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Children and Families’ Involvement in Social Work Decision Making Michael Gallagher, Mark Smith*, Mark Hardy and Heather Wilkinson School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK This review summarises the research literature on children’s and parents’ involvement in social work decision making, which is regarded, in policy terms, as increasingly important. In practice, however, it tends to be messy, difficult and compromised. Different individuals or groups may have different understandings of participation and related concepts, while differ- ences of age and disability also mediate effective user engagement. The literature highlights common themes in effective participatory practice with both children and their parents. Central to this are the establishment of relationships of trust and respect, clear communica- tion and information and appropriate support to participate. Ó 2011 The Author(s). Children & Society Ó 2011 National Children’s Bureau and Blackwell Publishing Limited. Keywords: children and families, decision making, participation, relationships, social work, user involvement. Introduction In recent years, UK public services have seen a growth of interest in involving service users in decision making. Initially driven by service-user movements, expectations of involvement are increasingly incorporated in policy, being framed, variously, as service-user engagement, user involvement, consultation, participation and, increasingly, personalisation. This agenda is not straightforward; rights-based discourses of participation can elide and become con- fused with managerial and consumerist discourses (Pinkney, 2011). It becomes yet more problematic in social work when the basis for client involvement is often involuntary. (see Literature Review 1 http://www.socialwork.ed.ac.uk/esla for more detail on the different understandings, history and politics of these ideas in social work). This review focuses on children and families involved in the social work process. Its scope includes families involved in the child protection system, looked after children and their parents and children with disabilities and their parents. It is important to recognise that children and parents are not homogeneous groups. Differences of age, race, culture and ability can be significant, and have implications for user involvement. For example, Franklin and Sloper (2009) suggest that disabled children may benefit from a flexi- ble understanding of what counts as participation, with professionals working at whatever level of involvement an individual can achieve. Participation in early years settings (see Davies and Artaraz, 2009) will require different techniques to participatory working in, for example, throughcare or aftercare planning with young people leaving the care system. Wright and others (2006) emphasise the importance of an inclusive approach to participation. They point out that seldom-heard users, such as disabled children, are often those subject to the highest levels of social care intervention; therefore their involvement in decision making ought to be a priority. CHILDREN & SOCIETY VOLUME 26, (2012) pp. 74–85 DOI:10.1111/j.1099-0860.2011.00409.x RESEARCH REVIEW Ó 2011 The Author(s) Children & Society Ó 2011 National Children’s Bureau and Blackwell Publishing Limited

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Page 1: Children and Families’ Involvement in Social Work Decision Making

Children and Families’ Involvement inSocial Work Decision MakingMichael Gallagher, Mark Smith*, Mark Hardy and Heather WilkinsonSchool of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK

This review summarises the research literature on children’s and parents’ involvement in

social work decision making, which is regarded, in policy terms, as increasingly important. In

practice, however, it tends to be messy, difficult and compromised. Different individuals or

groups may have different understandings of participation and related concepts, while differ-

ences of age and disability also mediate effective user engagement. The literature highlights

common themes in effective participatory practice with both children and their parents.

Central to this are the establishment of relationships of trust and respect, clear communica-

tion and information and appropriate support to participate. � 2011 The Author(s). Children

& Society � 2011 National Children’s Bureau and Blackwell Publishing Limited.

Keywords: children and families, decision making, participation, relationships, social work,user involvement.

Introduction

In recent years, UK public services have seen a growth of interest in involving service usersin decision making. Initially driven by service-user movements, expectations of involvementare increasingly incorporated in policy, being framed, variously, as service-user engagement,user involvement, consultation, participation and, increasingly, personalisation. This agendais not straightforward; rights-based discourses of participation can elide and become con-fused with managerial and consumerist discourses (Pinkney, 2011). It becomes yet moreproblematic in social work when the basis for client involvement is often involuntary. (seeLiterature Review 1 http://www.socialwork.ed.ac.uk/esla for more detail on the differentunderstandings, history and politics of these ideas in social work).

This review focuses on children and families involved in the social work process. Its scopeincludes families involved in the child protection system, looked after children and theirparents and children with disabilities and their parents.

It is important to recognise that children and parents are not homogeneous groups. Differencesof age, race, culture and ability can be significant, and have implications for user involvement.For example, Franklin and Sloper (2009) suggest that disabled children may benefit from a flexi-ble understanding of what counts as participation, with professionals working at whatever levelof involvement an individual can achieve. Participation in early years settings (see Davies andArtaraz, 2009) will require different techniques to participatory working in, for example,throughcare or aftercare planning with young people leaving the care system. Wright and others(2006) emphasise the importance of an inclusive approach to participation. They point out thatseldom-heard users, such as disabled children, are often those subject to the highest levels ofsocial care intervention; therefore their involvement in decision making ought to be a priority.

CHILDREN & SOCIETY VOLUME 26, (2012) pp. 74–85DOI:10.1111/j.1099-0860.2011.00409.x RESEARCH REVIEW

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In this review we use the terms ‘participation’, ‘user involvement’ and ‘user engagement’interchangeably to signify any attempt to enable service users to influence social workdecision-making processes. In child and family social work with involuntary clients thisincludes formal processes, such as involvement in child protection case conferences or legalfora. However, it also encompasses everyday practices of listening to, and taking intoaccount, the views of children and parents about social work interventions. Much of theresearch reviewed examines small-scale participation, where efforts are made for families toinfluence decisions that will affect them. However, we also include within our definition lar-ger scale processes, where service users affect planning, development and delivery of servicesat a strategic level.

The remainder of the review is divided into two sections, dealing with user engagement withchildren and parents respectively.

Children and young people’s involvement in social work decision making

The overall picture that emerges from much of the research is that at an ideological level,children’s involvement in social work decision making is increasingly seen as important inthe UK and beyond. Nevertheless, many children and young people report negative experi-ences of such involvement, suggesting that participatory practice tends to be more messy,difficult and compromised than the policy rhetoric might suggest (Bell, 2002; Tisdall andDavis, 2004; McLeod, 2006, 2007; Franklin and Sloper, 2006, 2009).

The impact of the growth in participatory initiatives in social work are not always clear andquestions are raised as to whether participation primarily serves the needs of welfare organi-sations or really empowers young people to shape the services they receive (Gunn, 2008).Gunn (2008) and Sinclair (2004) draw attention to the difficulties of achieving meaningfulparticipatory practice within bureaucratic, hierarchical organisations.

Wright and others (2006) argue that agreement among those involved about what participa-tion means is essential for its success. This is not always the case. McLeod (2006), for exam-ple, showed that while social workers reported making extensive efforts to listen to childrenand enable their participation, few young people felt that their views had been heard andtaken into account. She suggests that young people tend to understand listening to includeacting in response to what has been heard. The young people to whom she spoke wanted tosee that their views influenced social workers’ actions. They understood listening as a prac-tice that would result in greater autonomy for them. The social workers, however, tended tounderstand listening as a receptive attitude involving respect, openness and attentiveness.McLeod concludes that the two groups valued different social work principles: the youngpeople sought autonomy, self-determination and empowerment, while the workers emphas-ised respect and empathy.

Vis and Thomas (2009), in their study of children’s participation in Norwegian childcare andprotection services, found that merely consulting with children was not sufficient to ensuretheir participation in decision making. The researchers defined participation as a case inwhich (i) the child had some understanding of what was going on and had expressed viewsabout the decision and (ii) the child’s views had affected the decision, as reported by the casemanager. Of 43 cases where managers reported talking to children to facilitate their partici-pation in decision making, only around half were found to meet both criteria. In 15 cases,

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the child had understood what was going on and expressed a view but this did not affect thedecision.

These findings suggest that if children’s participation is to be enabled in a way that theythemselves recognise, social workers need to give higher priority to ensuring that their viewsare not merely listened to but taken seriously and acted upon where possible. This approachmay be both controversial and problematic. It may have substantial and unrealistic resourceimplications. It may also create conflicts with statutory social workers’ legal and professionalduties, particularly in risk-averse professional cultures. Leeson (2007) notes:

There is an anxiety to protect children from making mistakes, from making the wrong decisions.This fits with the nature of current social work practice being risk-averse, but leads to serious ques-tions about why children are being denied the right to make mistakes, draw their own conclusionsand learn, or even to have the right to change their minds. (p. 274)

Similarly, Munro (2001) points out that, given the poor outcomes for looked-after children,‘humility about our ability to know what is in the child’s best interests seems to be theappropriate emotion’ (p. 134).

Wright and others (2006) emphasise the importance of a whole-system approach to children’sparticipation. They suggest that this can be understood in terms of four related elements:

d culture: the ethos of an organisation, shared by all staff and service users, which demon-strates a commitment to participation;

d structure: planning, development and resourcing of participation in an organisation’sinfrastructures;

d practice: ways of working, methods for involvement, skills and knowledge which enablechildren and young people to become involved;

d review: monitoring and evaluation systems which enable an organisation to evidencechange affected by children and young people’s participation.

Within this overall framework, we now consider what might be entailed in terms of socialworkers’ everyday activities.

The importance of good relationships

The research suggests, unsurprisingly, that good, long-term relationships with social workersare crucial to children’s involvement in decision making.

In an overview of research on children’s participation in child protection processes, Scho-field and Thoburn (1996) suggest that a trusting relationship with a dependable, skilled,professional helper is crucial. This may be a social worker, but in some cases an indepen-dent advocate will be better able to fulfil this role (Munro, 2001). They also suggest thatthe early stages of social work involvement appear to be vital for establishing participativerelationships with children. Leaving engagement until a case conference is unlikely toenable meaningful participation. These findings are echoed strongly by Thomas (2002),Bell (2002), Cashmore (2002) and Halvorsen (2009). Thoburn and others (1995) also foundthat participation was more likely where a supportive relationship with the parents hadbeen established.

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A number of studies have highlighted that continuity of relationships is important forlooked-after children, but that frequent changes of social worker are common (Munro,2001; Bell, 2002; Cashmore, 2002; McLeod, 2007, 2010). Such changes appear to beresented by young people: workers were felt to change too often, were rarely availablewhen called, were slow to return calls and did not follow through on requests and prom-ises (Cashmore, 2002). Young people and social workers report having insufficient time tobuild good relationships: ‘Clearly, achieving a constructive relationship with some teen-agers is the work of many months, or even years, and will not easily be achieved in aregime where brief interventions are the norm’ (McLeod, 2007, 2010; p. 285). Tregeagleand Mason (2008) emphasise the importance of long-term relationships for children’sinvolvement in decision making: ‘For the most part, a sense of being listened to, and hav-ing views ‘‘taken into account’’, resulted from a period of getting to know the worker’(p. 396). Franklin and Sloper (2009) found that many disabled children felt they had lim-ited contact and rapport with social workers, and that this hindered participation. Highstaff turnover was again noted as a further barrier to participation. Similarly, Mitchell andBurgess (2009) review of literature on working with families affected by parental substancemisuse identifies the need for a patient approach in developing trust and relationships withchildren and young people.

Winter (2009) found that inconsistency, instability and unreliability act as barriers tosocial workers developing relationships with young children in care. Social workers inher study felt that the building of relationships had to be structured around statutory taskrequirements and was often ‘crowded out’ by these tasks. Social workers’ attitudes andbeliefs about the competency and understanding of young children also hindered thedevelopment of relationships. Similarly, Shemmings (2000) concluded that professionals’‘intransigent attitudinal positions’ concerning the age at which children should makedecisions and attend child protection conferences, acted as barriers to empoweringmodels of participation. This would support Pinkney’s (2011) claims that psychologicallyinformed developmentalism remains a powerful influence over the nature and extent ofparticipation.

Overall, it appears that there is a need for greater continuity of relationship if children are tohave more positive experiences of engagement with social work services. These findings res-onate with a resurgent interest in relationship based social work practice more generally(Ruch and others, 2010). The Scottish Executive’s (2004) charter on child protection high-lights the importance of professionals getting to know children, developing relationships oftrust, respect and consistency. These findings are echoed elsewhere (Elsley, 2008; Whiteheadand others, 2009). The importance of continuity and stability is also a recurring theme in theliterature on looked after children in residential care (e.g. Happer and others, 2006; Elsley,2008). Holland (2009) and Halvorsen (2009) argue that everyday acts of care are moreimportant than formal standards statements and procedural requirements in how childrenexperience care.

Participation may also support the efficacy of interventions. Vis and others (2011) reviewedresearch on the health effects of participation for looked after children, concluding that suc-cessful participation may have a number of beneficial effects including improved safety andwell-being. This effect was not automatic but related to a child’s relationship with theirsocial worker and the ‘child-friendliness’ of processes.

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Information and communication

Schofield and Thoburn (1996) suggest that various studies identify the importance of clearinformation and explanation of what is happening and why decisions have been made at allstages of the process of engaging with children, a view supported by Cashmore’s (2002)review of international research on this issue. Thomas (2002) found explanation to be partic-ularly important when the outcomes were against the child’s wishes. Franklin and Sloper(2009) highlight the importance, when working with disabled children, of clarity about theobjectives, processes and possible outcomes of participation and of providing feedback aboutthe results of the process. Similarly, Healy and Darlington’s (2009) research with Australiansocial work practitioners found that transparency was a crucial component of children’seffective involvement. Practitioners recognised the importance of being open and honestabout the purpose and process of child protection interventions. Woolfson and others (2010)small Scottish study found that similar components were important in promoting children’sinvolvement in child protection processes and reducing their feelings of fear.

McGhee (2004) reviewed research on Children’s Hearings, the Scottish system of childcareand juvenile justice, noting that effective communication is identified by various studies as acritical factor in enabling participation. Similarly, Creegan and others (2006) indicate thatchildren’s participation in Hearings can be facilitated by the provision of accessible papers,preparation and discussion beforehand and the provision of clear explanations. It should benoted, however, that the provision of information might also hinder participation where thatinformation is inaccessible or excessive. Creegan and others (2006) note that the use of lan-guage and terminology not understood by young people was reported to inhibit participa-tion. Similarly, Whitehead and others (2009) found that the papers sent to children prior toHearings intimidated some children. They claimed that (i) there was too much information,much of which the young people felt was not relevant to them, (ii) the information went intotoo much detail about their parents’ histories and (iii) the information focussed on the viewsof social workers rather than those of the young people or their families. Instead, childrenand young people wanted clear and simple information about their rights and about theprocess of the Children’s Hearing.

Support to participate

The need for support and training, both for children and staff, is a common theme in theliterature on participation (Kirby and Bryson, 2002; Wright and others, 2006; Franklin andSloper, 2009). Thoburn and others (1995) found a positive correlation between participationand advice having been given to the young person. Thomas (2002) suggests that children feelbetter able to contribute to decision-making processes if they have been prepared, informedand are supported through the process. He found that children needed particular supportwhen they had something negative to express, and that this might include an adult speakingon their behalf.

Healy and Darlington (2009) suggest that successful participation involves encouraging andsupporting children to express their views, for example in family group meetings. In theirresearch, practitioners also emphasised that the techniques used had to be appropriate to thechild’s needs based on age and maturity. For many practitioners, this included the use ofactivities such as play, storytelling and creative arts. These findings are echoed elsewhere(e.g. Scottish Executive, 2004; Wright and others, 2006). Winter (2010) employed a variety

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of creative arts methods in her interviews with 4- to 7-year-olds in care, finding that theywere able to express their perspectives and discuss sensitive subjects without showingadverse affects.

Independent advocacy may be useful in enabling children to participate in case conferences,(Elsley, 2010). Advocacy can also play an important role in the Children’s Hearings system.Research on government-funded legal representation for young people involved in Hearings(Ormston and Marryat, 2009) found that in many cases young people felt this had helpedthem have their views taken into account. Some young people, however, felt that legal repre-sentation had not been helpful, particularly where there had been little or no contact prior tothe Hearing. This suggests that advocacy and legal representation may be most effective inthe context of suitably trusting and respectful relationships.

At an organisational level, Wright and others (2006) suggest that identifying participationchampions can increase children’s participation. This might involve, for example, employinga participation worker whose sole remit is to improve children and young people’s involve-ment in decision making.

Other factors that facilitate children’s participation

Sinclair (1998) suggests that attendance at meetings is one of the most important ways inwhich children can be involved in social work decision making. Similarly, Campbell (1997)stresses the importance of creating opportunities for children to speak directly, or to havetheir views represented by a legitimate advocate. Both Sinclair (1998) and Thomas andO’Kane (1999) note that increasing numbers of children are attending meetings and reviews,but emphasise that they often experience these meetings negatively. Reinforcing the findingsabout the importance of relationships built over time (see above), Thomas and O’Kane sug-gest that reviews might facilitate more participation if they took place through a series ofmeetings rather than single events. Vis and Thomas (2009) underline the importance of chil-dren’s attendance at meetings. They found that those who had attended a meeting were threetimes more likely to have participated in decision making than those who had not; and thisfactor was multiplied for those who had attended two or three meetings. This suggests thatenabling children to attend more meetings should be a priority for those who wish toincrease children’s participation. Schofield and Thoburn’s (1996) review of research emphas-ises that children can be enabled to participate in the case conference process where this isseen as a priority. They argue that it requires: preparation before meetings by social workersor advocates who are positive about the contribution that children can make; support duringthe conference; skilful chairing; a respectful attitude amongst conference members and anopportunity immediately afterwards for children to discuss their feelings and the decisionsmade. Vis and Thomas (2009) suggest that increased attendance at meetings could beachieved by developing some kind of structural system to ensure this, such as a mandatoryreview meeting. They emphasise that this would need to be designed around children’s needsand involve active support and encouragement for children to express their views in person.Creegan and others (2006) suggest that the large numbers of adults at some meetings is asignificant barrier to young people’s participation. Making meetings more ‘child-friendly’may require reducing the number of professionals present.

In Thoburn and others (1995) study, giving a young person a choice in the type of helpreceived increased the likelihood of their participation. In Thomas’s (2002) research, children

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also said that it was important to have a choice about the means and extent of their partici-pation. Many expressed a preference for one-to-one communication rather than talking to agroup of adults, a finding supported by Cashmore (2002). Bell (2002) also found that childrenexpressed a desire for greater choice within social work services. It is worth bearing in mindthat choice is always contextual and can only be understood in relation to constraint. Withinvoluntary social work clients, choice may be very limited. Nevertheless, it may be possibleto offer children choice over certain elements of the social work process, and thereby pro-mote their empowerment (Shemmings, 2000).

Several studies emphasise the importance of providing realistic access to a complaints proce-dure for children with social work involvement (e.g. Munro, 2001; Cashmore, 2002). Buckleyand others (2011), however, found in their study of child protection services in Ireland thatservice users were often pessimistic about the potential outcomes of making a complaint.

Engaging with parents and families

Effective working with families depends upon the provision of support to parents as wellas children. In child protection cases, for example, social work interventions commonlyinvolve working with parents as well as children. In some cases, parents are the maininvoluntary client(s). Indeed, it is often argued that initiatives focussing solely on childrencan be unhelpful in the long term. For example, Brandon and others (1999) argue that‘[p]ractice which focuses so single-mindedly on the child, at the very least, does not storeup goodwill or engender trust with young parents, a large proportion of whom are likelyto need social work and other services in the future, when other children are born’(p. 106). However, reporting on research carried out in the UK in the 1990s, Freeman andHunt (1998) noted that the majority of parents did not feel they had been meaningfullyinvolved in decision making. Even for the majority of parents in their study who could beregarded as having positive outcomes, ‘partnership in decision-making was still a sham’(p. 74).

Campbell (1997) presents findings about family involvement in case conferences in the Aus-tralian child protection system. She neglects to report on methods and her findings shouldtherefore be treated with some caution. They do, however, echo many of the themes dis-cussed above in relation to children. She suggests that parental participation requires:

d full and frank information to be given to families;d professionals to demonstrate respect for families, and a willingness to listen to their

understanding of the problem;d preparation and support, including independent advocacy and mediation.

She also makes some useful practical suggestions:

d using a neutral venue with refreshments and a ‘time out’ space;d avoiding having too many professionals at a meeting;d using simple verbal presentations rather than written reports;d avoiding jargon;d having breaks in meetings, in which both family members and professionals can speak

privately with their supporters.

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A report by the Demos ‘think-tank’ (Cooper and others, 2003) reviews the English and Welshchild protection system, but its arguments have broader relevance. It mentions engagementwith children, but the substantive discussion focuses primarily on engagement with parents.They argue that the child protection system in England and Wales should be reformed at thelevel of organisational culture (rather than merely organisational structure) by shifting awayfrom its current focus on risk. As an alternative basis for child protection, they suggest threecore principles: trust, authority and negotiation.

The authors suggest that trust cannot be based on a generalised belief in the decency of pro-fessionals, since this belief has been eroded. Instead trust between professionals and serviceusers needs to be built through relationships, which takes time. They argue that ‘[t]he profes-sional role needs to be supplemented by a range of structures that move beyond quality con-trol mechanisms, and create spaces or forums where families and professionals can engagein real dialogue’. (Cooper and others, 2003, p. 36). They suggest this might include consulta-tion with service users and others about definitions of abuse and the appropriate responseswhich should be taken in different sorts of scenarios.

The Demos report is helpful in placing child protection reform in the wider context of socialwork as a profession, and the trends of increasing managerialism, surveillance and demorali-sation of the workforce. Its authors recognise that:

All professionals and working groups of staff are liable to become blinkered, defensive, inward-look-ing and internally conflicted. They need help to manoeuvre themselves out of such states, andunderstand the forces operating on them that encourage such retreat from the main task. (Cooperand others, pp. 33–34)

The report also suggests that work with involuntary clients could be improved by makingvoluntary provision more available and more attractive. This kind of proactive, preventa-tive approach, which is common elsewhere in Europe, has the potential to establish trustwith clients and to build a platform from which engagement might be more effective. Inthe UK child protection system, social work intervention usually only takes place whenthings have reached a crisis, at which point intervention will be involuntary, thereforeoffering less scope for negotiation and dialogue with clients. The report offers little directevidence that preventative approaches are more effective at engaging users, but the possi-bility that it might warrants further exploration. In particular, the report discusses negotia-tion and mediation between families and social workers as a way of avoiding involuntaryproceedings.

It may be that the involuntary nature of statutory child protection encourages particularways of communication between social workers and families. Forrester and others (2008)present research using simulated clients to look in detail at the communication styles ofsocial workers dealing with parents in child protection cases. They found that social workerswho demonstrated more empathic communication encountered less resistance and facilitatedgreater disclosure from parents. This is supported by the findings of Tregeagle and Mason(2008), although it should be noted that Trotter (1999) suggests that wider evidence for theeffectiveness of empathy is ambivalent. In the study of Forrester and others, most socialworkers were able to raise concerns with parents, but a focus on these concerns withoutempathy led to resistance and confrontation. The authors emphasise the role of empathy in

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sustaining relationships with parents despite difficult issues being raised. They argue thatwith skilful social workers.

Parents can feel confident that the worker will be open about any concerns they have, but strengthsand positives are also recognised and highlighted. Workers at this level are often able to build posi-tive working relationships with parents despite the difficulty involved in working with concernsaround child welfare. (p. 49)

They conclude that training in counselling skills, focussing on supporting social workersto respond empathically to clients, might help to promote better relations between workersand clients. Maiter and others (2006) make similar points, arguing the need to increaseclient power in their relationships with social workers. They suggest that powerdifferentials can be reduced by maintaining respect for a client’s dignity and autonomy,acknowledging strengths, articulating the limits to the professional role and appropriateself-disclosure. De Boer and Coady’s study of successful child welfare relationships identifythe importance of workers’ ‘soft, mindful and judicious use of power; and humanistic atti-tude and style that stretches traditional professional ways-of-being’ (2007 p. 35). Oneforum that perhaps allows for a realignment of traditional professional roles and hierar-chies is the family group conference (FGC), which seeks to emphasise a value base inempowerment. Holland and Rivett (2008) note the capacity of FGCs to facilitate the pro-ductive expression and processing of the heightened emotions that can be central to workwith families.

Buckley and others (2011) found that parents involved in the child protection system experi-enced social work involvement as intimidating and stressful but that good relationships withsocial workers could compensate for this. A trusting relationship was most likely to developthrough the demonstration of warmth, friendliness and good humour. In particular serviceusers valued courtesy, respect, accountability, transparency, experience and expertise in socialwork professionals. Healy and Darlington (2009), reporting on practitioners’ views aboutparental engagement, highlight the importance of recognising and respecting parental exper-tise: ‘Practitioners demonstrated respect by acknowledging parents’ understanding of theirfamily and by seeking some degree of input from the parent about the nature of the situationand the solutions to it’ (p. 425). Drawing a similar conclusion from a different perspective,Tregeagle and Mason (2008) report on a case in which a mother avoided all engagement withsocial workers. Her hostility arose from a perception that ‘the workers gave their attentionsolely to the children and did not adequately support her’ (p. 397). Again, the conclusion isthat effective working with families requires engagement with all parties. A narrow focus onchildren’s needs and wishes alone might be counter-productive in the long term.

Parents may also benefit from advocacy. Fraser and Featherstone (2011) draw on an evalua-tion of a project undertaken by the Family Rights Group in England and Wales providingdirect advocacy to parents where there were concerns about their ability to care for theirchildren. The majority of parents in the evaluation stated they found their advocates helpfulin explaining processes to them, putting them at ease and giving them a voice. All the par-ents felt they could trust their advocate. This resulted in them feeling more confident andknowledgeable and therefore more empowered to participate.

A further issue for some parents involved in the children’s hearings system is the in-depthinformation about their personal histories that was given to their children in Children’s

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Hearings papers. Research by Whitehead and others (2009) identified that some parents feltstrongly that this violated their right to privacy and in some cases had been destructive offamily relationships. In such cases, respect and trust were eroded. Parents and foster carersalso reported that information in the papers could be inappropriate; for example, in one casecopies were repeatedly sent to children who were of pre-school age and unable to read.

Conclusion

A number of themes emerge from this review. The first is that effective participation in thesocial work process is more nuanced than policy directions encouraging service-userinvolvement might allow for. Three discernible strands of effective participation are identi-fied: the importance of good relationships, the provision of information and in some casesensuring support to enable participation. These themes are apparent across direct work withchildren and with their families. Indeed, it may be unhelpful to consider the needs and rightsof children apart from in their family context. Effective participation is implicated inimproved outcomes for clients. It can be impeded, however, by overly bureaucratic and man-agerial practice cultures and by a lack of time available to build relationships.

Acknowledgements

This review was based on research funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, theScottish Funding Council and the Local Authority Research Council Initiative. See http://www.socialwork.ed.ac.uk/esla for further information about the project.

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*Correspondence to: Mark Smith, Senior Lecturer in Social Work, School of Social and Political Science, Chrystal

MacMillan Building, 15A George Square, Edinburgh, EH8 9LD,UK, Tel.: 0131 650 4637. E-mail: mark.smith@ed.

ac.uk

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