This perpetuates poverty among rural masses owing

to which farmers cannot afford improved inputs in their fields. Levels of

education and training are extremely poor resulting in poor quality of human

capital. The main causes responsible for mral poverty are-low utilization of

labour, low productivity of labour, low per acre yield in agriculture,

misallocation of resources, a pattem of industrial production inexorably linked

with the unequal distribution of income, socio-political set up and

overpopulation. To combat all these challenges and to improve the level of

people and to raise their living standard in the mral area, there is paramount

need of all round comprehensive development focusing the rural area and

targeting the poor people.

149

Rural Development:

Rural development is the outcome of a series of quantitative and qualitative

changes occurring among a given rural population and whose covering effects

indicate in time, a rise in the standard of living and favourable changes in the

way of life of the people concerned.

The state of agricultural conditions serves as a baseline to start with the efforts

of the rural resources, men and material both, for speeding up the processes of

change in the countryside. A national programme of rural development must

take note of the salient features of a rural economy and accordingly fix the

objectives of such programme. Objectives may be long term as well as short

term. Long term objectives are broad, general and relatively few in numbers.

Among long term objectives, mention may be made of universal education,

increased productivity better living conditions and the benefits of science and

technology. More specific short term objectives are increased per capital output

and income, modernization of agriculture and rural industrialization, health and

nutrition, education and welfare, more equitable distribution of national wealth

etc.

Rural development in India should aim at evolving a strategy through which an

effective programme can be launched to improve the economic and social life

of the rural depressed sections. It is, therefore, essential to identify the group or

groups of people who constitute the economically and socially depressed

sections and who need the immediate relief for bare survival. The poorest of

our rural people may be identified as small and marginal farmers, landless

laborers, weak tenants etc, and it is they who have to be benefited through rural

development programmes. Through the upliftment of these sections, we have to

aim at the modernization and monetization of rural society and all efforts have

to be made to transform it from its traditional character to a new order with a

150

modem and scientific outlook. Unless the isolated rural depressed sections are

integrated into the national mainstream their apathy cannot be removed. The

objectives of a rural development strategy shall, therefore have to be very

carefiilly framed so as to make it compatible with the aspirations and

expectations of the masses living in the country side.

"One of the important areas for the rural development is people's participation.

Practices such as UTTAM BANDHAN need to be enhanced more and more.

Uttam-Bandhan is a unique community programme for farmers that is making

a difference where it really matters. It is not just about better seeds and

fertilizers, it covers among others health check ups for farmers and their

families, providing drinking water and rural infrastructure. Over 50,000

farmers in Rajasthan, UP, MP, Himachal Pradesh, Uttranchal, Panjab, Haryana,

Gujarat and Chhattisgarh are partners. And the movement grows, in the heart of

India, in her villages, Uttam Bandhan helps to provide a lifeline"^.

Defects in agrarian structure:

The caste, class and agrarian relations in the rural sector are not conducive to

growth. These institutions either do not encourage progress or act as main

hindrances on the road to progress. Tenurial relations are such as have

promoted the concentration of land ownership in the hands of a few, with the

consequential monopoly of economic social and political power. There

situations are frequently accompanied by system of tenancy and by a number of

economic and social factors such as caste system in many regions which act as

hindrance to social mobility. In these circumstances there is no possibility of

climbing up the agricultural ladder, i.e. of starting out as a farm labour and

progressively advancing to the status of tenant and ultimately to that of farm

owner. The social and economic privileges give political coverage to the small

minority which dominates the rural scene and manages to mobilize the

^ Jaideep Singh- Uttam Bandhan - Yojana, April- 2005, Vol- 49, P-52

151

development initiative in its favour other defects in agrarian structure include

fragmentation of holdings, frequently due to the rigidity of laws of inheritance,

customary tenures to the extent that they interfere, with agricultural

modernization programmes.

To follow a definite approach and to have a clear understanding about the rural

development, it is necessary to knit together the various contributions of the

past attempts which gave the Community Development (CD) and National

Extension Services (NES), their present character. An attempt at a historical

review may serve another purpose of having a clear understanding of the

dynamics of the programmes.

We may divide the history of community development programmes in India

into two parts.

(A) Per launching phase of community project

(B) Post launching phase

(A) Pre- Launching Phase:

In the period, a number of official and non official attempts were made on a

pilot scale to deal with the rural reconstruction. The present pattern of the

community development programme and its ideology can be seen in the

constitution with the basic ideas and pattern of activities evolved as a result of

experience gained from these efforts.

Rural Reconstruction and Sriniketan Institute:

"Rabinadranath Tagore" established the Sriniketan Institute ol" rural

reconstruction in 1921 under the stewardship of Mr. Elmhirst. The aims of the

institute were as followed:-

152

1. To bring back life in its completeness into the villages.

2. To make rural folks self reliant and self respectful

3. To acquaint with the cultural traditions of their own country

4. To make an efficient use of modem resources for the improvement of

their physical intellectual and economic conditions.

"The immense benefit realized by the surrounding villages of Sriniketan

through constant inspiration, of sympathy and encouragement of Sriniketan

must never be belittled in favour of some impersonal abstractions of service,

however valuable they may be. The valuable gift of sympathy in some of our

humble workers has worked miracles which must not be contemptuously

mentioned because it has neither been measured nor accurately recorded".^

Rural Reconstruction and the Martandam Experiment:

The Martandam experiment was started in 1921 under the leadership of

Dr. Spencer Hatch. The purpose of the experiment was to bring about a

complete upward development towards a more abundant life for rural people,

spiritually, mentally, physically socially and economically. Martandam

became a demonstration center for about a hundred local assemblies of

religious order of the YMCA in the surrounding villages. It had a

demonstration farm, prized animals, equipments for honey industry and other

cottage vocations at its campus. The work was carried out by local assemblies

of the YMCA, whose members offered voluntary social service in spare time.

The local leaders were trained and actively involved. Some local industries like

wearing poultry, bee-keeping were started on a cooperative basis. The

Martandam example also spread out to other states even though the founders

were against the idea of out reaching themselves. Its workers helped Baroda,

" Sriniketan Bulletin, No- 11, 1946.

153

Cochin, Mysore and Hyderabad states to set up centers of training for rural

reconstruction. Its alumni spread out as far as Ceylon, Burma and Egypt.

Gurgaon experiment:

Mr. Brayne, who was working as the collector of Gurgaon District, conceived

the idea of rural development as early as 1927. Elaborating his ideas and

experiences in a later book, "Better-Villages", Brovyne's spoke of rural

reconstruction as "nothing more or less than the revival of the old fashioned

virtues of hard work, thrift, self-respect, self-control, self-help, mutual help and

mutual respect, self help, by which he meant contribution on the part of the

beneficiary receiving governmental assistance, brought pride and self respect.

His four fundamentals were-

(1) Panchayats for spontaneous and permanent improvement

(2) Knowledge-mass education particularly education of girls

(3) Example and leadership by the elite

(4) Sprit of service and a sense of duty to undergo sacrifices for fellow

citizens.

Baroda Experiment:

Baroda was one of the few advanced princely states scattered over the map of

pre independent India. Under its enlightened Maharaja, a scheme of rural

reconstruction was started in the year 1932. Mr. V.T. Krishnamachari, who

was to make his classic contribution in the "Grow more food enquiry

committee" report and subsequently to act as vice-chairman of the planning

commission and guide the course of the programme was the erstwhile Diwan of

the state. Profiting by the experience of Martandam and after studying methods

of extension and progressive programme of rural reconstruction, covering

154

various aspects of rural life and aiming at developing "will to live better' and a

"capacity for self help and self reliance".

The program embraced these items:-

(1) Improvement of communication.

(2) Digging of drinking-water wells.

(3) Anti-material measures.

(4) Pasture improvement.

(5) Distribution of improved seeds.

(6) Training in cottage crafts.

(7) Establishment of Panchayats and cooperatives covering every village.

(8) Development of village schools as centers for teaching agriculture and

imparting a will to live better".

A trust of Rs. 1 crore was earmarked for rural reconstruction work, the income

from which was to be utilized for meeting the costs of the programme. In every

district intensive zones consisting of 20 to 25 villages were carved out and

manned by graduate assistants who spread the message of the movement and

helped in organizing the cooperatives and other projects. By 1942-43 there

were 24 such intensive units covering 487 villages.

The Firka Scheme in Madras:

The madras government realized that support, guidance and encouragement on

the part of the provincial government was necessary to bring together the

various development departments for making a concerted attack on the problem

155

of rural reconstruction and started the firka scheme. The following were the

aims of the scheme. "To organize the villagers for a happier, more prosperous

and fuller life in which the individual villagers will have the opportunity to

develop both as an individual and as a unit of well integrated society". The

scheme was launched in 1946 in 34 firkas to which were added 50 more firkas

in 1950 and 24 in 1952, for this purpose a special fund of Rs.4 crores was

created. At the provincial level, the director of rural welfare was put in charge

of the scheme. The collector was made responsible for implementing the

scheme of district level. He was assisted by a Rural Welfare Officer who was

in charge of two or more firkas and had under him 5 to 10 "Gram Sevaks" one

for each of the circles into which the firka, consisting of about fifty villages,

had been divided. Junior staff in agriculture and public works was also

provided for every firka. Arrangements for training if village level workers, i.e.

'Gram Sevaks' were also made available. When the CD. and N.E.S.

programme was adopted by the state in 1953 -54, the firka Development

scheme was merged with it. One could say that the CD. and N,E.S. programme

had already been given an embryonic form under the firka development

scheme, if we consider the programme contents, pattern of organization and its

broad approach.

The Nilokheri Scheme:

Nilokheri was another pioneering attempt which drew country wide attention

and influenced the CD.movement directly through its examples and indirectly

through the ex minister of community development and cooperation, Shri. S.K.

Dey who was the moving sprit behind the project. Nilokheri township was

designed to rehabilitate about 7000 displaced persons on an 1100 acre plot of

marshy land which was transferred to the colony in 1948. The township was

after wards integrated with 100 villages around it. The scheme was called

"Mazdoor Manzil" because it was based on the principle of "he who would

not work, neither shall he eat". Right of living was guaranteed till surplus

156

available with any member of the colony. Equal rights for education and

medical care for the sick were guaranteed. Religion was declared a private

affair. Its main objective was to attain self-sufficiency in the essential

requirements for the township and surrounding villages. In spite of its

limitations Nilokheri left an imprint on the face of the community development

programme in India. It gave the country its first administrator of country its

first administrator of community projects. The idea of agro Industrial Township

as the nerve center of rural development services was recognized in the draft of

the first five year plan and incorporated in the layout of the financial plan of the

first 52 community projects. However the idea was not given a practical shape.

Nilokheri became a symbol of progress through self help and mutual aid. It was

an outstanding experiment in the practice of secular socialistic living.

Unfortunately, the colony developed its own hierarchical structure. The

industries began to run into difficulties because of lack of certain competitive

advantages. It is still an eminent center for training various kinds of

development personnel and is rightly looked upon as a place of pilgrimage for

development workers.

The Etawah Pilot Project:

The Etawah project was the forerunner of the first series of communit}' projects

in 1952. it precedes then by four years and set the pattern for the community

projects to follow. The architect of the famous pilot project was Mr. Albert

Mayer, who started the experiment in collaboration with the UP and the central

Governments. The main objective of the project was to see what degree of

productive and social improvement as well as initiative, self-confidence and

cooperation can be developed. The problem was to ascertain how quickly these

results may be attainable and remain permanently a part of people's mental,

technical equipment and outlook after the special pressure is lifted. For

carrying out these operations intensively, Meheva Block in Etawah District

with 97 villages was selected. To train in agriculture and extension, VLWs

157

were selected with great care. In carrying out various activities like agricultural

demonstrations, soil conservation, improvement in animal husbandry and

village sanitation the co-operation of various departments and unofficial

agencies was secured. To prepare the ground for securing peoples participation

a programme of social education was also initiated. The project sought to

combine emphasis on spiritual quality and method with emphasis on results

obtained by rigorous targeting, time scheduling, back checking and measuring

concrete achievements.

At the conclusion of his project, Mr. Mayer could demonstrate that the project

had not only paid off the investment several times in terms of physical benefits

but had also brought about non-tangible improvements of real value.

(B) Post Launching Phase:

Community Development Programme (CDP) 1952:

In the year 1952-53 community development projects started operating in

different parts of the country. Each project had the "Block" as the

administrative unit which roughly covered 300 villages and a population of

about 2 lakhs. This pattern was revised in April 1958 when national extension

service blocks were set up with lesser area and population of 60,000 to 70,000

was adopted as the basic unit of the proposed programme. It was named as

national extension service (NES) block. These blocks now number 5,126 and

cover the entire rural area in the country. "Extension is a phrase which has

lately been made current to express a two way process of information. On the

one hand it is the job of studying the ways of bringing improvement in matters

affecting the business and welfare of the people by the research method and on

the other hand, to convey the solutions discovered by research workers to the

people through the field staff'^ In the words of Dr Leagans, "Extension

Evaluation Report on second year's working of Community Projects (1955), P-3

158

education is the way to help rural people to learn to improve their level of

living by aided self help through education"^. In the words of Dr

Ensminger, "Extension is education and that its purpose is to change

attitudes and practices of the people with whom the work is done." The

programme of community development and N.E.S. was designed to initiate

process of socio economic transformation of rural life. The basic objective of

the movement was to "secure the full development of material and human

resources of rural areas on an area basis and to develop local leadership and

self governing institutions. The central idea was to raise the rural community to

higher levels of living with the active participation and initiative of the people.

The ultimate objective of the programme was to bring a change in the mental

outlook of the rural people and to instill in them a spirit to strive for better

living conditions. The programme content of CD. and N.E.S. covered

development of agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry, fishery, forestry,

rural and cottage industries on the one side and promotion of health and

sanitation, communication and education on the other. The peoples

participation was secured through their representative institutions.

The Community Development Programme has by now covered almost the

entire country. Although it has come to attract some severe criticism at many

hands, some of which is quite justified also, the indisputable fact remains that a

viable infrastructure has been established in the rural areas right from the

village level to the district and state levels with a mix of governmental

machinery and elected representatives of the people in the form of Panchayati

Raj institutions and cooperatives. It has played a significant role in the

implementation of various development programmes including the spread of

modem agricultural technology and in ushering in the so-called "Green-

Leagans J. Paul- Extension for Community Development, in Extension Education for Community Development by Directorate of Extension, Ministry of food and Agriculture, Government of India (1961), P-1.

' Esminger, Douglas op. cit. P-7

159

Revolution" through its extension service. It however failed in the fulfillment

of its basic aim to generate community efforts and unite the same with those of

the government towards bringing about improvement in the economic, social

and cultural status of the rural community on a self enduring basis. Also, there

were no clearly set goals in the CD. programme regarding equality and

distributive justice vise a via the gains of development. All these factors

resulted in the rural elite deriving maximum advantages from the community

development programme and various schemes undertaken for rural and

agricultural development.

Panchayati Raj System (1959):

As already mentioned, the main aim of community development programme

was to involve a rural folk in the developmental programmes and to instill in

them the qualities of leadership. To achieve this and also to get their

cooperation in administrative work, the system of Panchayati Raj was launched

in 1959 in Nagaur district of Rajasthan, on the recommendations of Balwant

Rai Mehta committee. Accordingly a three tier system of local self

government bodies was evolved for the village, the block and the district. For

the village level body, called the village Panchayat, direct elections through

adult franchise was provided while for the block level and the district bodies,

i.e. Panchayati Samiti and Zila Parishad respectively, the mode of indirect

elections was adopted. Comprehensive powers both administrative and

financial were conferred on all these institutions through regular enactments.

"Realizing the felt needs of local empowerment in 1992, the 73'̂ '' amendment

was promulgated to provide the first step towards decentralization of powers at

the grass root level. Panchayats, after the historic 73'"'' Amendment, were made

the smallest unit of governance with financial and political autonomy. Through

the amendment women were also given a chance to lead."^ Evaluation studies

Sanchita Tripathi- Women Leadership and PRI's - "Kurukshetra"-Nov-2005, Vol-54, P-12

160

show that "in the improvement of agricultural and the popularization of cattle

development, the contribution of the Panchayati Raj institutions has been quite

remarkable". These institutions have provided a sound infrastructure for rural

development and produced social ferment. "Leadership plays an important role

in shaping the socio-economic and political structure of any society. It is

through the leaders that the wishes and aspirations of the people are met. It is

the utmost responsibility of every leader to work for the welfare of the people.

Through reservation, leadership of women was given statutory status. This

status is a channel to address the issue of women empowerment and to wipe

away inequality prevailing in the society."' Keeping in mind the importance of

women as human resource contributing to community development, their

participation in democratic process was also envisaged. As a first step,

representation of rural women in political process was ensured by a specific

provision incorporated in the constitution of India through the 73'̂ '' Amendment

Act-1992. "The significant provision of new panchayati raj act is reservation of

one third seats for the women in all positions in local bodies. The provision not

only addressed the strategic needs of women but also tried to provide them

space in local development activities."'"

The objects of the Panchayati Raj were democratization, decentralization, and

modernization. The Panchayats were expected to tackle village problems at the

grassroots level and mobilize local manpower and social progress. In fact,

Panchayati Raj in India has come into existence through a long process of

evolution. The Janta Party Government in 1977 appointed Ashok Mehta

Committee to inquire into the causes of decline in the working of Panchayati

Raj and suggest measures to strengthen the PRIs. In 1978, this committee made

a number of recommendations for revitalization of PRIs. These included

assigning more powers to PRI's, making Zila Parishad primary unit in PR

' Ibid- P-12 '" Sanchita Tripathi- Women Leadership and PRI's - "Kunikshetra"-Nov-2005, Vol-54, P-13

161

system, political parties taking part in Zila PR election and imparting training

to panchayat members.

Intensive Agricultural District Programme (lADP) 1960:

In 1960, a new approach towards intensification of agriculture through the

lADP (intensive agricultural district programme) was taken up in 15 selected

districts. The approach towards intensification of agriculture in areas of quick

response was subsequently extended to a large number of districts under the

lAAP (Intensive Agricultural Area Programme). Again, the year 1965 saw

another step which was going to be of much importance for agricultural

development, particularly food production. It was during this year that the

HYVP (High Yielding Varieties Programme) was conceived and introduced as

a distinctive strategy for increasing agricultural production. In the new

agricultural strategy, a three dimensional approach towards agricultural

development was adopted which consisted of high yielding variety programme,

adoption of modem chemical technology and food grains price support policy.

This programme envisaged a super intensive type of agricultural development

based on package principles involving high factors inputs on new varieties

capable of giving very high yields. The lADP, the lAAP and HYVP. by their

nature were concentrated in areas of quick response both spatial and human

factor wise. The areas which had better endowments in terms of land water and

climate and the farmers who possessed large holdings and had irrigation

facilities, financial capacity to take risk, educational background and

entrepreneurial traits came forward and began to benefit quickly from various

programmes of agricultural development. Consequently, the economic and

social disparities among the members of the village society could not be

minimized.

The imbalance persisted and social disparities gradually increased. In the

process, vast areas of land with poor endowments and lacking irrigation, and

162

other infrastructure facilities lagged far behind. Also, the small and marginal

farmers did not benefit much from the break through in agricultural technology.

Agro Service Centers:

In the fourth plan, assistance was provided to the unemployed graduates and

diploma holders for opening agro- service centers. The main objectives of this

plan are as follows-

(1) To provide self-employment opportunities to the technical labour.

(2) To provide maintenance and repairing facilities for agricultural machinery

and tools to farmers at their farm places only.

(3) To establish convenient centers for space parts, fuel, lubricating oil, and

other engineering inputs.

(4) To provide inputs like, fertilizer pesticides etc.

Small Farmers Development Area (SFDA) (1971):

"The small farmers development agencies (SFDA) programme, aimed at

targeting group of small and marginal farmers and agricultural labourers, has

been in operation since 1971, covering 1818 blocks in the countr}'. The

objective of the programme was to assist persons specifically identified from

their target group in raising their income level."" This was to be achieved by

helping them, on the one hand , to adopt improved agricultural technology and

acquiring means of increasing agricultural production like minor irrigation

sources, and on the other hand, to diversify their farm economy through

subsidiary activities like animal husbandry, dairying, horticulture etc. The

agencies were to make particular efforts to ensure that the needed inputs and

" Planning Commission Report- Sixth Five Year Plan- Chapt- 11, Rural Development and Cooperation.

163

credit were made available to these persons by respective credit agencies in

their regard.

Marginal Farmers Development Agencies (MFDA):

One of the objectives of Fourth Five Year Plan (1969-74) was to provide loans

to the small farmers so that they may use the modem techniques and adopt the

intensive farming. On the directions of Planning Commission, such agencies

were established for recognizing the small farmers and presenting various plans

to the banks for solving the financial problems of the small farmers.

Drought Prone Area Programme (DPAP) 1973:

This national programme was started in 1973 in some selected drought prone

areas of the country. The main objective of this plan was to reestablish the

environmental balance in these areas by promoting the balanced development

of land, water and other natural resources. For this programme, the

arrangement of the finance is done by the center and the state concerned in the

ratio of 50:50. Presently 947 blocks of 155 districts in 13 states are covered

under the programme. Currently 8355 watershed projects are at various stages

of implementation covering an area of more than 41 lakh hectares. This

programme is being carried out by the Department of Rural Development.

Objectives of DPAP :

1- To promote a more productive dry land agriculture on the basis of the

soil and water resources and agro-climatic condition of the areas with

suitable cropping pattern.

2- To develop productive use of water resources of the area, soil and

moisture conservation including water harvesting and promotion of

proper land use practices.

164

3- Afforestation including farm forestry.

4- Livestock development including development of pasture and fodder

resources.

5- Other diversified activities such as horticulture, sericulture, fisheries etc.

Command Area Development Programme (CADP) 1975:

On the recommendation of the central team appointed by the planning

commission, CADP (Command Area Development Programme) was launched

in 1975 as a centrally sponsored scheme in 50 selected irrigated projects of 13

states identified in consultation with the state governments. This centrally

sponsored programme was conceived as a bridging programme for bringing

about speedier utilization in irrigation potential and stepping up agricultural

production in select major and medium irrigation projects in the country. DPAP

and DPP were conceived for the development of ecologically disadvantaged

areas characterized by very low and erratic precipitation where the incidence of

poverty was markedly high and productivity was low. Since water is an

essential requirement for agricultural production, the Command Area

Development Programme (CADP) was initiated to bring about efficient

utilization of water, hence this programme has assumed importance for the

development of backward areas. The other backward areas which received

special attention were hill areas.

Objectives of the Programme:- The main objectives of CADP are as

foUowing-

1- To optimize agricultural production through better management of land

and water use in command areas of irrigation projects where there was

considerable gap between the potential created and its utilization.

2- To ensure supply of inputs.

165

3- To provide institutional finance to the farmers.

Hill Area Development Programme (HADP) 1974-75:

The hill areas in the country constitute about 21 percent of the total area and

they account for a percent of the population. These areas are characterized by

their fragile eco system and support the basic life giving natural resources of

the country. In order to foster this, the Hill Area Development Programme was

initiated in 1974-75 under the fifth year plan. This programme is an important

part of several special area development programmes initiated by the

government.

Objectives of HADP: - The basic objectives of the programme are as

following-

1- To restore, pressure and develop the eco system in the hill areas of the

country.

2- To take the special problems in hill areas, these relate to the terrain and

the variable nature of the agro climatic conditions in these regions.

3- To invest in infrastructure facilities in hill areas which are characterized

by high unit costs.

4- To supplement the efforts of the state governments in the development

of hill areas.

Desert development programme (DDP) 1977-78:

The desert development programme was started in 1977-78 in some selected

districts to check the formation of deserts, to end the drought effects in the

deserts, to reestablish the ecological balance in the affected areas and to

increase the land productivity and water resources in these areas. This

166

programme is being implemented totally on the basis of union support but the

division of the funds in the hot arid areas is done between union and the states

on the basis of 75:25. In 1995-96, 27.50 lakh rupees were allocated for every

one thousand square kilometer hot desert area, but for any district the

maximum allocation could be Rs. 8.50 crore only. In the same way. for cold

desert areas in Himachal Pradesh Rs. 2 to 3 crores per district and in Jammu

and Kashmir Rs. 3 crore per district were allocated. Presently 3844 watershed

projects covering 19 lakh hectares are under implementation in 227 blocks of

36 districts in 7 states. This programme is being run by the Rural Development

Department.

Food For Work Programme (1977):

"The food for work programme was initiated in 1977-78, aimed at creation of

additional employment in rural areas on works of durable utility to the

community, with the use of surplus food grains available in the buffer stock for

payment as wages. Beginning somewhat haltingly, the programme gained

momentum in 1978-79 when over 12 lakhs tones of food grains were utilized

creating 372.8 million mandays of employment."'^ During 1979-80 the

utilizationhas been provisionally estimated at 23 lakhs of tones of food grains

inclusive of the special allotments which were made to the states affected by

drought in that year, resulting in about 600 to 700 million mandays of

employment as estimated on incomplete reports. The progamme, besides

creating substantial additional employment in the rural areas during lean

employment periods, more particularly in areas affected by the wide spread

drought of 1979 has made a favourable impact on stabilization of wages in the

rural areas and also helped to check to rise in prices.

'̂ Planning Commission Report- Sixth Five Year Plan- Chapt- 11, Rural Development and Cooperation.

167

Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) 1978:

"The Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) was launched by the

center in March 1976 in 20 selected districts but from Oct 1982 it was extended

to all districts in the country. This programme considers a household as the

basic unit of development. The functional aspect of this programme can be

gauged from the fact that above 80 lakh households one said to have been

assisted within five years-between 1993-94 and 1997-98- in the matter of

improving their economic conditions and rising above the poverty line. A

number of institutions have undertaken studies with respect to the 1 7

implementation and working of the IRDP." The IRDP is a major instrument

of the government to alleviate poverty. Its objective is to enable selected

families to cross the poverty line by taking up self employment ventures in a

variety of activities like agriculture horticulture, and animal husbandry in the

primary sector, weaving and handicrafts in the secondary sector, and service

and business activities in the tertiary sector. The aim of the IRDP is to see that

a minimum stipulated number of families is enabled to cross the poverty line

within the limits of a given investment and in a given time frame.

National Rural Employment Programme (NREP) 1980:

"The national rural employment programme (NREP) was planned for creating

additional employment opportunities in the rural areas with the help of surplus

food grains. Initially, this programme was called Food for Work Programme

(FWP). It was drawn up at the end of 1976-77 but it actually came into effect

on April 1, 1977.under this scheme, millions of man days of employment were

created every year by utilizing lakhs of tones of food grains.""'' The works

undertaken were flood protection, maintenance of existing roads, construction

of mew link roads, improvement of irrigation facilities, construction of

" Ram Ahuja - Society in India -Rawat Publications, New Delhi- P-328-329 " Ram Ahuja - Society in India -Rawat Publications, New Delhi- P-330

168

Panchayat Ghars, school buildings, medical and health centers and

improvement of sanitation conditions in the rural areas. On finding certain

shortcomings in the programme, it (FWP) was restructured in Oct. 1980 as part

of the sixth plan (1980-85) and came to be known as NREP. It took care of

those rural poor who largely depended on wage employment and virtually had

no source of income in the lean agricultural period.

Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme (RLEGP) 1983:

The Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme was started in the rural

areas on 15* August, 1983, with the objective of creating employment,

constructing the productive projects and improving the rural life, but the

guarantee part of this programme could however not be implemented due to the

lack of resources. The total expenditure of this programme is financed by the

central government. The resources are allotted to the state/union territories. On

the basis of determined standards, in which 50% weightage is given to the

cultivators and marginal farmers on the basis of their number and the remaining

50% weightage is given on the basis of poverty. Under this programme, the

wages of the labourers are given according to the Minimum Wages Act. Some

part of the wages is given in the form of food grains on reduced prices. A

condition was made in the programme that the labour cost amount of any

project should not be less than 50% of the total expenditure. Under this

programme, Contractors were not permitted. Out of the total amount of

expenditure 10% had been planned for schedule castes/ tribes. Under this

programme, the funds for social forestry. Indira Awas Yojana(IAY) and

Millions Wells Scheme(MWS) were also allocated.

169

Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS)

1993:

Every parliament member of both the houses has been given an authority to

recommend various development projects for his/her parliament constituency

to the concerned District Magistrate. Under this scheme, a ceiling of Rs. 10

lakh has been fixed for one such a project. A total annual ceiling of Rs.l crore

was fixed for each MP, when the scheme was introduced in Dec. 1993, but on

Dec. 23,1998 it was increased to Rs. 2 crore. The District Magistrate has to

investigate at least 10% of the total work done every year under this scheme.

The scheme was introduced by the Government to enable the Member of

Parliament to actively participate in the development programmes relating to

their respective areas. Since the other on going schemes like IRDP, TRY etc.

are tagged with specific rules and regulations and thus, leave no favour to

members of parliament for initiating any development programme

independently in the area. Realizing this very practical difficulty, the then

Prime Minister Mr. P.V. Narsimha Rao introduced this scheme on 23'̂ ''

December, 1993. In the beginning this scheme was implemented by Rural

Development ministry but since October 1994, the implementation of this

scheme was transferred to the Department of Programme Implementation and

till March 31, 1999 a sum of Rs.3626.38 crore has been released under this

scheme. Out of this amoimt Rs. 2315.40 crore have been spent which 64% of

the released amount.

Employment guarantee scheme (2005):

"The president of India has given his assent to the National Rural Employment

Guarantee Bill-2005 and it has become an act with effect from ?"' September

2005. The Union Government, under the Common Minimum Programme, had

declared that it will immediately enact a National Rural Employment

170

Guarantee Act. This will provide a legal guarantee for at least 100 days of

employment to begin with, asset creating public works programmes e\ ery year

at minimum wage, for at least one able bodied person in every rural, urban poor

and lower middle class household."^^ "The objective of the act is to enhance

the livelihood security of the households in rural areas of the country by

providing at least one hundred days of guaranteed wage employment to every

household whose adult member volunteers to do unskilled manual work. The

focus of the scheme will be on infrastructure development works requiring

unskilled labour which will help in building durable assets, improve

productivity and offer sustainable solutions to some of the chromic problems

like drought, floods, deforestation, building of irrigation canals etc."'^

Twenty Points Programme (1975):

Indira Gandhi announced this programme in July, 1975 for reducing poverty

and economic exploitation and for the upliftment of the weaker section of

society. Under the slogan of 'Garibi Hatao' Twenty points programme was

started in 1975. This programme was reconstituted twice in the year 1982 and

1986. The reconstituted twenty point programme 1986 is in operation since

April, 1 1987. The Twenty points of this programme are as follows:-

1. Attack on rural poverty

2. Strategy for agriculture dependent on rains

3. Better utilization of irrigation water

4. Bigger harvests

5. Enforcement of land reforms

6. Special programmes for rural labour

15 Kurukshetra - Oct-2005 Vol- 53, P-1 '* Sidharth Vardharajan, Yojana- Oct- 2005, "Minimum wages and empIoyment",Vol-49, P-63-64

171

7. Clean drinking water

8. Health for all

9. Two child norm

10. Expansion of education

11. Justice for schedule castes and schedule tribes

12. Equality for women

13.New opportunity for the youth

14. Residential houses for the people

15. Improvement of the urban slums

16. New strategy for forestry

17. Protection of environment

18. Concern for the consumers

19. Energy for the villages

20. A responsible administration

The fact that the rural people and the urban poor are more discontented and

feel more frustrated today points to the failure of the twenty points programme

in fulfilling its commitments.

GREEN-REVOLUTION:-

"Green revolution is the term used by Mr. William Gand to define rapid rise in

food grain production as a resuU of genetically modified hybrid seeds called

HYVs." "A term coined in the late 1960s to refer to the so called miracle

'̂ K. Sidhartha and S. Mukherji- "A Moderen Dictionary Of Geography"- Kisaiaya Publications Pvt. Ltd., NOIDA (2000), P- 221

172

seeds- the High Yielding Varieties (HYVs) especially wheat and rice, which

held out the prospect for spectacular increases in cereal production in the Third

World. Associated with 1970 Noble Prize Winner and crop geneticist Norman

Borlaug, the term Green Revolution continues to have wide currency 30 years

after it was minted. Nonetheless it remains somewhat controversial and indeed

there is often little consensus on what Green Revolution actually denotes."'

The meaning of Green Revolution remain a contested issue. The heart of the

revolutionary thrust was quite simple, seeds plus nitrogen plus water produced

increase yields per unit area. As a consequence there is a narrow and a broad

interpretation of the technologies themselves. In the narrow sense it consists

primarily in the adoption of the new high yielding varieties of wheat and rice

and associated technologies. In the broad sense it includes not only this but all

other economic changes as well as the social and cultural changes that either

contributed to the technological and ecological changes or were derived from

them.

India, in order to achieve foodgrain self sufficiency, introduced these HYVs

with input based farm management system under lADP, which provided a

crucial breakthrough in foodgrain production and was termed as green

revolution in India. The Government of India introduced HYV seeds with

narrow genetic base and short maturity period, provided subsidized fertilizer,

power and cheap credit through institutional network. Irrigation facilities were

improved and expanded along with farm mechanization. Marketing and

warehousing facilities were promoted and attention was paid to the research

and extension facilities to make Indian agriculture more efficient and

productive. The success of the programme lies in the fact that it laid to

increase in agricultural production, increased efficiency and cropping intensity,

making India self reliant in terms of foodgrains. But these achievements came

along with some negative socio economic and ecological impact. The Green

Johnson, Gregory& others, "The Dictionary of Human Geography" , Fourth edition- 2000 P-322

173

Revolution led to inter regional and intra regional disparity and was restricted

to cereal crops like wheat and rice only leading to unbalanced development.

Increased use of inputs like fertilizer, pesticides, etc. caused ecological damage

like loss of biodiversity, waterlogging, salinity and deficiency in micro

nutrients which was reason for crop failure in Punjab and other areas. Keeping

in viewing the increasing population green revolution should be extended to

rain fed areas, to more crops covering small and marginal farmers use and

encouragement of eco-friendly techniques green manures and organic fertilizer

with emphasis on minor irrigation a sustainable agriculture development would

takes place to make the revolution really green.

The Green Revolution has unquestionably increased food output per capita but

this has not necessarily increased food availability for the poor. The miracle

seeds are often not pro poor and do not speak to circumstances of the land poor

and landless. The difference can be seen between the western Uttar Pradesh

and the eastern Uttar Pradesh led by the impact of Green Revolution. In

western Uttar Pradesh it has been quite successfiil and big farmers have been

quite benefited whereas in eastern Uttar Pradesh, green revolution could not

make much impact successfully. Nonetheless the Green Revolution has entered

a second phase associated with the breakthroughs of molecular science and

recombinant DNA. Here the issue is increasingly the power of large

transnational seed and pharmaceutical companies who develop new crops with

built in requirements for particular inputs, and the intellectual propert}' rights

which attend the concentration of power in agribusiness companies. The

current debates over farmer breeding rights, over genetically modified crops,

and intellectual property rights suggests that the next Green Revolution will be

as fraught as the first.

174

Community Development Through Five Year Plans:

The planning commission set up in 1950 has been formulating five year plans

for India's development taking an overall view of the needs and resources of

the country.

First Five Year Plan (1951-56):

The First Plan aimed at achieving all around balanced development and

accorded top priority to agriculture and irrigation investing 44.6 percent of the

total plan budget in this sector. This was to reduce the country dependence on

agricultural imports and save foreign exchange. However, the plan did give

importance to the development of social welfare programmes. At the end of the

plan, the country's national income increased by 18 percent and per capita

income by 11 percent.

Second Five Year Plan (1956-61):

The Second Five Year Plan strongly felt that the benefits of development

should accrue more to the relatively underprivileged sections of the society and

that there should be a progressive reduction in the concentration of income.

However the performance of the plan did not justify the hopes that had been

placed on it. Achievements in almost all sectors of the economy were lower

that the plan targets.

Third Five Year Plan (1961-66):

The Third Five Year Plan aimed at securing a marked advance towards self-

sustaining growth. It listed a set of five objectives, namely, increase in annual

nafional income by 5 percent, self-sufficiency in agriculture, growth of basic

industries (like steel, power, chemicals), maximum use of manpower

resources, and decentralization of economic power. Agriculture v»as once

175

again given top priority and about 35 percent of the outlay was allocated to this

sector. The performance of the third plan was also disheartening as that of the

second plan.

The shape of the economy was in fact so bad at the end of the third plan that

the fourth plan, which was to be launched in march 1966 had to be abandoned

and was replaced by three annual plans. The three year period between 1966

and 1969, sometimes described as a period of "Plan Holiday" was devoted to

rectifying the ills that had crippled the planning process during the operation of

the Third Plan. The main objective of the three Annual plans was to continue

the unfinished tasks of the third plan

Fourth Five Year Plan (1969-74):

The Fourth Plan aimed at increasing national income by 5.5 percent, creating

economic stability reducing inequalities in income distribution, and achieving

social justice with equality. Simultaneous growth of both agricultural and

industrial sectors was fully recognized under the fourth plan. But this plan

could not ensure economic growth. Neither could it achieve self sufficiency in

food grains, nor could the generation of employment opportunities make any

significant dent in the widespread unemployment problem. The inflationary

situation was also aggravated.

Fifth Five Year Plan (1974-79):

The Fifth Five Year Plan mainly aimed at removal of poverty and attainment of

self reliance. The plan also aimed at increase in employment opportunities, self

sufficiency, policy of minimum wages, removal of regional imbalances, and

encouragement of exports. The plan ended during the Janata regime in 1978

instead of 1979 and the sixth plan was started as the "rolling plan". But when

the congress once again came to power in 1978, the period of the fifth plan,

176

was described as being 1974 to 1979. The fifth plan however, could not

achieve its targets in any fields, except in increase of food grains.

Sixth Five Year Plan (1980-85):

The Sixth Plan was formulated after taking into account the achievements and

shortcomings of the past three decades of planning. Removal of poverty was

the foremost objective of the plan. Stress was laid on economic growth,

elimination of unemployment bringing down of inequality in the distribution of

income, self-sufficiency in technology, raising the lifestyles of the weaker

sections of the society, improving the public distribution system, and control of

the increasing population. This plan had a fairly convincing success. According

to NSS (national sample survey), the proportion of people living below the

poverty line declined from 48.3 percent in 1977-78 to 36.9 percent in 1984-85.

Seventh Five Year Plan (1985-90):

The Seventh Plan had three priorities of increasing food, work and

productivity. With its emphasis on generating substantial productive

employment, the seventh plan aimed at significant reduction in the incidence of

poverty and improvement in the quality of life of the poor. However, this plan

also failed totally in achieving its targets. There was a severe setback on the

agricultural fi-ont, in the manufacturing sector, in creating employment and in

the balance of payments position of the country.

Eighth Five Year Plan (1992-97):

The Eight Plan was to be started in 1990 was actually enforced from April

1992. The 1990-91 and 1991-92 years were considered to be yearly plans. The

plan was supposed to be oriented towards employment generation. The plan

size was nearly double the previous plan but then all plans have been twice the

177

size of the previous plans. The growth rate was also more or less what the

previous plans aimed.

The fact that they rarely reached the target except in the first and sixth plans is

a different matter. The eighth plan was thus no different from the earlier plans,

and its results also were no different either.

Ninth Five Year Plan (1997-2002):

The Ninth Five Year Plan was approved by the cabinet only in January 1999. It

is described as ambitious and growth oriented. The plan's thrust areas are

agriculture, employment, poverty and infrastructure. In agriculture, the top

priority is to be given to irrigation. The efficiency and productivity of five

infi-astructure sectors- irrigation, power, mining railways and communication-is

also expected to improve. The plan is described as "delivery -oriented"

Tenth Five Year Plan (2002-2007):

The Tenth Plan (2002-2007) is being prepared against a backdrop of high

expectations arising fi-om some aspects of the recent performance.

Traditionally, the level of per capita income has been regarded as a summary

indicator of the economic well being of the country and growth. Targets have,

therefore, focused on growth in per capita income or per capita GDP. The tenth

five year plan (2002-07) as approved by the National Development council

(NDC), envisages an average annual growth rate of 8 percent. These include

reduction of poverty ratio by 5 percentage points by 2007, providing

gainful employment to at least the addition to labour force over the plan

period, all children in school by 2003 and increase in literacy rate to 75

percent within the plan period. The strategy for equity and social justice

consists of making agricultural development a core element of the plan,

ensuring rapid growth of those sectors which are most likely to create gainfiil

178

employment opportunities and supplementing the impact of growth with

special programmes aimed at target groups.

Inter Regional Analysis of the State-

Eastern and Western U.P. had different systems of land holdings, and although

land reforms have been put in place, eastern U.P. still has a higher share of

marginal land holdings. Under British rule, the Zamindari system of tenancy in

eastern U.P. estranged cultivators from the land, as it further stratified rural

Society into layers of tenants, sub-tenants and rentier landlords. In western

U.P., the Bhaichara system allowed for peasant proprietorship, which gave

tenants a greater incentive to invest in land and improve productivity, as is

reflected by changes in cropping patterns, increases in yield and capital

accumulation (stokes 1978)'^. In 1960-61, marginal land holdings (<1 hectare)

made up over 52 percent of land holdings in western U.P. is about 11 percent

of operational agricultural area. At the same time in eastern U.P., 62 percent of

land holdings were marginal, and they were contained in about 19 percent of

agricultural area. By 1980-81, the share of marginal holdings had increased in

the west to 62 percent in about 20 percent of agricultural area, and in the east

marginal holdings increased to 70 percent in 34 percent of agricultural area. In

1995-96 the proportion of marginal holdings in U.P. was about 75 percent and

they operated in about one third of the state's operational agricultural area

(CMIE-2004)^".

The comparative analysis of Western Uttar Pradesh and Eastern Uttar Pradesh

consisting of infrastructure and agriculture related data has been mentioned in

the following table.

19 Stokes, Eric 1978. The Peasant and the Raj: Studies in Agrarian Society and Peasant Rebellion in Colonial India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

^° Centre for Monitoring, Indian Economy - (2004).

179

TABLE: 13

Indicators of Development in tlie Eastern and Western Alluviums of U.P.

General

Population in million {2001)

Geographical area sq km (2001) Percent of urban population to total population (1991)

Population density (2001)

Percent of literacy (2001)

Sex ratio (2001) Percent of SC to total population (1991)

Average monsoon rainfall (mm) (2002)

Infrastructure Per capita electricity consumption (kwh 1998-99)

Percent of electrified villages (3/31.'2000)

Telephones per lakh population (1999-2000) Length of metalled road under PWD per 1.000 sq km (1999-2000)

Consumption of electricity in Ag as percent of total cons. (1998-99)

Credit Facilities Credit deposit ratio (June 1999-2000) Scheduled commercial banks per lakh pop (1999-2000) Cooperative agricultural marketing centers per lakh pop (1999-00)

Cooperative marketing societies per lakh pop (J999-2000) Joint agricultural cooperative societies (1999-2000)

Agriculture-related Percent of marginal holdings (<l ha, 1995-96) Percent of area undermargi nal holdings (1995-96)

Average size of marginal holding (ha 1995-96)

Percent of small holdings (1-2 ha) (1995-96)

Percent of area under small holdings (1995-96) Percent of farmers vs. main workers (1990-91)

Percent of agricultural laborers vs. main workers (1990-91)

Cultivable area as percent of reported area (1994-95)

Net cultivated area as percent of cultivable area (1998-99) Net irrigated area as percent of net cropped area (1998-99)

Percent of area irrigated by state tubewells (2001-02)

Percent of area irrigated by private tubewells (1998-99)

Cropping intensity (1998-99)

Commercial crop area as percent of gross cropped-area (1998-99)

Distribution of fertilizer per ha gross cropped area (in ha 1998-99) Availability of tractor per gross cropped area (in ha 1998-99)

Value of agricultural produce per ha on current prices (1997-98)

Productivity of foodgrains (kg/ha 1998-99)

Productivity of wheat (kg/ha 2001-02) Productivity of rice (kg/ha 2001-02)

Productlviry of potatoes (kg/ha 1998-99)

Productivity of oil seeds (kg '̂ha 1998-99)

Productivity of sugarcane (kg.'ha 2001-02) Productivity of pulses (kg/Tia 2001-02)

Percent of kharif area affected bv floods (1999-2000)

Gross value of agricultural produce per rural person on current prices (1997-98) Income from primary sector as percent of net domestic output (1997-98)

Western

61

89589*

26.3 782

59.5

862

18.6 765.7

206.8

88.8

1520

1520 43.4

22.5 5.2

3.1 0.17

1

66.8

28.1

0.42 17.8

24.9

47.9

18.5

82.7

90.8 89.7

i '^•^ 77

156

32.1 :

148.1 32.1 :

21280 i

2410 i

3236 j

2203

25030 \

890 : 58094 :

810

0.92

3447

38.6

Eastern

66.6

87294"

11.6 860

53.8

978 20.7

891.3

169.2

77

778 778

25

22 5.3

1.8

0.11

0.6

83

44.8

0.35

10.9

22.8

54.8

22.5

77

86.1 61.4

5.6

65

150.8

10.4

116.2 74.4

15677

1920

2377 2125

20050

550 48591

869

8.5

2435

36.3

U.P

166

240,928

20.78* 689

57.36

898 21

N.A..

184.9

79

1248 1246

51

21.6 5.3

2.2

0.16

0.8

'•

75.4

1 33,7 1 0,39

14,6

23.8

1 53.3

18.9

70.9 83.4

: 72.2

305 68

148.8

20.5

118.2 47.1

17857

1740

2755 2117

22802

700 57980

886

3.9 3594

36.9 • 2001 (lata a) Land area data does not include the districts of Kannauj and .^urdip in western U.P. and Kaushambi, Ambedaker districts were divided, it is litely that the districts ate accounted for in land area but were measured under a different

Source: Pant (2004): Census of India: Uttar Pradesh (2001); State Government of UP. (2004)

Nagar and Bast' name.

in eastern UP. Since some

180

Historically, one of the greatest advantages that western U.P. had over eastern

U.P. was public investment in canal irrigation. In the 19'̂ century, the west

received large amounts of public investment for irrigation, while the east

received very little. Between 1830 and 1880, the eastern Yamuna, lower

Ganga, and Agra canals were constructed in Western U.P., allowing ibr larger

tracts of land to be irrigated than via the traditional wells, ponds and tanks. The

following tables indicates the comparative study of Western Uttar Pradesh and

Eastern Uttar Pradesh regarding the gross irrigated area and net irrigated area.

TABLE: 14

Net and Gross Irrigated Area by District in W «& E U.P.

Western U.P. District SAHARANPUR MUZAFFARNAGAR MEERUT BAGPAT GHAZIABAD O.BUDDHA NGR. ALIGARH HATHARAS MATHURA AGRA FIROZABAD MAINPURI ETAH BAREILLY BUDAUN SHAHJAHANPUR PILIBHIT BIJNOR MORADABAD IB.FULE NAGAR RAMPUR FARRUKHABAD KANNAUJ ETAWAH AURAIYA Western U.P.

Gross Irrigated Area

374 483 312 175 227 161 415 189 324 251 208 282 438 481 503 552 345 379 472 223 339 168 167 172 173

7813

Net Irrigated Area

249 324-192

no 140 121 294 145 266 236 177 190 312 267 387 357 214 285 251 165 188 131 129 ilS 109

5357 ;

181

TABLE: 15

Net and Gross Irrigated Area by District in E and W U.P., 2001-02 cent. Eastern L'.P. District ALLAHABAD KAUSHAMBI PRATAPGARH VARANASl CHANDAULI GHAZIPUR JAUNPUR MIR2PUR SONBHADRA S. RAVI DAS NOR AZAMGARH MAU • BALLIA • GORAKHPUR MHARAJGANJ DEORIA KUSHINAGAR BASTI SIDDHARTH NAGAR SANT KABIR NGR FAIZABAD AMBEDKAR NAGAR SULTANPUR GONDA BALRAMPUR BAHRAICH SHRAVASTI Eastern U.P. UTTARPRADESH

Gross Irrigated Area

392 113 284 130 202 227 350 300 79 75

385 152 236 229 172 182 242 170 147 105 237 271 309 207 99

155 59

5509 18220

Net Irrigated Area

244 85

195 99

129 140 258 134 54 57

267 114 177 205 152 156 171 130 144 103 148 155 213 184 82

142 54

3992 12828

As human and animal labour was freed up from more labour-intensive forms of

irrigation, such as the Persian wheel, cultivators were able to provide crops

more efficiently and work the land more intensively by engaging in multiple

cropping, which allowed more crops to be produced without necessarily

increasing the area under production. This resuhed in greater levels of

economic activity in the west than in the east, which was visible in the forms of

better-developed markets and roads.

182

There is no significant increase in the Net Sown Area (NSA) in this state. (Diwakar,

2000). It is about 59 percent of the reported area and about 9 percent area remains

unutilized in the state as a whole. However, land area used for non-agricultural

purpose is also quite large in Uttar Pradesh as well as in the sample district. It is

evident from the below mentioned table, that 72.17 percent of NSA of Uttar Pradesh

is irrigated. Private tube wells are major source of irrigation, which cover about 67.89

percent of the irrigated area followed by Canal (21.19 percent).

TABLE: 16

Region-wise irrigation sources as a proportion of Net Irrigated Area, 2001-02

Region

Western U.P.

Eastern U.P.

U.P.

Canal

14.10

24.27

21.19

Government -Tubewell

2.38

5.55

3.50

Private Tubewell

77.09

65.85

67.89

Total Tubewell

79.47

71.40

71.39

Other wells

5.94

2.84

5.82

Tank

0.06

1.07

0.66

Other Means

0.43

0.42

0.94

Source: Government of UP (2004)

Uttar Pradesh has enormous ground water resources in balance. This indicates

possibilities of expanding irrigation through ground water. Even in those areas

where canal irrigation is a dominant source of irrigation, conjunctive use of

ground water irrigation not only neutralizes the water logging effects but also

reduces possibilities of land degradation. It is evident from the table in

reference that higher level of irrigation provides opportunity of expand gross

cropped area and thereby cropping intensity increase.

The following study also makes a comparative analysis of intra-state (Eastern U.P.

and Western U.P.) study indicating the social and economic aspects of the state and

compare U.P.'s performance relative to some of the other major states of India.

Between 1991 and 2001, U.P.'s population grew at a rate of 25.8 percent, above the

national decadal average growth of 21.3 percent and marginally above U.P.'s previous

183

decadal rate of 25.5 percent. U.P. is primarily rural, with an urbanization rate of about

21 percent in 2001. (www.earth.columbia.edu) The Net State Domestic Product

(NSDP) of U.P. in 2001 was about 9 percent of India's total NDP. Per capita NSDP

was 5770 rupees, roughly 40 percent below the average per capita NDP of 9508

rupees for the same year. Of the 15 major states in India, Uttar Pradesh has the highest

Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR), the highest fertility rate, the second highest Infant

Mortality Rate (IMR) and one of the lowest female to male ratios. In 1998, the

MMR in U.P. was 707 (per 100,000 births) well above the national average of

407 (GOI, 2001). This is an improvement from the 1982-86 Maternal Mortality

Rate in the state, which was (931 per 100,000 births)^l The Infant Mortality

Rate (IMR) in U.P. is among the highest in India, at 82 deaths per 1000 live

births in 2000, while the average IMR in the country was 66 (per 1000 live

births). In 2001, fertility rates in India were highest in U.P. at a level of 4.7,

while the national average was 3.2. Average life expectancy in U.P. in 1996-

2001 was 61.2 years for Males and 61.1 years for females. Along with a lower

life expectancy for women, another indicator of gender disparity in the state is

the low sex-ratio. In 2001, there were 898 females per 1000 males, as against

the national average of 933 females per 1000 males. India's sex ratio is among

the lowest in the world and U.P.'s sex ratio in this context is strikingly low.

Uttar Pradesh does not fare much better in terms of education than it does in health.

Merely 57 percent of the population of U.P. was literate in 2001. Kerala's literacy

rate was highest, at about 91 percent and Maharashtra's was second to Kerala's at

about 77 percent. Within U.P. literacy rates were higher in urban areas than in rural

ones at about 71 percent versus 54 percent. The following table gives the details about

the selected indicators for the human development for UP and other states.

^' Agricultural performance in Uttar Pradesh: A Historical Account - Nirupam Bajpai & Nicole Volavka, CGSD working Paper No. 23, April 2005 Pg. 4.

" HDR-2003 " Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India (2001), Census of India- 2001.

184

TABLE: 17

Selected indicators for Well-being for UP and other States

s. No.

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

State

2

Andhra

Pradesh

Assam

Bihar

Gujrat

Haryana

Kamataka

Kerala

Madhya

Pradesh

Maharashtra

Orissa

Punjab

Rajasthan

Tamil Nadu

Uttar Pradesh

Rank of UP

West Bengal

India

IMR

1999

3

66

76"

63

63

68

58

14

90

48

97

53

81

52

84

13

52

70

Life

Expectancy

1999

4

62

56.2

59.4

61.4

63.8

62.9

7301

55.2

65.2

56.9

67.4

59.5

63.7

57.2

12

62.4

60.7

Literacy Rate

Total

2001

5

61.11

64.28

47.53

69.97

68.59

37.04

90.92

64.11

77.27

63.61

69.95

61.03

73.47

57.36

14

69.22

65.38

Female

2001

6

51.17

56.03

33.57

58.6

56.31

57.45

87.86

50.28

67.51

50.97

63.55

44.34

64.55

42.98

14

60.22

54.16

Sex

Ratio 0

to 6 yrs

2001

7

978

932

921

921

861

964

1058

620

922

972

874

922

986

898

13

934

933

Per

Capita

NSDP**

1995-98

8

2440

1657

1040

3764

3901

2662

2323

1918

4764

1597

4335

2153

2931

1720

11

3391

-

%

Persons

below

Poverty

Line

1999-00

9

15.8

36.1

42.6

14.1

8.7

20

12.7

37,4

25

47.2

62

15.3

21.1

31.2

11

27

26.1

Source: Census 2001; Reserve Bank of India 2001; RGI, 2001; Planning Commission 2001

Only about half of the children in Uttar Pradesh finished primary school in

1999-2000 while over 90 percent of children in Kerala and over 80 percent of

children in Maharashtra completed primary school. Madhya Pradesh and

185

Rajasthan were slightly worse off then U.P. in this regard, with completion

rates of below 50 percent. (World Bank - 2004)^^

In terms of water and sanitation, about 33 percent of households in U.P. had

access to toilet facilities in 1997, while the country's average was 49 percent.

About 62 percent of households had access to safe drinking water, the same as

the all-India average. In the following tables the social development indicators

have been shown in the context of Uttar Pradesh on the one hand and All India

on the other hand.

TABLE: 18

Uttar Pradesh and All India social Development Indicators:

Longevity in UP & All India

Expectation of life at

birth (yrs)

Uttar Pradesh

All India

Rural

1981-85

Persons

50.2

53.7

1992-96

Persons

56.3

59.4

Urban

1981-85

Persons

57.8

62.8

1992-96

Persons

61.6

66.3

Combined

1981-85

Persons

50

55.5

1992-96

Persons

57.2

60.7

In the above mentioned table, the comparative analysis of Expectation of life

at birth (yrs) in 1981-85 in UP, it was50.2 as compare to all India 53.7 in rural

area has been mentioned while in urban areas it was 57.8 in UP and 62.8 in

India.

TABLE: 19

Infant Mortality Rate in UP & All India

Infant mortality rate (per 1000 live births)

Uttar Pradesh

All India

Rural

1981

139

123

2001

86

72

Urban

1981

81

67

2001

62

42

Combined

1981 2001

130 82

115 66

The World Bank June 2004. "Attaining the Millennium Development Goals in India: Role of Public Policy and Service Delivery".

186

In the above mentioned table, the comparative analysis of IMR in UP as well

as India has been compared, while at all India it is 123 Live birth to 1000 in

1981 and it got improvement in 2001 and reduced to 66 Live birth to 1000

,this is a good indicator of overall development.

WORK FORCE

Uttar Pradesh is predominantly an agrarian economy. About 64.74 percent of

the main workforce is of cultivators and 23 percent of agricultural labour.

Ahogether about 87.76 percent of workforce is dependent on agriculture for

their livelihood. The following table provides the Demo Occupational Structure

of Uttar Pradesh.

TABLE: 20

S.No.

L

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

Demo Occupational Structure of Uttar Pradesh

Description

Population

S.C. Population

S.T. Population

Decadal growth of population

Density of population*

Gender Ratio

Literacy

Land man ratio*

Dependency ratio*

MAIN WORKER

a.

b.

c.

d.

e.

Cultivator

Agri. Labour

Animal husbandry

Mining

Household industry

Unit

.000

%

%

%

Peson/Km^

per 100 ml

%

Acer/Person

Person/worker

%

%

%

%

%

Total U.P.

166053

17.63

0.17

25.8

689

879

57.36

0.179

327

64.74

23.02

0.87

0.10

2.93

187

f.

g-

h.

i.

J-

Industry other then house hold

Construction

Business

Transportation & communication

Other

%

%

%

%

%

649

1 50

750

227

12.13 Source: For Uttar Pradesh see statistical Diary ofUttar Pradesh, year 2001, pp. 19,21, 22, 23, 24. 25, 210.

* For the calculation of prorata population of year 2000 has been used for maintaining consistency.

It is evident that agriculture still remains the mainstay of rural life in the sample

district as well as in Uttar Pradesh as a whole.

LAND USE AND IRRIGATION

In an agrarian society like Uttar Pradesh, land remains the most important

material basis for livelihood and development. Therefore, it is necessary to

understand the land use pattern of the state for development perspectives. Land

use details and irrigation structure in UP are given in the following tables.

TABLE: 21

Net Area Sown and Irrigation Structure in U.P.

S.No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. a. b. c. d. e. f.

&

Description Net area sown Gross area sown Net irrigated area Cropping intensity Irrigation Intensity Net irrigated area Gross irrigated area Utilization of Ground water Net area irrigated by source Canals Govt. Tube wells Private Tube well Other sources Tanks Wells Total net area irrigated by source

Unit Million hec. Million hec.

% % %

(million hec) (million hec.)

%

% % % % % % %

Total U.P 17585 26162 72.17 148.77 139.48 12691 17698 54.31

26.i05 6.184 67.704 0.002 0.001 0.004 100

Source: For Uttar Pradesh see Statistical Diary of Uttar Pradesh, year 2000-pp. 116, 117, !30

188

TABLE: 22

Pattern of Land Utilization of Uttar Pradesh

S.No.

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

Description

Reported area

Forest

Non cultivable waste land

Land use for non-agricultural

purposes

Orchard & Pastureland

Cultivable waste land

Other fallow and & current

fallow land

Net area sown

Unit

Ha

%

%

%

%

%

%

%

Total U.P

29794 ('000)

17.497

3.122

8.579

2.829

3.006

5.943

59.023

Source: For Uttar Pradesh see statistical Diary of Uttar Pradesh, year 2000, pp. 114 to 117.

Operational Holdings

Forms of agrarian structure are reflected in operational holdings of a society

and economy. It indicates distribution of land to the tillers. However, concealed

tenancy prevailing in Uttar Pradesh keeps an analyst away from the ground

reality. Data given in below mentioned table show that a majority of the

farmers in the state as well as in the sample district are marginal holders

followed by small holdings. In Uttar Pradesh the number of marginal and small

holdings together constitute about 89.35 percent. Semi medium holders posses

about 7.69 percent of the operational area. Even if one ignores concealed

tenancy, which is pervasive in Uttar Pradesh, there is apparent inequality in

distribution of land. The situation in the sample district is not different. This

also explains the need for redistribution of land in Uttar Pradesh.

189