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8/16/2019 CHILDREN'S LEARNING STRATEGBES IN THE PRIMARY FL CLASSROOM
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CHILDREN S LEARNING STRATEGBES
IN THE
PRIMARY
FL
CLASSROOM
Y V ETTE CO Y LE A N D M A RIS O L V A LCÁ RCEL*
University of Murcia, Spain
ABSTRACT
This paper begins with a revisión of the learning stra tegy l i tera ture and
highl ights the over lapping which current ly charac te r izes the f ie ld as regards i s -
sues considered cri teria l for their defini t ion. The role of consciousness in learn-
ing s t ra tegy use i s d i scussed and the te rms process , s t ra tegy and technique a re
defined in the l ight of a c lassroom-based empirical s tudy carried out with chi l -
dren aged be tween e ight and ten . From verba l repor t da ta ga thered individua l ly
and in groups , a c lass i f ica t ion scheme i s presented of chi ldren ' s metacogni t ive ,
socio-affect ive and cognit ive s t ra tegies and techniques.
RES U M EN
En este art ículo se hace una revisión de la l i tera tura sobre las estra tegias
de aprendiza je , des tacando e l a l to grado de superpos ic ión en cuanto a las ca -
racterís t icas que las definen. Anal izamos el papel de la consciencia en e l uso
de es t ra tegias y ofrecemos una def in ic ión de proceso, es t ra tegia y técnica , ba -
sada en un es tudio empír ico l levado a cabo con niños de ocho a d iez años
en el marco formal de aula . Se incluye una c lasif icación detal lada de estra tegias
y técnicas metacognit ivas, socioafect ivas y cognit ivas, ident i f icadas en los niños
mediante e l uso de ent revis tas individua les y en grupo.
RESUME
Cet art ic le est une revisión de tout ce qui a é té écri t jusqu'á présent á
propos des s t ra tegies d ' apprent i ssage ; i l nous fa i t remarquer á que l point l e s
carac té r i s t iques qui dé f in i ssent ees s t ra tegies peuvent se superposer . I l ana lyse
• Yvette Coyle and Marisol Valcárcel curren tly lecture in English Studies an d
Teaching English to Young Learners at the University of Murcia, Faculty of Education.
Yvette gained her Ph.D. in Education in 1998 from the University of Murcia where she
works as an associate professor. Marisol holds a Ph.D. in English Philology which she
obtained in 1986 and is a professor in the same department. Their research interests
include teaching English at pre-school and primary level and language acquisition in
children. They have published several books and articles in these áreas.
4 3
CAUCE,
Revista
de
Filología
y su Didáctica, ti 25,
2002
/
págs. 423-458
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A L C Á R C E L
également le role de la conscience dans l'usage de stratégies et propose une
définition de processus, de stratégies et de techniques, basée sur une étude
empirique menee auprés d'enfants de 8 á 10 ans dans le cadre formel de la
classe. II offre aussi une classification détaillée de stratégies et de techniques
métacognitives, socio-affectives et cognitives, détectées chez les enfants á tra-
vers des entretiens individuéis et en groupe.
1. INTRODUCTION
Despi te the profusión of r ich and var ied research on the role of
Learning Stratégies (LS) in second language acquisi t ion (SLA), today,
some twenty years on f rom the f i rs t a t tempts at explor ing how learners
go about the task of learning a second language, researchers are s t i l l
s t ruggl ing to agree upon a universal ly accepted déf ini t ion for the con-
cept of
strategy.
In 1991 Sel iger complained that the indiscr iminate use
of the word strategy in SLA l i terature had brought us to a point of
'semantic satiatiorí in wh ich the t e rm had be co m e devoid of any rea l
m e a n i n g
(1991,
p- 36). Less pessimistically, but in the same vein, Ell is
(1994) referred to the concept of 'strategy' as 'fuzzy ... and not easy to
tie dowrí
(1994, p. 529).
The confusión surrounding the déf ini t ion of 'strategy' arises from the
research l i terature i tself where the term has often been substi tuted for sy-
nonyms which have b lur red the inherent meaning of the word by equat -
ing i t with other similar concepts. Wenden (1987) has pointed out the
multi-purpose use of the term to refer to al l of the following: techni-
que s, tactics, potentially conscious plans, consciously e mploye d operations,
problem-solving procedures, etc. (1987, p. 7). In fact a closer look at the
definit ions of Learning Stratégies offered by different researchers indicates
the high degree of overlapping and lack of precisión in their choice of
terminology. While for Naiman et al. (1978), Stern (1983), Schmeck (1988)
and Seliger (1991) stratégies are seen as genera l l earn ing approaches ,
with the more specific learner actions receiving the ñame of techniques
or tactics, Rubin (1981) refers to general cognit ive processes and specific
stratégies. In her définit ion Wenden (1987) refers to language learning
'behaviours' while O'Malley and Chamot (1990) speak about 'thoughts or
behaviours', leaving us in doubt as to whether s t ratégies are to be consi-
dered as behavioural or mental or both. Finally Chesterfield and Chester-
field's (1985) définit ion reflects their concern with learner interaction
while Oxford (1990) stresses the affective side of learning.
4 4
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C H I L D R E N ' S L E A R N I N G S T R A T E G I E S I N T H E P R I M A R Y F L C L A S S R O O M
Unable, then, to agree upon one generally accepted definition of
Learning Strategies, researchers have had to resort to listing what seem
to be their main characteristics in an attempt to solve this conceptual
problem (Wenden, 1987; Ellis, 1994). This has clarified very little, how-
ever, as the characteristics cited tend to be contradictory and vague.
For example, Ellis (1994) states that 'Strategies refer to both general ap-
proaches and specific actions or techniques to learn an L2'
or that
'Some
strategies are behavioural while others are men tal. Thu s som e are di-
rectly observable while others are noí (1994, p. 532). Wenden (1987)
lists problematicity (potential), consciousness and the directness/indirect-
ness of their effect on learning as among their defining characteristics.
The persistence of such ambiguity around the construct of strategy is
detrimental to the concerns of empirical research in the fields of second
and foreign language development. Researchers have recognized the
need to try to achieve some coherence across the field in terms of both
the descriptive terminology and the conceptual characteristics inherent
to the construct of strategy and w hile attemp ts in this direction have
been made (Willing, 1989; Bialystok, 1990; Oxford and Cohén, 1992)
as yet no consensus has been reached.
Given the diverging opinions of individual researchers on a series
of important, yet conflictive, issues relating to the definition of Learn-
ing Strategies, it is vital that any discussion of strategies, in whatever
context, should begin with an explicit statement of the position adopted
with respect to these crucial conceptual and classificatory problems.
The most serious points of contention in Language Learning Strategy
research include:
1.
The overlapping which occurs betw een term s such as process,
strategy, tactic and technique.
2.
Th e issue of con sciou sness as criterial to the definition of Learn-
ing Strategies.
3.
The distinction betw een Learning, Produ ction and Com m unica-
tion Strategies.
Each of these áreas has important implications for the nature of our
understanding of LS and the role they play in the language learning
process.
Among the aims of the present study is that of proposing a frame-
work for the classifieation of children's FL Learning Strategies which is
both coherent and psychologically plausible. In order to do this it is
essential to provide a clear set of criteria for categorizing and distin-
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A L C Á R C E L
guishing between various types of strategies. To arrive at a compre-
hensive characterization of LS w e w ill begin b y reviewing current th eo-
retical arguments on the issues highlighted above before going on to
outline our own position on these matters.
2. LEARNING STRATEGIES: PROBLEMS O F DEF INITION
One of the most glaring problems in SLA research, then, has been
the failure to make clear distinctions between the terms 'process', 'strategy'
and 'tactic' or 'technique'. These labels have been used inconsistently
by researchers to refer both to the
same
and to
different
mechanisms
of language processing. The confusión over which behaviours are to
be classified as learning strategies is indicative of the terminological and
conceptual differences which characterize both theory and research in
the Learning Strategy paradigm. These differences first emerged with
the investigations of the 'Good Language Learner' in the late 1970's.
This early work produced what initially appeared to be very different
inven tories of Learning Strategies (Rubin, 1981; Naiman et al., 1978; Stern,
1983),
but which on closer inspection were seen to comprise the same
basic categories of behaviour which had been classified in different
terms.
Rubin's (1981) work describes general cognitive processes and
their underlying strategies, w hile Naiman et al. (1978) and Stern (1983)
refer to general strategies and speciñc, o bservable learner techniques.
However, as Skehan (1989) has shown, and as we shall discuss later,
the actual behaviours described are not that unalike. The principal dif-
ferences between this early research lie essentially in the terms chosen
to describe more general and speciñc levéis of learner behaviour.
For other researchers (O'Malley and Chamot, 1990; Oxford, 1990)
strategy
has be en used as a general cover-term for different learn erop -
erations irregardless of levéis of generality/ specificity. Their approach
has been to divide strategies into different categories or groups accord-
ing to the type of behaviour they represent. Since O'Malley and Chamot
(1990) are concerned primarily with strategies for learning the L2, they
describe Metacognitive, Cognitive and Socio-affective strategies. Oxford
(1990),
however, aims to account for the whole repertoire of strategies
available for learning and using language, and so presents a multi-lev-
elled classification schem e of M emory, Cognitive, Com pensation, M etacog-
nitive, Affective and Social strategies. Oxford's taxonomy is interesting,
though at times confusing, in this respect as it includes a wide range
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C H I L D R E N ' S L E A R N I N G S T R A T E G I E S I N T H E P R I M A R Y F L C L A S S R O O M
of both general and specific thoughts and behaviours, all of which are
termed strategies.
More recently, however, Oxford and Cohén (1992) have argued in
favour of abandoning the a priori categorization of learning strategies
into generic groups and have opted for a classification which differen-
tiates between broad bands of strategies and their related tactics. Their
distinction, based on the difference in military usage of the words strategy
and tactic, leads them to define strategy as the 'long-range art of learn-
ing more easily and effectively by using major clusters of behaviours',
while tactic is used to refer to the 'short-term art of u sing specific beha-
viours or devices' (1992, p. 4). This return to the separation of language
processing behaviour on the general/specific dimensión would seem,
superficially at least, to coincide with the same distinction posed by
Naiman et al. (1978) and Stern (1983). A more detailed analysis of their
proposal, however, reveáis that what has actually happened is that the
concept of strategy has been raised to the level of what other researchers
(for example Faerch and Kasper, 1980, 1983) have termed process (for
example 'forming concepts and hypotheses'; 'testing hypotheses'; 'em-
bedding new material in long-term memory'), and tactics to what has
generally been thought of as strategy (for exam ple 'inferencing '; asking
for clarification/verification'; 'repetitive rehea rsaP , etc .).
In adopting this new emphasis on
tactics
to desribe what in pre-
vious theory and research (including their own) had been referred to
as strategy, Oxford and Cohén (1992) follow the precedent created by
Seliger (1991) and Schmeck (1988). Both of these researchers have posited
the need for a theoretical distinction between higher level, general ap-
proaches to learning and more specific learner activity, and both have
coincided in the choice of the terms strategy and tactic to label these
differences. Once again, however, we find that the actual behaviours
described as strategies and tactics in their accounts are the counterpartsof what to others are more accurately described as processes and strate-
gies. Seliger (1991) for example talks about the strategies of 'hypo thesis
testing', 'simplification', and 'overgeneralization' while Schmeck (1988)
cites those of 'conceptualizing', 'personalizing' and 'memorization', all
of which have traditionally been thought of as more general cognitive
operations.
This inconsistency in the use of the m etalanguage involved in Learner
Strategy research is symptomatic of the vagueness of the constructs
themselves (Ellis, 1986). Researchers have called for theoretical accounts
of Learning Strategies to attempt to disentangle the concepts inherent
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A L C Á R C E L
to this área of SLA research (Bialystok, 1983; Oxford and Cohén, 1992)
but there is still much to be resolved. A priority in any study of Learning
Strategies, then, must be to provide explicit definitions of the way in
which processes, strategies and tactics or techniques are conceptualized
and understood in the research work. The position we advócate in the
present study is that the description of children's strategies of Foreign
Language Learning can be integrated within a theoretical framework for
SLA based on cognitive accounts of language learning which describe
language learning in terms of the acquisition of a complex skill, and
highlight the learner's active role in the process.
3. PRO CKS S, STRATEGY AND TECHN IQUE IN CHILDREN'S FOREIGN LANGUAGE LEARNING
The cognitive paradigm for the explanation of SLA has emerged
from information-processing models of learning and from develop-
mental studies on the role of cognitive processes in learners, bothof
which have sought to explain the mechanisms by which the mind
acquires and stores new information. In cognitive theory learners
are said to process information and the thoughts involved in this ac-
tivity are referred to as
mental processes
(O'Malley and Chamot, 1990).
One of the fundamental principies of cognitive theory holds that
while all learners possess the same internal mechanisms for the ma-
nipulation of incoming information (sensorial register, short-term or
working memory, long-term memory) variation in the storage capac-
ity and functioning ability of these components exist across indivi-
duáis.
These differences are caused by the processes and strategies
the learner activates, more or less effectively, while learning (Beltrán,
1993).
Although cognitive psychologists do not coincide in either the nura-
ber or ñames they attribute to these processes, there is tacit agreement
as to the importance of their role in human learning. Processes are said
to act as mediators between instructional and informative input andthe
learner's output to the extent that the quality and quantity of any learn-
ing experience will be determined by the degree of active cognitive
processing the learner engages in and the effective employment of
appropriate strategies to enhance and develop these processes (Pérez,
1993,
in Beltrán). It is in this sense that learning strategies are described
as special ways of processing, storing, retrieving and using information
(O'Malley and Chamot, 1990).
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C H I L D R E N ' S L E A R N I N G S T R A T E G I E S I N T H E P R I M A R Y F L C L A S S R O O M
In the present study, our use of the term process coincides with
the definitions prevalent in cognitive discussions of learning which refer
to the processes by which individuáis
comprehend, store
and
retain
and
use information. In the same way, and following Willis (1989, p. 139),
we understand
learning strategies
to refer to the
goal-directed thoughts
or actions used by the learner to transform language input into internally
available resources for the comprehension, retention and use of the for-
eign language . However, given the context of our study -the learning
of a FL in a classroom setting; the age of the subjects involved- children
of 8-10 years; and our ultimate pedagogical motivation, we believe it
is essential to go beyond the scope of the definition cited above in our
description of learning strategies in an attempt to describe the
precise
nature of the ways in which our young learners convert the input
they receive in the classroom context into knowledge of the foreign
language. For this reason, we have opted to use the construct learning
technique to arrive at a more finely-grained analysis of the strategic
behaviour involved in FL learning. Learning techniques, then, as used
throughout this study can be defined as specific, primarily task-related
and (mostly) observable forms of language learning . In a classroom
setting learning techniques are those manifestations of the learning
process in action, as for example when the learner voluntarily repeats
a linguistic model or identifies content words for the understanding of
context-specific discourse.
The position we adopt in this respect coincides with that of Beltrán
(1993) who has theorized on the relationships of technique, strategy and
process as applied to general school-based learning. For Beltrán (1993)
learning strategies are central to the process of learning, their true def-
inition lying in their mediating role between the invisible, concealed
processes of learning and specific task-related learner techniques. Strate-
gies, in turn, are affected by the use of specific learner techniques. In
Beltrán's model techniques are said to actívate strategies in that they
are actions linked to classroom activities, which when underway, reveal
the presence of particular strategies in learners. They are distinguishable
from strategies in that they are observable learner operations ciosely
linked to the study activities suggested by the teacher in the classroom
environment.
One of the assumptions underlying our work is that this rationale,
as applied to the description of the instructional process in general, can
be adapted to provide an explanation for the learning which occurs in
the foreign language classroom. In our study of children's foreign lan-
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A L C A R C E L
guage learning strategies we acknowledge the connections outlined by
Beltrán between process, strategy and technique. Strategies, as we have
defined them above, are the special thoughts or actions which indivi-
duáis use to help them learn. They can take the form of mental oper-
ations (inferencing) or behaviours (repetition) which act to facilítate the
processing of information. How ever, our definition of techniq ues exp and s
on Beltran's original definition to include learner operations which, al-
though not directly observable, such as guessing meanings from the
teacher's gestures or associating vocabulary with a physical action, can
still be considered as learning techniques on the grounds that: 1) they
can be inferred from detailed analysis of the learning context and the
instructional strategies used by the teacher in the presentation and prac-
tice of the TL input and 2) the behaviours have been explicitly verbal-
ized by the children themselves. Although not all children will neces-
sarily emply ñor decribe all their learning techniques, it is assumed that
many, especially the 'good langauge learners', will do so. Learning tech-
niques, the smallest component of the student's processing mechanisms,
are directed, then, at promoting the appearance in the learner of effec-
tive strategies for understanding and using the FL. Their role, as conceived
from a cognitive perspective, has acquired much greater prominence
that that contemplated by Naiman
et al.
(1978) and by Stern (1983).
It is hoped that the preceding discussion has clarified the interpre-
tation given in our research to the terms process, strategy and technique.
The approach taken in the present study is a variation on current po-
sitions in the field of SLA strategy research. While sharing many of the
features suggested by leading learning strategy researchers, we do not
coincide exactly with any one position. We agree, for example, with
Schmeck's view that 'a learning strategy is a higher level cluster of learn-
ing tactics that work together toprovide a unified learning outcom e'
and
that
'the term tactic refers to the sp ecific activities of the learners'
(1988,
p.
171), but the interpretation we have made is different to the
long/short term distinction expressed by Oxford and Cohén (1992), and
reflects our prime concern to connect the study of learning strategies
with its implications for teacher-training and practice.
4. TH F. ROLE O F CON SCIOUSN ESS IN DEFINITION S OF LEARNING STRATEGIES
The idea which emerges from the previous discussion is that we
consider both learning strategies and techniques as goal-directed actions
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C H I L D R E N ' S L E A R N I N G S T R A T E G I E S I N T H E P R I M A R Y F L C L A S S R O O M
aimed at facilitating the acquisition, retrieval and use of knowledge. This,
in fact, would seem to be the accepted view of Learning Strategy re-
searchers in the fields of both cognitive psychology and SLA (Weinstein
and Mayer, 1986; Beltrán, 1993; Derry and Murphy, 1986; O'Malley and
Chamot, 1990; Faerch and Kasper, 1980, 1983; Ellis, 1986; Oxford and
Cohén, 1992). Yet discussions of language learning strategies have not
always coincided in the acceptance of other features cited by theorists
and researchers as criterial to their definition. The feature which has
been most conflictive in this respect is that of consciousness.
Two opposing views have emerged which differ as regards the im-
portance they attach to consciousness as an essential feature of LS. One
group of researchers assert that LS are delibérate actions which are
consciously selected (i.e. with awareness) by the learner (Weinstein
and Mayer, 1986; McCombs, 1988; Beltrán, 1993; Cohén, 1990; Oxford
and Cohén, 1992). Oxford and Cohén (1992), for example, argüe for a
learner action to be considered as strategic, learners must have some
degree of awareness that they are employing a particular strategy. In
their opinión unconscious learning behaviours are more accurately de-
scribed as automatic processes rather than strategies.
Exponents of the opposite view propose that either:
1. strategy use need not always involve con cious awareness o nthe
part of the learner (Faerch and Kasper, 1980, 1983; Wenden
and Rubin, 1987; Willing, 1989; O'Malley and Chamot, 1990;
Ellis,
1896) or
2. that consciousness is no t a feature of strategy use (Bialystok, 1983,
1990).
Within this first group of researchers are Faerch and Kasper (1980,
1983) and Wenden and Rubin (1987) who describe LS as being 'po-
tentially conscious'. Faerch and Kasper (1983) recognize an indetermi-
nacy about the use of consciousness as a defining criteria of strategic
behaviour. They suggest that consciousness is not constant among in-
dividuáis and that some learners are more aware than others of their
mental functioning. In his discussion on LS, Ellis (1986), states that
some strategies are conscious while others are not but gives no indica-
tion as to which particular LS he is referring to in either case. Wenden
and Rubin (1987) take a similar stand to that of O'Malley and Chamot
(1990) who, on outlining their position from within a cognitive theory
of learning, recognize the variability inherent to the feature of con-
sciousness.
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A L C Á R C E L
Willing 's (1989) view is much less of a compromise . He s ta tes that
the consc ious /subconsc ious d ichotomy is mis lead ing and asse r ts tha t LS
can function at both conscious and subconscious levéis of mental pro-
cess ing. Will ing 's c la im is that there are
'no absolute theoretical criteria
for deny ing these activities to the subcons cious'
(1989, p . 141), argu ing
that a lmost a l l mental functioning does , in fact , take place outs ide the
rea lms of consc ious awareness . In h is op in ión subconsc ious processes
are jus t as capable as conscious ones of functioning in pursuit of a
lea rn ing goa l .
The idea tha t lea rn ing involves sh i f t s be tween subconsc ious and
consc ious behaviour i s c lose ly re la ted to the ques t ion of automatic and
controlled processing
(Schiffrin and Schneider, 1984, in O'Malley and
Chamot, 1990) . In cognit ive theory consciousness is c losely re la ted to
attention, the control process which brings information into focal awa-
reness (Schmidt , 1990) . A d is t inc t ion is made be tween lea rn ing tasks
which require high levéis of a t tention, controlled processing, and thos e
wh ich do no t ,
automatic processing.
In this view skil ls which are less
familiar to the learner require greater control of process ing, while more
automat ic p rocess ing is pe rformed wi thout awareness . For theor ies such
as Anderson 's three-s tage model of ski l l acquis i t ion (Anderson, 1983,
1985, in O'Malley and Chamot, 1990) learning is characterized by a
shift
from controlled to automatic processing,
through the procedura l iza t ion
of the skil l . Researchers a lso point out that automatic process ing asso-
cia ted with high levéis of ski l l learning may become
conscious
(con -
trol led) if the learner comes across new or unfamiliar information in
the course of a learning task (Anderson, 1985, in O'Malley and Chamot;
Faerch and Kasper, 1987; McLaughlin, 1983, in Willing, 1989).
Wil l ing (1989) , whi le accep t ing the d is t inc t ion be tween au tomat ic
(subconsc ious) and contro l led (consc ious) p rocess ing , ins is ts tha t the
re la t ions h ip be tween them s hou ld be v iewed a s a con t inuum ra the r than
a quest ion of e i ther/or . Will ing 's theory is based on the idea of cognit ive
uni ty which sees no need to d i f fe ren t ia te be tween subconsc ious and
consc ious process ing . He a rgües tha t
It is true certain learning strategies, particularly those which appear
to he virtually universal such as associating or simplifying, most often
arise without deliberation and will thus he seen as operating, mos t typically
on a relatively less conscious level. Other strategies, for exam ple, such as
certain mo des of inferencing, m ay at first he exercised consciously and
deliberately, and can later become more nearly second nature through
use an d familiarity. Still others will always continué to requ ire larger
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C H I L D R E N ' S L E A R N I N G S T R A T E G I E S I N T H E P R 1 M A R Y E L C L A S S R O O M
amou nts of cognitive effort; therfore these wül continué indefinitely to
be controlled processe s. How ever, tbe d ifferences amo ng these various
sorts of strategy can be seen as a matter of degree rather than of type
(1989, p. 142).
Bialys tok has argued s trongly agains t the inclus ión of consciousness
as a defining criteria of strategic behaviour. She states that
'...language
learners use a num ber of system atic strategies for tvhich consciousnes s
is not a featuré
(1985, in Willing, 1989, p . 141) an d cites as an e xam -
ple the s t ra tegy of re la t ing new vocabula ry to p r io r knowledge to as -
s is t recall , which in her opinión
'need not be conscious for the learnef.
Bia lys tok 's v iews on consc iousness s tem from her a t tempts to deve lop
a theore t ica l f ramework which could account fo r the Learn ing and Com-
munication Stra tegies (Ll and L2) of both adults and children (Bialys tok
and Ryan, 1985, in Ellis , 1994; Bialystok, 1990, 1991). Bialystok's main
l ine of reasoning is in tended to descr ibe s t ra teg ies o f Communica t ion ,
but we believe her ideas deserve careful considerat ion in that they are
explic i t ly re la ted to children 's learning. Bialys tok 's assert ion that the use
of CS by adults learning a L2 is s imilar to the use of s tra tegies by young
children when acquiring their Ll , necessari ly rules out for her the im-
porta nce a t tr ibuted to the role of consc iousne ss in other theo ries . Bialys tok
sta tes her point thus ,
Using consciousne ss as a criterion also has the rather restricting im-
plícatíon that strategy use is available only to those speakers for whom
conscious reflection is possible. The major group excluded by this feature
is children, for whom it is usually claimed that conscious monitoring of
their cognitive processing is not
possible (1990, p. 4).
The issue of consciousness in Learning Stra tegy theory and research
is c learly a complex one. Oxford and Cohén (1992) would have i t that
a l l LS, to be considered s tra tegic a t a l l , must necessari ly be conscious .
Bialystok (1990), s tating the case for children learning their first language,
argües that consciousness is not criterial to definitions of LS. Willing
(1989) claims much the same in his discussion of the múltiple shifts be-
tween consc ious and subconsc ious processes in language lea rn ing . From
a cognitive theory of skill acquisition O'Malley and Chamot (1990) state
tha t LS begin as consc ious processes bu t can bec om e au tom at ic th ro ugh
practice . Faerch and Kasper (1983) and Wenden and Rubin (1987) pre-
fer the term 'potentia l ly co nscio us ' to refer to LS. Th e theoret ical posi t ion
taken in the present s tudy wil l depend, natural ly , on the fact that the
subjeets of our research, are young primary school children. This ra ises
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Y V E T T E C O Y I . E A N D M A R I S O L V A I . C Á R C E L
the q uest ion of w heth er or not children 's use of LS can b e sa id to be
fully conscious , or subconscious or whether there is in fact an aware-
ness of learning in the cognit ive sense .
The research conducted so far in the f ie ld of SLA has centred a l-
mos t exc lus ive ly on adul t lea rn ing and as such cannot p rov ide answers
to these ques t ions . Before we can asc r ibe to any of the v iews expressed
above we mus t look to the l i te ra ture on ch i ld ren 's lea rn ing for deeper
ins ights into the learning process . In this sense , Miller and Ceci and
Howe ( in Schmidt , 1990) ins is t that young children learn essentia l ly
wi thout consc ious awareness , sugges t ing tha t as they mature they lose
t h e m o r e o p e n a w a r e n e s s o f e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e s e a r l y
' incidental ' learning (McLaughlin , 1990) , and acquire , around the age of
thirteen, the ability to allocate their attention strategically as occurs in
adult consciousness . Similarly , Nisbet and Shucksmith (1986) , in a s tudy
of children's learning in British primary schools, have argued that strategic
behaviour is largely intui t ive unti l the age of fourteen, and determined
largely by the teachers , e i ther through procedures taught explic i t ly or
th rough approaches impl ic i t in the i r p resen ta t ion of c lass room tasks .
They suggest further, that children 's increas ing capacity for conscious
p lanning and d i rec t ion of the i r own lea rn ing beg ins to emerge by the
age of 10. In the light of these observations, and given that the subjects
in the presen t s tudy a re aged be tween e igh t and n ine years o íd , the
posit ion we take here is that consciousness is not considered cri teria l
for our defini t ion of learning s tra tegies as used by the children in their
a t tempts to cons t ruc t knowledge of the FL.
5. LANGLIAGK LEARNING AN O LANGUA GE USK: AN INTKGRATIVK VIEW
A dis tinc tion has often bee n m ade wi th in secon d lan guag e lea rn-
ing s t ra tegy research be tween Learn ing , Produc t ion and Communica t ion
stra tegies (Tarone, 1980; Faerch and Kasper, 1983) . The term learning
stra tegies has been used to refer to the operat ions by which the learner
processes the target language (TL) input for language learning ( i .e . im-
proving l inguis t ic knowledge) . Dis t inct from these are production and
communication s tra tegies which are s tra tegies of language use . Production
stra tegies enable the learner to use previously acquired l inguis t ic knowl-
edge to accomplish communication goals (Ell is , 1986) . Examples include
simplif icat ion or discourse planning. Communication s tra tegies are em-
ployed when the lea rner fa i l s to ach ieve a communica t ive goa l because
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C H I L D R E N ' S L E A R N I N G S T R A T E G 1 E S I N T H E P R I M A R Y F L C L A S S R O O M
of a gap in his or her l ingis t ic knowledge. They have been c lass if ied as
e i ther reduc t ion s t ra teg ies (eg . top ic avoidance) o r ach ievement s t ra te -
gies (eg. paraphrase , code-switching, e tc . ) (Faerch and Kasper, 1984) .
Researchers have been divided in their in terpreta t ions of the effect
of these s t ra teg ies on the lea rn ing process . Some main ta in tha t p ro-
duc t ion and communica t ion s t ra teg ies cannot be cons idered as lea rn-
ing s tra tegies on the grounds that they do not contribute direct ly to the
learning process (Selinker, 1972; O'Malley and Chamot, 1989) , that is ,
they a re s t ra teg ies mot iva ted by the lea rner ' s des i re to communica te
ra ther than to lea rn . Others , however , a rgüe tha t th is language lea rn ing
vs.
language use dichotomy is overly s implis t ic and diff icult to sus ta in
(Oxford and Cohén, 1992). They affirm that it is almost impossible to
determine a learner 's in tention in us ing a part icular s tra tegy and that
even i f a s t ra tegy is employed for the purpose of language use , lea rn ing
may in fact take place anyw'ay (Tarone, 1981, 1983; Littlewood, 1979;
Corder, 1983) . This integrat ive view of learning, production and com-
munication s tra tegies is implic i t in the work of several s tra tegy researchers
who s ee communica t ion and p roduc t ion s t r a teg ie s a s complemen ta ry
to the learning process (Wong Fil lmore, 1976; Stern, 1983; Chesterf ie ld
and Chesterfield, 1985; Oxford, 1990).
In v iew of th is background of conf l ic t ing theore t ica l pe rspec t ives
and conceptua l confus ión , a pos i t ion is needed which might media te
s omehow be tween the more ex t reme pos i t ions o f thos e who advóca te
either the tota l separat ion of LS, CS and PS or those who propose their
complete integrat ion within broader s tra tegy defini t ions . If , as we have
a l ready sugges ted , s t ra teg ies a re to be unders tood as goa l -d i rec ted ac -
t ions , then our posi t ion in this s tudy must , necessari ly , be c loser to the
theore t ica l pe rspec t ive he ld by those who descr ibe s t ra teg ies in te rms
of the goals they are sa id to pursue. Will ing (1989) has described the
goals of LS as the
'comprehe nsion, internalization, storage and setting
up of accessingpotentialfor usable data' and that of CS as 'the success-
ful transm ission and receiving of me ssages'
(1989, p. 143), but goes on
to rriake the very valid point that the realities referrecl to by these terms
can and do, in fact , overlap. In his opinión
'It is of course possible to
act in pursu it of two purpos es at once
(1989, p. 143).
From the perspective of our s tudy this overlapping is exactly what
occurs in an instructional setting such as that described in this research
where learning can be seen to take place through the act ive
and pur-
poseful use of the
FL
in meaningful situations.
If this is so, then how jus-
tifiable is it to sepárate strategies of learning from those of language use?
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A L C Á R C E I .
Such a distinction may be appropriate in naturalistic SLA or in instructio-
nal settings which emphasize the formal study of language as a system
and where little communication takes place, but it is perhaps not the case
in classrooms w here , as Faerch and Kasper (1983) have suggested, learners
engage in communicative activities expressly for the purpose of learning.
This is the position held by Willing (1989) and the one to which
we ascribe in this study. What we are suggesting is that, in the primary
classroom, the goals pursued by strategies of language learning and
strategies of language use are essentially interrelated. Willing argües the
same point by describing how communicative classroom tasks in which
learners are expected to use the FL for a particular purpose (decision-
making, describing, exchanging information, etc.) involve the
joint
operation of both cognitive and communication strategies
for the actual
performance of the task itself and the linguistic resources needed for
doing so. In this sense he highlights the important links between the
processing and linguistic demands of classroom activities in which lan-
guage learning and language use are part of the same phenomenon.
The classification of children's strategies we propose in our research
does not distinguish between Learning and Communication Strategies,
but suggests that in the realization of classroom activities which focus
on the
use
of the FL, all the strategies employed by the pupils will nec-
essarily contribute to their FL learning.
6. ST UD IES O F CIIILDRKN'S LANGU AGE LEARNING STRATF.GIF.S
With very few exceptions the majority of research work on lan-
guage learning strategies has concentrated on the strategy use of young
adolescents and adults in ESL or L2 French situations. There are only
three studies that we know of which have looked at children's use oflearning strategies, and all within an ESL context (Wong Fillmore, 1976,
1979; Chesterfield and Chesterfield, 1985; Chamot and Beard El-Dinary,
1999). Given the scarcity of research work with young learners these
studies take on immense importance for their insights into children's
second language learning in a classroom context.
In the first of these studies Lily Wong Fillmore studied five Mexican
children aged between five and seven learning English at school in the
United States. The children were each paired with a native speaking
child and their interactions were recorded for one hour every week for
a period of nine months. These interactions enabled Wong Fillmore
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C H I L D R E N ' S L E A R N I N G S T R A T E G I E S I N T H E P R I M A R Y F L C L A S S R O O M
to highlight the cognitive and social strategies used by these children
which she felt were responsible for improvements in their communicative
competence. Wong Fillmore emphasizes the importance of the social
strategies in this study, as the children's primary interest was in estab-
lishing friendships with their classmates. Learning the language was
their means of doing that. Linked to each social strategy is one or more
cognitive strategies which reflect important differences with the research
which has focused on adult strategy use. Given the age of the children
and the immersion situation of the bilingual classroom the cognitive
strategies identified here are related more to language comprehension
and use than to metacognitive awareness or the analysis of language
as a formal system. They suggest the imp ortance of the imm ediate context
of speech for understanding the linguistic input, C-l Assume what peo-
pie are saying is relevant to the situation at hand Metastrategy: Guess,
and the significant role played by formulaic speech in language produc-
tion, C-2 Get some expressions you understand and start talking. As
Skehan (1989) has pointed out underlying the Wong Fillmore study is
the theory that 'learning to talk involves talking to learn' (1989, p. 82)
for communication is facilitated by the use of ready-made expressions
which are then gradually broken down into their constituent parts, C-3
Look for recurring parts in the formulas you know, a process by which
children infer rather than analyze the rules of the linguistic system.
Chesterfield and Chesterfield (1985) have also examined the use of
learning strategies by young children in a bilingual classroom situation.
They studied both the range of strategies used by fourteen 5-6 year oíd
Mexican-American childrenand the order in which these strategies em erged
as the children's knowledge of the L2 improved. Eight of the fourteen
children were observed on three different occasions during their first
year at school and their strategy use recorded. This allowed the researchers
to compare and contrast the learning strategies of the eight children at
any one time and to analyse the variation in each of the children over
a longer period. The results of this study indicated that there did seem
to be a natural order for the emergence of learning strategies in young
children over a period of time. Chesterfield and Chesterfield reported
that children, regardless of their L2 proficiency, employed strategies foliow-
ing the same general pattern. The sequence of strategy use ranged from
primarily receptive, independent strategies such as Repetition and Me-
morization, to strategies such as Formulaic expressions and Verbal atten-
tion getters which permitted children to initiate and sustain interactions.
Those strategies which required greater linguistic competence, for example
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A I . C Á R G E L
Elaboration, Appeal for assistance, Request for clarification or some degree
of metacognitive awareness, Monitoring, were the last to emerge, and
even then were developed by only a few children.
In the light of these findings the 'natural order' theory can be seen
to have important implications for classroom teaching. Chesterfield and
Chesterfield feel that the child's progress in the TL would be enhanced
by educational experiences constructed to foster the development of
these learning strategies. They suggest that language teaching methods
which generally emphasize the more elementary strategies of repetition
and memorization may be neglecting those strategies, which according
to their study, promote greater interaction (and henee learning) among
children. What the Chesterfields seem to be implying is the need for
instruction to encourage children to engage in, in O'Malley's terms, more
active mental processing.
More recently, Chamot and Beard El Dinary (1999) have carried out
a study of children's learning strategies in foreign language classroom
immersion classrooms in the USA. The focus of their study was on iden-
tifying the strategies that more and less effective learners use for reading
and writing tasks in French, Japanese and Spanish FL classrooms. Using
think aloud protocols, Chamot and Beard analysed the children's appre-
ciations of how they approached different tasks and, in doing so, were
able to identify a hierarchically organized coding scheme of Metacogni-
tive and Cognitive learning strategies. Qualitative analyses of the inter-
view transcripts revealed important differences between more and less
effective learners as regards the appropriateness of their use of learn-
ing strategies for specific tasks. Effective learners were seen to be more
flexible in their strategy use and better at monitoring and inferencing
than less effective learners who tended to cling to single strategies such
as laborious decoding of individual words, seemingly unaware of its
uneffectiveness for the task in hand.
The Chamot and Beard study is important for the insights it pro-
vides into the language learning processes of young children in immer-
sion education. It is also relevant to our study on a number of accounts.
Firstly, the coding scheme developed by the researchers is the first of
its kind to be applied to children's learning and it is significant that
many of the learning strategies identified there have much in common
with the findings of our research. Secondly, as regards the data collec-
tion techniques used, we too share the satisfaction expressed by Chamot
and Beard on the successful use of 'think aloud' procedures in children.
This aspect of our study is discussed below.
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C H I L D R E N ' S L E A R N I N G S T R A T E G I E S I N T H E P R I M A R Y F L C L A S S R O O M
7 . S T U D Y P A R T IC I PA N T S A N D D A TA C O U . K C T I O N I' R O C E D U R E S
The study reported on in this paper formed part of a larger two
year longitudinal research project on the teaching and learning of
English as a foreign language in the primary classroom. Specifically, it
focuses on identifying and classifying the LS used by young children
in their attempts to learn English. The present study was carried out
with a sample of eight children from the same class, identified by their
teacher to be effective language learners, during their first two years of
EFL instruction in a Spanish state primary school.
Data for the main study included classroom observations of over
50 hours teaching, all of which were video recorded for transcription
and analysis. The sub-study described here used data gathered from
these observations as well as from retrospective and think-aloud interviews
(see Table 1), which have been favoured by LS researchers for the rich
information they can provide of students' mental processing. It was
hoped that this would also be the case here, in spite of the age limi-
tations of the subjects involved. The interviews we conducted were de-
signed to access the children's reported thoughts
while
or
immediately
after
working on activities (storytelling, playing games, writing a com-
position) they were familiar with in the classroom. The children were
encouraged to verbalize their thoughts aloud, using their Ll, and were
prompted by the interviewer to clarify and elabórate on their comments
when necessary. All seven interviews were either video taped (1-3) or
audio taped (4-7), and transcribed for analysis.
8 . D A T A A N A L Y S I S P R O C K D U R E S
The analysis of the observation and interview data proceeded as
follows. Three raters working together first viewed 30 hours of class-
room interaction, corresponding to three complete Teaching Units,
in order to identify and agree on observable behaviours (eg. spon-
taneously ini t ia t ing an exchange with the teacher) which would
suggest that children were using, albeit subconsciously, part icular
learning s t ra tegies . Then, working independent ly, the same three
raters analysed all the interview protocols, marking each occurrence
of a potential learning technique and transferring the verbal data onto
coding sheets for each interview. Through discussion the raters com-
pared and contrasted their data to reach an agreement on the nature
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A L C Á R C E L
Table 1.
N
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Technique
Stimulated
Recall
Immediate
Retrospection
Immediate
Retrospection
Immediate
Retrospection
Immediate
retrospection
Delayed
Retrospection
Evaluative
Participant
Stnicture
Small
group (3)
2 small
groups (4)
4 pairs
Individual
4 pairs
Individual
Individual
Activity
Song
Oral description of
model house
Story
S tuden t s ' wr i t t en
compositions
Board game
FL contents worked
on in class
Focus
Initial exploration of children's
ability to verbalize information
on processes of FL compre-
hension, retention.
Strategies used in FL oral pro-
duction; influence of Ll on
FL production; FL rehearsal;
Ss reaction to error; etc.
Strategies for retention and oral
production; importance of Ss
previous knowledge.
Strategies for FL written pro-
duction; strategies of analysis.
Oral FL production; social
strategies.
General questions on children's
attitude and motivation towards
EFL learning
Evaluation of the children's EFL
competence.
of the learning techniques and the appropriateness of the discursive
examp les identified, eliminating any techniques w hich w ere con sidered
ambiguous or which had been marked by only one rater. The inter-
views were then anaysed once again using the revised list of learn-
ing techniques.
In order to créate a typology of interrelated actions, the learning
techniques identified from the empirical data were then grouped into
the b roader category of Learning Strategies, again after previous discussion
and consensus of opinión. These categories were theoretically driven
and included M etacognitive, Social/Affective and Cognitive learning strate-
gies previously identified in the research literature on learning strategies.
The definitions w e have u sed in our classification of children's FL learning
strategies are presented below.
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CHILDKEN'S LEARNING STRATEGIES IN THE PRIMARY FL CLASSROOM
Metacognit ive Strategies
Strategy
S E L F M A N A G E M E N T
O'Malley
et al.
(1985); Chamot
et al.
(1987); O 'Malley
&
Chamot (1990); Oxford
(1990);
Wenden (199D; Oxford
Cohén
(1992); Chamot
Beard (1999)
P L A N N I N G
O'Malley
etal.
(1985); Chamot
etal.
(1987,
1988); O'Malley
Chamot (1990); Oxford
(1990); Wenden (199D; Oxford
and
Cohén
(1992); Chamot
Beard (1999)
S E L F M O N I T O R I N G
Naiman
et al.
(1978); Rubin (1981,
1987); Chesterfield
Chesterfield (1985);
O'Malley
et al.
(1985); Chamot
et al.
(1987, 1988); O'Malley
Chamot (1990);
Ellis (1986); Oxford (1990); Wenden
(1991);
Chamot
Beard (1999)
Stude nt-initiated strategic behav iour
The child's ability to regualte or support
his
own
learning process
by
developing
an understanding of the conditions or
circumstances that will promote better
or
more successful learning
Deciding in advance to attend to a learning
task
and
ignore distractions
and
proposing
strategies
for
carrying
out a
language task
individually
or in
groups.
The child's awareness of 'on-line' diffi-
culties
or
problems
in the
performance
of a language task as well as their at-
tempts
to
correct their
own
speech
for
accuracy
in
pronunciation, grammar
or
vocabulary.
Social /Affective Strateg ies
Strategy
COOPERATING WITH OTHERS
Wong Fillmore (1976); O'Malley
et al.
(1985); Chamot
etal.
(1987, 1988); O'Malley
and Chamot (1990); Oxford (1990)
R E G U L A T I N G C L A S S R O O M B E H A V I O U R
Cathcart (1985)
D E V E L O P I N G A P O S I T I V E A T T I T U D E T O W A R D S
THE
FL
Oxford (1990)
S E L F - C O N F I D E N C E
Naiman
et al.
(1978); Chesterfield
and
Chesterfield (1985); Oxford (1990);
SHOWING INTEREST IN THE FL OUTSIDE THE
CLASSROOM
Naiman
et al.
(1978)
Stude nt-initiated strategic behav iour
Helping other children
to
understand
or
use
the FL or to
solve
a
problem
in
class
Trying
to
control
the
behaviour
of
other
children
by
getting them
to
comply
to
their ideas, beliefs, class rules, etc.
Expressing positive feelings towards
the
study
of the FL
Using
the FL
confidently w ithout fear
or
anxiety
Being aware
of and
interested
in
examples
of
the
FL
outside
the
school environment
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YVETTE COYLE AND MARISOL VALCÁRCEL
Cognit ive
Strategy
U S I N G P R I O R K N O W L E D G E
O'Malley etal. (1985); Chamot etal. (1987,
1988);
O'Malley
&
Cham ot (1990); Oxford
(1990);
Oxford and Cohén (1992); Chamot
& Beard (1999)
I N F E R E N C I N G
Wong Fillmore (1976); Rubin
(1981,
1989);
O'Malley
et al.
(1985); Chamot
et
al.
(1987, 1988); O'Malley
Chamot
(1990);
Oxford (1990); Chamot
Beard
(1999)
U S I N G V I S U A L ,
A U D I T O R Y A N D
K I N E T I C
IMA GERY
Rubin
(1981,
1989); O'Malley
etal.
(1985);
Chamot
et al.
(1987, 1988); O'Malley
Chamot (1990); Oxford (1990); Oxford
Cohén (1992)
REPETUION
O'Malley
etal.
(1985); Chamot
etal.
(1987,
1988);
O'Malley & Chamot (1990); Chester-
field & Chesterfield (1985); Rubin (1989);
Oxford
Cohén (1992)
L A N G U A G E A N A L Y S I S
Wong Fillmore (1976); Rubin
(1981,
1989);
O'Malley
et al.
(1985); Chamot
et al.
(1987,
1988); O'Malley
Chamot (1990);
Oxford (1990); Oxford
Cohén (1992);
Chamot
Beard
BUILDING AUTONOMOUS DlSCOURSE
O'Malley
et
al .
(1985); Oxford (1990)
OVERCOMING LlMITATIONS
IN FL
K.NOWLEDGE
Faerch
and
Kasper (1983) ; C order
(1983);
Oxford
and
Cohén (1992); Tarone
(1977);
Oxford (1990); Oxford
and
Cohén
(1992)
S t r a t e g i e s
Student-initiated strategic behaviour
Relating
new
information
to
previous
knowledge
to
understand meaning
in the
FL
Using contextual
or
physical clues
to
make
sense
of the
m eanings being expressed
in
the FL
The retention
and
recall
of
specific
FL
vocabulary
and
expressions
by
means
of
physical, visual
and
gestural imagery
Voluntary
on
task repetition
of FL
voca-
bulary
and
m odels
and
voluntary repeti-
tion
of
FL input outside
the
class
The application
of
learned
or
self-dev-
eloped rules
to
understand
or
produce
the
FL
Constructing meanings
in the
FL
by
com-
bining known vocabulary
and
patterns
in
a
new way.
Attempts
to
communicate
in the FL in
spite
of
having only limited linguistic
knowledge
44
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C H IL DR E N' S L E AR NING S T R AT E G IE S IN T H E P R IM AR Y F L C L AS S R OOM
9 . R E S U L TS A N D D I S C U S S I O N
As far as we are aware, the typology of Learning Strategies pre-
sented in this study is the first to have highlighted the types of thoughts
and behaviours used by children as young as eight and nine years oíd
for learning English in a foreign language classroom setting. The analy-
sis of the interview transcripts, coupled with the classroom observation,
has revealed a variety of techniques and strategies being put into prac-
tice by young EFL learners. The typology we present here includes
Metacognitive and Social/Affective strategies on the one hand and Cog-
nitive strategies on the other, with the latter classified according to the
higher level processes of
Comprehension, Retention and Language Use
which they work to enhance and develop. At a more specific level, most
strategy types are manifested through several different learning techni-
ques.
The following tables ¿Ilústrate the hierarchical grouping we have
made of Process, Strategy and Technique and include examples for each
technique extracted from the interview and classroom data. The number
after each excerpt refers either to the interview or to the Teaching Unit
from which the example was taken.
443
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Y V E T T E C O Y L E A N D M A R I S O L V A L C A R C E L
The children who took part in the research had been identified by
their teacher as 'good language learners', and so the techniques and
strategies they reported to be using can provide us with useful infor-
mation about the cognitive processes involved in initial EFL learning.
It would appear that effective learners are good at
managing their own
learning
both inside and outside the classroom, since they tend to
plan
for learning activities and monitor their use of the FL. Similarly they
enjoy cooperating with peers either helping with problems, correcting
mistakes or simply insisting that classroom rules are respected by all.
Affectively, these children are
highly motivated
by their English classes
and
confident
in their ability to use the FL, extending their enthusiasm
for learning to the world outside the classroom, where many of them
pay attention to the English they hear in songs or on televisión and
they actively seek out opportunities to try out their growing knowledge
of the language with friends and family. It is significant that there is a
certain amount of overlapping between the social and affective strate-
gies shown by these children and the Attitudinal Contents contained
in the Official Curriculum for foreign languages at primary level, in-
dicating, consequently, that one way of developing this área of the
curriculum would be by explicitly promoting such strategy use in the
classroom.
Indeed, an important finding, coinciding with Nisbet & Shucksmith
(1986),
was that the learning techniques reported by these effective
learners appeared to be closely linked to the classroom methodology
they experienced, that is to the type of communicative activities they
experienced and more importantly, to the way in which they were pre-
sented and carried out. Since English was the médium of instruction
used in this classroom, these children relied on their
background knowl-
edge
and
inferred meanings
from pictures, gestures, intonation and con-
textual information which helped them both understand and remember
the FL models and vocabulary, as did
self initiated repetition
in class
and home. Since oral production was a high priority in this classroom,
the children's speech revealed strategic interlanguage use in the form
of unanalysed formulas, recombinations of known patterns and vocabu-
lary,
use of
content words
or
compensatory
techniques to convey mes-
sages with their limited linguistic resources. Interestingly, some children
also showed evidence of having explicitly begun to form hypotheses
about the rules underlying their use of English. The question then is
not so much whether teachers can help children to learn or not, the
results of our research suggest that, at primary level, they already do,
454
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CHILDREN'S
LEARNING STRATEGIES IN THE PRIMARY FL CLASSROOM
s ince many of the learn ing s t ra teg ies developed by these ch i ld ren seemed
to be mode l l ed on the t eacher ' s me thodo logy and app roach to l ea rn ing
English.
CONCLUSIONS
The importance of th is s tudy l ies , we bel ieve, in the insights i t can
offer for teachers of English to young learners. By explicit ly identify-
ing the types o f techniques and s t ra teg ies used by ch i ld ren to learn the
FL, and by making them avai lab le to teachers , we can help to ra i se
thei r awareness o f the ways in which they can promote successfu l
learning in their classrooms. Pedagogical ly , then, the resul ts of th is
s tudy po in t to a number o f immediate impl ica t ions . These include the
need for teachers to créate a supportive and affective learning environ-
ment; to establ ish explicit links betw een the FL con tent and the chil-
dren s previous knowledge; to make effect ive use of extralinguistic and
gestural support
to fac i l í t a te comprehension in the
FL;
to enco u rage the
product ive use o f Engl i sh by teach ing (and expla in ing)
routine formu-
las a n d b y encouraging children to express themselves as best they can,
despi te their l imited knowledge of the FL. Clearly , what is needed is
for teachers to incorpórate sound learn ing s t ra teg ies in to thei r t each ing ,
so that the in tui t ive use of these st rategies as shown by the more ef-
fec t ive learners cou ld be extended to all ch i ld ren and au tomat i zed a t
an ear ly age .
We wou ld l i ke to conc lude th i s paper by ind ica t ing ou r awareness
that the resul ts of th is s tudy have been obtained from only a small sam-
ple of eight learners . However, we also bel ieve that the ident i f icat ion
of these chi ldren 's learning st rategies represents a s ignif icant s tep in ed-
ucat ional research wi th in the área o f fo re ign languages . We also cons i -
der that fur ther s tudies of th is k ind, carr ied out with a greater number
of chi ldren, both more and less effect ive learners , would most cer tainly
provide fur ther insights in to the cogni t ive processes involved in in i t ial
FL learn ing in p r imary schools .
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