Chart for Empire and Identity in the American Colonies

Goals/Desires in North America

Conflicts With

C O L O N I S T S

Native Americans British Officials Colonists

N A T I V E A M E R I C A N S

Colonists British Officials

Goals/Desires in North America

Conflicts With

B R I T I S H O F F I C I A L S

Colonists Native Americans

Out of Sight, Out of Mind Darla Davis

When the first American colonies were established on the continent, "there was not a British empire "[1] . At that time, the predominant idea was not to build an empire, for England, but instead, to simply secure lands on the continent in England's name. England could not afford to be left out of any acquisitions. The French, the Dutch, and the Spanish had already claimed territories there, and England could not allow herself to be left behind any of these countries. "The [English] government certainly had no money to spare to help the colonies. This introduced the general rule that English colonies [in America] had to cover their own costs"[2] . By not funding the colonies and taking only a "spasmatic interest in their growing empire "[3] , Great Britain allowed the colonies to govern themselves for more than one hundred years with little or even no interference. The old saying "out of sight, out of mind" tends to be very true in the relationship between England and her American colonies. The colonies were so " out of sight and out of mind" in England that neither a king, nor a queen, nor current member of parliament ever set foot on American soil. [4] This was mainly because America was 3000 miles away, and a visit there could take up to three weeks just to arrive in the colonies. Besides, what could possibly be of interest so far from their homeland? The English would soon have an answer to that question.

Had the English paid a bit more attention to the colonies in America, they would have realized that the colonists were losing the concept of who actually governed them. There was obviously not a monarch or Parliamentary system in America to rule them, so they naturally began looking to the government nearest to them for their laws and various needs. There was a " 'layered' arrangement extending from the British Crown and Parliament through royal officials resident in the colonies [called governors], to colonial assemblies and down to local units of administration . . ." [5] . This type of system had never been experienced in England. English citizens had always had only the local magistrates, Parliament, and their monarch. It was evident to these citizens just who had absolute authority over them. The colonists, however, were having their own "out of sight, out of mind" experience. They could not see authority over them past the governor, if they could see it extending that far. "The colonies were [clearly] not a normal part of the British structure . . ."[6] . They were not included in any day-to-day discussions in Parliament, and if any laws affecting the colonists did change, it would take them a minimum of three weeks to reach the shore of their continent across the ocean.

On the flip side, when the Americans did know of laws regarding trade and taxes, it was not uncommon for them to smuggle the goods to avoid paying any taxes that may have been attached to the products. England winked at this avoidance, if they even knew about it, for so long that the colonies began to see "the colonial assemblies . . . as bodies parallel to the House of commons . . ."[7]. This attitude was clearly a threat to England's relationship with her colonies. Edmund Burke, a Whig in Parliament, pointed out that any quick and definite taxing of the colonies after having allowed them to govern themselves for so long would cause

a great many objections from the colonists. Burke supported the fact that Parliament certainly had the right to tax the colonies, but he "preferred a slow and steady conduct by England toward the colonies" [8]. This would probably have been the best method to convince the colonies that they were subject to the powers of parliament, but easing the colonies back into accepting and obeying all of the acts passed by British Parliament was not what most of the other members had in mind. A lot had changed with regard to Parliament's attitude toward the colonies since the Seven Years War.

The Seven Years War was fought primarily on the continent of America, and when it ended in 1763, the colonists were the ones that benefitted the most from it. Throughout the Seven Years War (1756 - 1763), the English government continually supplied the colonies with British troops so that they might be protected from the French as well as the Indians who had taken sides with the French in this particular war. These troops were maintained in America even after the French had surrendered their holdings in Canada to Great Britain. Their continued presence was to protect the colonists from Indian invasions as well as French retaliation along the borders. In all, the English Crown incurred $2 million in debt while fighting against the French and protecting the colonies. Along with all of the money that was spent to protect these colonies, there were still ten thousand troops maintained in the American colonies every year. The colonies had, and still were, reaping the benefits of being citizens of the British Empire while Great Britain was taking care of all of the costs. George Grenville, the Prime Minister of Parliament in 1763, did not appreciate the fact that England was paying the bill for the protection of the American colonists while they were gaining so much from the placement of troops there. In 1763, the time had come to "pay the piper," and the most logical way to do this was to tax the colonies.

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“You are Like Women, Bare and Open, without anyFortifications”: Hendrick Criticizes the British for Inaction atthe Albany Congress, 1754When the British colonial administration called a conference in Albany in the summer of 1754, theBritish Empire was in the midst of great change. Britain’s grip on the colonies appeared to havebroken down: French troops had occupied the Ohio valley while the Indians in New York haddeclared the Covenant chain alliance broken. Hendrick, a Mohawk leader among the IroquoisConfederation, sought to renew diplomatic alliances between the Iroquois and the colonists. However,his speech at the meeting also criticized the British officials and colonial politicians for the weaknessof their response in the face of French activities. Soon the Seven Year’s War would engulf all threeparties: British, colonists, and Native Americans.

Hendrick:

Then Hendrick, brother to the said Abraham, and a Sachem of the same castle, rose up and spake inbehalf of the Six Nations as follows:

“Brethren, just now you told us you were ready to hear us; hearken unto me. ”Brother Corlaer, (aname given to the governor of New York by the Indians long ago,) and brothers of the othergovernments, Saturday last you told us that you came here by order of the great king our commonfather, and in his name to renew the antient chain of friendship between this and the othergovernments on the continent, and us the Six United Nations: And you said also, there were thenpresent commissioners from Massachusett’s Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island,Pensylvania, and Maryland; and that Virginia, and Carolina desired to be considered also as present:We rejoice that by the king’s orders, we are all met here this day, and are glad to see each other face toface; we are very thankful for the same, and we look upon the governors of South Carolina andVirginia as also present.

"Brethren, We thank you in the most hearty manner for your condolence to us; we also condole allyour relations and friends who have died since our last meeting here. [gave three strings of wampum.]

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"Brethren, (holding the chain belt given by his honor and the several governors in his hand,) Wereturn you all our grateful acknowledgements for renewing and brightening the covenant-chain.

"This belt is of very great importance to our united nations and all our allies. We will therefore take itto Onondago, where our council-fire always burns, and keep it so securely, that neither thunder norlightning shall break it. There we will consult over it, and as we have lately added two links to it, sowe will use our endeavors to add as many links more as it lies in our power: And we hope when weshew you this belt again, we shall give you reason to rejoice at it, by your seeing the vacancies in itfilled up (referring to his honor’s explanation of it in his general speech). In the mean time we desirethat you will strengthen yourselves, and bring as many into this covenant as you possibly can. We donow solemnly renew and brighten the covenant-chain with our brethren here present, and with all ourother absent brethren on the continent.

"Brethren, As to the accounts you have heard of our living divided from each other, it is very true, wehave several times attempted to draw off those of our brethren who are settled at Oswegatie, but invain; for the governor of Canada is like a wicked deluding spirit; however, as you desire, we shallpersist in our endeavors.

"You have asked us the reason of our living in this divided manner; the reason is, your neglecting usthese three years past; (then taking a stick and throwing it behind his back) You have thus thrown usbehind your backs, and disregarded us; whereas, the French are subtle and vigilant people, ever usingtheir utmost endeavors to seduce and bring our people over to them.

"Brethren, The encroachments of the French, and what you have said to us on that article on behalf ofthe king our father; as these matters were laid before us as of great importance, so we have made strictenquiry among all our people, if any of them have either sold or given the French leave to build theforts you mention, and we cannot find that either sale has been made or leave has been given; but theFrench have gone thither without our consent or approbation, nor ever mentioned it to us.

"Brethren, The governor of Virginia and the governor of Canada are both quarrelling about landswhich belong to us, and such a quarrel as this may end in our destruction. They fight who shall havethe land; the governors of Virginia and Pennsylvania have made paths through our country to trade,and built houses without acquainting us with it; They should have first asked our consent to buildthere, as was done when Oswego was built.

"Brethren, It is very true, as you told us, that the clouds hang heavy over us, and it is not very pleasantto look up, but we give you this belt [giving a belt] to clear away all clouds, that we may all live inbright sunshine, and keep together in strict union and friendship; then we shall become strong, andnothing can hurt us.

"Brethren, This is the antient place of treaty where the fire of friendship always used to burn, and it isnow three years since we have been called to any public treaty here; ‘tis true, there are commissionershere, but they have never invited us to smoke with them (by which they mean, the commissioners hadnever invited them to any conference), but the Indians of Canada came frequently and smoked withthem, which is for the sake of their beaver, but we hate them (meaning the French Indians): We havenot as yet confirmed the peace with them: ’tis your fault, brethren, we are not strengthened byconquest, for we should have gone and taken Crown Point, but you hindered us: We had concluded to

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go and take it; but we were told it was too late, and that the ice would not bear us. Instead of this youburnt your own fort at Saraghtogee and run away from it; which was shame and a scandal to you.Look about your country, and see you have no fortifications about you, no not even to this city. 'Tisbut one step from Canada hither, and the French may easily come and turn you out of doors.

"Brethren, You desired us to speak from the bottom of our hearts, and we shall do it. Look about you,and see all these houses full of beaver, and money is all gone to Canada; likewise your powder, lead,and guns, which the French make use of at the Ohio.

“Brethren, You were desirous we should open our minds and our hearts to you; look at the French,they are men; they are fortifying every where; but we are ashamed to say it; you are like women, bareand open, without any fortifications.”

Source: Jeptha Root Simms, History of Schoharie County, and the Border Wars of New York. Albany:Munsell & Tanner, 1845, pages 126–129

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Albany Plan of Union 1754 (1)

It is proposed that humble application be made for an act of Parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formedin America, including all the said colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particularswherein a change may be directed by the said act, as hereafter follows.

1. That the said general government be administered by a President-General, to be appointed and supported by the crown; and a Grand Council, tobe chosen by the representatives of the people of the several Colonies met in their respective assemblies.

2. That within -- months after the passing such act, the House of Representatives that happen to be sitting within that time, or that shall especiallyfor that purpose convened, may and shall choose members for the Grand Council, in the following proportion, that is to say,

Massachusetts Bay 7 New Hampshire 2 Connecticut 5 Rhode Island 2 New York 4 New Jersey 3 Pennsylvania 6 Maryland 4 Virginia 7 North Carolina 4 South Carolina 4 ------ 48

3. -- who shall meet for the first time at the city of Philadelphia, being called by the President-General as soon as conveniently may be after hisappointment.

4. That there shall be a new election of the members of the Grand Council every three years; and, on the death or resignation of any member, hisplace should be supplied by a new choice at the next sitting of the Assembly of the Colony he represented.

5. That after the first three years, when the proportion of money arising out of each Colony to the general treasury can be known, the number ofmembers to be chosen for each Colony shall, from time to time, in all ensuing elections, be regulated by that proportion, yet so as that the number to bechosen by any one Province be not more than seven, nor less than two.

6. That the Grand Council shall meet once in every year, and oftener if occasion require, at such time and place as they shall adjourn to at the lastpreceding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at by the President-General on any emergency; he having first obtained in writing the consent ofseven of the members to such call, and sent duly and timely notice to the whole.

7. That the Grand Council have power to choose their speaker; and shall neither be dissolved, prorogued, nor continued sitting longer than sixweeks at one time, without their own consent or the special command of the crown.

8. That the members of the Grand Council shall be allowed for their service ten shillings sterling per diem, during their session and journey to andfrom the place of meeting; twenty miles to be reckoned a day's journey.

9. That the assent of the President-General be requisite to all acts of the Grand Council, and that it be his office and duty to cause them to becarried into execution.

10. That the President-General, with the advice of the Grand Council, hold or direct all Indian treaties, in which the general interest of the Coloniesmay be concerned; and make peace or declare war with Indian nations.

11. That they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating all Indian trade.

12. That they make all purchases from Indians, for the crown, of lands not now within the bounds of particular Colonies, or that shall not be withintheir bounds when some of them are reduced to more convenient dimensions.

13. That they make new settlements on such purchases, by granting lands in the King's name, reserving a quitrent to the crown for the use of thegeneral treasury.

14. That they make laws for regulating and governing such new settlements, till the crown shall think fit to form them into particular governments.

15. That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the defence of any of the Colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts andprotect the trade on the ocean, lakes, or great rivers; but they shall not impress men in any Colony, without the consent of the Legislature.

16. That for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy such general duties, imposts, or taxes, as to them shall appear most

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equal and just (considering the ability and other circumstances of the inhabitants in the several Colonies), and such as may be collected with the leastinconvenience to the people; rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessary burdens.

17. That they may appoint a General Treasurer and Particular Treasurer in each government when necessary; and, from time to time, may order thesums in the treasuries of each government into the general treasury; or draw on them for special payments, as they find most convenient.

18. Yet no money to issue but by joint orders of the President-General and Grand Council; except where sums have been appropriated to particularpurposes, and the President-General is previously empowered by an act to draw such sums.

19. That the general accounts shall be yearly settled and reported to the several Assemblies.

20. That a quorum of the Grand Council, empowered to act with the President-General, do consist of twenty-five members; among whom there shallbe one or more from a majority of the Colonies.

21. That the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of England, andshall be transmitted to the King in Council for approbation, as soon as may be after their passing; and if not disapproved within three years afterpresentation, to remain in force.

22. That, in case of the death of the President-General, the Speaker of the Grand Council for the time being shall succeed, and be vested with thesame powers and authorities, to continue till the King's pleasure be known.

23. That all military commission officers, whether for land or sea service, to act under this general constitution, shall be nominated by the President-General; but the approbation of the Grand Council is to be obtained, before they receive their commissions. And all civil officers are to be nominated bythe Grand Council, and to receive the President-General's approbation before they officiate.

24. But, in case of vacancy by death or removal of any officer, civil or military, under this constitution, the Governor of the Province in which suchvacancy happens may appoint, till the pleasure of the President-General and Grand Council can be known.

25. That the particular military as well as civil establishments in each Colony remain in their present state, the general constitution notwithstanding;and that on sudden emergencies any Colony may defend itself, and lay the accounts of expense thence arising before the President-General andGeneral Council, who may allow and order payment of the same, as far as they judge such accounts just and reasonable.

(1) The Albany Plan of Union was the work of Benjamin Franklin and Thomas hutchinson.p.114 Morison, Samuel Eliot and Henry SteeleCommager, William E. Leuchtenburg. The Growth of the American Republic : Volume 1. Seventh Edition. New York : Oxford University Press; 1980.(Note added by the Avalon Project). Back

Source:Documents Illustrative of the Formation of the Union of the American States.

Government Printing Office, 1927.House Document No. 398.

Selected, Arranged and Indexed by Charles C. Tansill

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PLAN FOR COLONIAL UNION

by Benjamin Franklin

LETTER I

CONCERNING THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IN CHOOSING THE RULERS BY WHOM TAXES ARE IMPOSED

TUESDAY MORNING [December 17, 1754]

SIR:

I return return you the loose sheets of the plan, with thanks to your Excellency for communicating them.

I apprehend that excluding the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council will give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by act of Parliament, where they have no representative. It is very possible that this general government might be as well and faithfully administered without the people as with them; but where heavy burthens have been laid on them, it has been found useful to make it as much as possible their own act; for they bear better, when they have, or think they have, some share in the direction; and when any public measures are generally grievous, or even distasteful, to the people, the wheels of government move more heavily.

LETTER II

ON THE IMPOSITION OF DIRECT TAXES UPON THE COLONIES WITHOUT THEIR CONSENT

WEDNESDAY MORNING [December 18, 1754]

SIR:

I mentioned it yesterday to your Excellency as my opinion that excluding the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by act of Parliament, where they have no representative. In matters of general concern to the people, and especially where burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of use to consider, as well what they will be apt to think and say, as what they ought to think. I shall therefore, as your Excellency requires it of me, briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion.

First, they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the people in the colonies are as loyal and as firmly attached to the present constitution and reigning family as any subjects in the king's dominions.

That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the representatives they may choose to grant from time to time such supplies for the defense of the country as shall be judged necessary, so far as their abilities will allow.

That the people in the colonies who are to feel the immediate mischiefs of invasion and conquest by an enemy, in the loss of their estates, lives, and liberties, are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces

necessary to be raised and maintained, forts to be built and supported. and of their own abilities to bear the expense than the Parliament of England at so great a distance.

That governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes, with which they intend to return to Britain; are not always men of the best abilities and integrity; have many of them no estates here, nor any natural connections with us that should make them heartily concerned for our welfare; and might possibly be fond of raising and keeping up more forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and to make provision for their friends and dependents.

That the conselors in most of the colonies being appointed by the crown, on the recommendation of governors, are often persons of small estates, frequently dependent on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence. 2

That there is therefore great reason to be jealous of a power in such governors and councils to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary, by draft on the Lords of the Treasury, to be afterward laid on the colonies by act of Parliament, and paid by the people here; since they might abuse it by projecting useless expeditions, harassing the people, and taking them from their labor to execute such projects, merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependents, and divide profits.

That the Parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to the misinformed and misled by such governors and councils, whose united interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint from hence.

That it is supposed an undoubted right of Englishmen not to be taxed but by their own consent, given through their representatives.

That the colonies have no representatives in Parliament.

That to propose taxing them by Parliament, and refuse them the liberty of choosing a representative council to meet in the colonies, and consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax and the quantum, shows a suspicion of their loyalty to the crown, or of their regard for their country, or of their common sense and understanding, which they have not deserved.

That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent would be rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country than taxing of Englishmen for their own public benefit.

That it would be treating them as a conquered people and not as true British subjects.

That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might easily be lessened as the occasions should lessen; but being once laid by Parliament, under the influence of the representations made by governors, would probably be kept up and continued for the benefit of governors, to the grievous burthen and discouragement of the colonies, and prevention of their growth and increase.

That a power in governors to march the inhabitants from one end of the British and French colonies to the other, being a country of at least 1,500 square miles, without the approbation or the consent of their representatives first obtained to such expeditions, might be grievous and ruinous to the people, and would put them on a footing with the subjects of France in Canada, that now groan under such oppression from their governor, who for two years past has harassed them with long and destructive marches to Ohio.

That if the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and councils appointed by the crown, without representatives, particular colonies may as well or better be so governed; a tax may be laid upon them all by act of Parliament for support of government, and their assemblies may be dismissed as a useless part of the constitution.

That the powers, proposed by the Albany Plan of Union to be vested in a grand council representative of the people, even with regard to military matters, are not so great as those the colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticut are intrusted with by their charters and have never abused; for, by this plan, the president-general is appointed by the crown and controls all by his negative; but in those governments the people choose the governor and yet allow him no negative.

That the British colonies bordering on the French are properly frontiers of the British Empire; and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expense of the body of the people in such empire. It would now be thought hard by act of Parliament to oblige the Cinque Ports or seacoasts of Britain to maintain the whole navy, because they are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them at the same time a vote in choosing members of the Parliament; 3 and if the frontiers of America bear the expense of their own defense, it seems hard to allow them no share in voting the money, judging of the necessity and sum, or advising the measures.

That, besides the taxes necessary for the defense of the frontiers, the colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother-country unnoticed: for

1. Taxes paid in Britain by the landholder or artificer must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land and of manufactures made of it; and a great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who thereby pay a considerable part of the British taxes.

2. We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations; and where we could be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain.

3. We are obliged to carry a great part of our produce directly to Britain; and where the duties laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it sells for less than it would in foreign markets, the difference is a tax paid to Britain.

4. Some manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, and must take them of British merchants; the whole price is a tax paid to Britain.

5. By our greatly increasing the demand and consumption of British manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years; the advantage is clear profit to Britain and enables its people hefter to pay great taxes; and much of it, being paid by us, is clear tax to Britain.

6. In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade and restrain the importation and consumption of British superfluities, as Britain can the consumption of foreign superfluities, our whole wealth centers finally amongst the merchants and inhabitants of Britain; and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves and equally beneficial to the crown.

These kinds of secondary taxes, however, we do not complain of, though we have no share in the laying or disposing of them; but to pay immediate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we have no part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard measure to Englishmen, who cannot conceive that by hazarding their lives and fortunes in subduing and settling new countries, extending the dominion and increasing the commerce of the mother-nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think ought rather to be given to them, as due to such merit, if they had been before in a state of slavery.

These, and such kind of things as these, I apprehend will be thought and said by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan should take place. Then the administration of the board of governors and council so appointed, not having any representative body of the people to approve and unite m its measures,

and conciliate the minds of the people to them, will probably become suspected and odious, dangerous animosities and feuds will arise between the governors and governed, and every thing go into confusion.

Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this matter; but, having freely given my opinion and reasons, your Excellency can judge better than I whether there be any weight in them; and the shortness of the time allowed me will, I hope, in some degree excuse the imperfections of this scrawl.

With the greatest respect and fidelity, I have the honor to be

Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN

LETTER III

ON THE SUBJECT OF UNITING THE COLONIES MORE INTIMATELY WITH GREAT BRITAIN BY ALLOWING THEM

REPRESENTATIVES IN PARLIAMENT

BOSTON, December 22, 1754

SIR:

Since the conversation your Excellency was pleased to honor me with, on the subject of uniting the colonies more intimately with Great Britain, by allowing them representatives in Parliament, I have something further considered that matter and am of opinion that such a union would be very acceptable to the colonies, provided they had a reasonable number of representatives allowed them; and that all the old acts of Parliament restraining the trade or cramping the manufactures of the colonies be at the same time repealed, and the British subjects on this side the water put, in those respects, on the same footing with those in Great Britain, till the new Parliament, representing the whole, shall think it for the interest of the whole to re-enact some or all of them. It is not that I imagine so many representatives will be allowed the colonies as to have any great weight by their numbers, but I think there might be sufficient to occasion those laws to be better and more impartially considered, and perhaps to overcome the interest of a petty corporation, or of any particular set of artificers or traders in England, who heretofore seem, in some instances, to have been more regarded than all the colonies or than was consistent with the general interest or best national good. I think, too, that the government of the colonies by a Parliament in which they are fairly represented would be vastly more agreeable to the people than the method lately attempted to be introduced by royal instructions, as well as more agreeable to the nature of an English constitution and to English liberty; 4 and that such laws as now seem to bear hard on the colonies would (when judged by such a Parliament for the best interest of the whole) be more cheerfully submitted to and more easily executed.

I should hope, too, that by such a union the people of Great Britain and the people of the colonies would learn to consider themselves as not belonging to a different community with different interests but to one community with one interest, which I imagine would contribute to strengthen the whole and greatly lessen the danger of future separations.

It is, I suppose, agreed to be the general interest of any state that its people be numerous and rich; men enough to fight in its defense and enough to pay sufficient taxes to defray the charge; for these circumstances tend to the security of the state and its protection from foreign power. But it seems not of so much importance whether the fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or Charles. The iron manufacture employs and enriches British subjects, but is it of any importance to the state whether the manufacturers live at Birmingham, or Sheffield, or both, since they are still within its bounds, and their wealth and persons still at its command? Could the Goodwin Sands be laid dry by banks, 5 and land equal

to a large country thereby gained to England, and presently filled with English inhabitants, would it be right to deprive such inhabitants of the common privileges enjoyed by other Englishmen -- the right of vending their produce in the same ports, or of making their own shoes, because a merchant or a shoemaker living on the old land might fancy it more for his advantage to trade or make shoes for them? Would this be right even if the land were gained at the expense of the state? And would it not seem less right if the charge and labor of gaining the additional territory to Britain had been borne by the settlers themselves? And would a not the hardship appear yet greater if the people of the new country should be allowed no representatives in the Parliament enacting such impositions?

Now, I look on the colonies as so many countries gained to Great Britain, and more advantageous to it than if they had been gained out of the seas around it of coasts and joined to its land; for, being in different climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and being separated by the ocean, they increase much more its shipping and seamen; and since they are all included in the British Empire, which has only extended itself by their means, and the strength and wealth of the parts are the strength and wealth of the whole, what imports it to the general state whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter grow rich in Old or New England? And if, through increase of people, two smiths are wanted for one employed before, why may not the new smith be allowed to live and thrive in the new country, as well as the old in the old? In fine, why should the countenance of a state be partially afforded to its people, unless it be most in favor of those who have most merit? And if there be any difference, those who have most contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, increase her strength, her wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the risk of their own lives and private fortunes in new and strange countries, methinks ought rather to expect some preference. With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor to be

Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN

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Model Annotations Activity 1: The Albany Congress and Political Identity Thomas Pownell, British imperial administrator, selection from his 1765 The Administration of the Colonies a leading measure to the forming Great Britain, 'with all its Atlantic and American possessions, into one great commercial dominion…. so that, for every power, which they exercise or possess, they will depend on the government of Great Britain; so that, in every movement, they may be held, each within its proper sphere, and be drawn and connected to this center: and as forming a one system, they will be so connected in their various orbs and subordination of orders, as to be capable of receiving and communicating, from the first mover ('the government of Great Britain) any political motion, in the direction in which it is given. Great Britain, as the center of this system, must be the center of attraction, to which these colonies, in the administration of every power of their government, in the exercise of their judicial powers, and the execution of their laws, and in every operation of their trade, must tend. They will be so framed, in their natural and political interests; in the rights, privileges, and protection they enjoy; in the powers of trade, which they actuate, under the predominating general commerce of the nation, that they will remain under the constant influence of the attraction of this center; and cannot move, but that every direction of such movement will converge to the same. At the fame time that they all conspire in this one center, they must be guarded against having, or forming, any principle of coherence with each other above that, whereby they cohere in this center; having no other principle of intercommunication between each other, than that by which they are in joint communion with Great Britain as the common center of all. At the same time that they are, each in their respective parts and subordinations, so framed, as to be actuated by this first mover,—they should always remain incapable of any coherence, or of so conspiring amongst themselves, as to create any other equal force, which might recoil back on this first mover; nor is it more necessary to preserve the several governments subordinate within their respective orbs, than it is essential to the preservation of the empire to keep them disconnected and independent of each other : they certainly are so at present; the different manner in which they are settled, the different modes under which they live, the different forms of charters, grants and frame of government they possess, the various principles of repulsion that these create, the different interests which they actuate, the religious interests by which they are actuated, the rivalship and jealousies which arise from hence, and the impracticability, if not the impossibility of reconciling and accommodating these incompatible ideas and claims, will keep them for ever so…. Under the guidance therefore of these principles—that the final external profits of the labour and produce of colonies should center in the mother country,—that the colonics are the appropriated special customers of the mother country,—that the colonies, in their government and trade, should be all united in communion with, and subordination to the government of the mother country, but ever disconnected and independent of each other by any other communion than what centers here. Thomas Pownall, The Administration of the Colonies second ed. (London, 1765), 35-38.

Comment [D1]: Pownall depicts Great Britain at the center of the universe, “the first mover” in the imagery of the solar leading in every facet of life, both politics and economics, over the colonies. The planets or colonies are subordinates within the early modern view of the rigid social hierarchy or order of things.