CHRONOS 7 Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Fake Past and Covert Emotive Modality 1 CHRONOS 7 University of Antwerp September 19, 2006 Fake Past and Covert Emotive Modality

CHRONOS 7CHRONOS 7 Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Fake Past and Covert ESumiyo Nishiguchi: Fake Past and Covert Emotive Modalitymotive Modality

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CHRONOS 7CHRONOS 7University of AntwerpUniversity of AntwerpSeptember 19, 2006September 19, 2006

Fake Past and Covert Fake Past and Covert Emotive ModalityEmotive Modality

Sumiyo NishiguchiSumiyo NishiguchiStony Brook UniversityStony Brook [email protected]@ic.sunysb.edu

http://homepage3.nifty.com/sumiyo_nishiguchi/http://homepage3.nifty.com/sumiyo_nishiguchi/

mailto:[email protected]

CHRONOS 7 Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Fake Past and Covert Emotive Modality

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Abstract

The past tense marker can be `fakefake’ i.e., used without reference to past time in the context of:expressing speaker’s surprise recalling somethingseeing the fulfillment of expectations.


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(1)a. Oh, it was here (all along).

b. A, koko-ni {at-ta/#a-ru}.Oh here-LOC be-PAST/be-PRES

(Japanese)


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Attitude reports are `monsters’ which shift reference of indexicals in the embedded clauses in some languages (Schlenker 1999, 2003; Anand and Nevins 2004).

I argue that implicit speaker attitudes on factive propositions are “monsters” in the sense of Kaplan (1977), a context shifting operator which changes context parameters.


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I base my argument on the mono-clausal fake past construction

N.B. The terminology `fake' comes from Iatridou (2000).


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What is a “monster”?

Monster =Def an operator on character which is a function from context to content/intension

Kaplan (1977): There is no monster

The indexicals, e.g., I, you, it; that, this; here,　 now and tomorrow, do not change the references

Schlenker (1999,2003): All attitude predicates are monsters


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Monster supporters:

Schlenker (1999,2003): Attitude verbs quantify over contexts of thought or of

speech. Attitude predicates are monsters that shift the refere

nces of indexicals. As evidence, Amharic first person pronoun shifts its r

eference into third person under attitude verbs

Anand and Nevins (2004): In Zazaki, the verb vano (say) shifts indexicals 　

I, you, here and yesterday in its scope.


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Strengthening limited evidence for monsters

All supporting arguments for monsters have been based on the indexical shift in embedded context under attitude predicates.

You need to have monsters in non-embedded contexts.


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Mono-clausal factive sentences

The fake past construction is factive simple sentences (not embedded under attitude predicates) and temporal and parameter shifts.

I argue that speaker's emotion (surprise) -bouletic (in view of what I want) and epistemic speculative modality (in view of what I know, Kratzer 1991)- is a context shifting operator.


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Slave embedded clauses:

(2) …say… […you…]

I

Fake past simple sentences:

(3) COVERT MODAL COVERT MODAL [ …PAST…]

PRES


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Surprise affects temporal interpretations

(4) MODAL(||φ||<<tc, wc, ac>, <ti, wi>>)

=|| (||φ||<<ti, wc, ac>, <ti, wc>>

(t: time, w: world, a: speaker, c: context, i: index)


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Generalized quantifier

Covert modal is grammatically represented by a determiner-like element which takes negative presupposition in the restrictor and overt predicate in the nuclear scope (Kratzer 1991; Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994; Ippolito 2003).


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Fake Past


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The past tense marker can receive non-past interpretation when associated with discovery, fulfillment of expectation, recalling of a plan (Teramura 1984, among others) often as exclamatives.


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Surprise

(5)a. Oh, it was here (all along).

b. A, koko-ni {at-ta/#a-ru} 。Oh here-LOC be-PAST/be-PRES

(Japanese)


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Cross-linguistic phenomena

(6)a. Oh, the book was here (all along).b. Chek-i yogi iss-ot-ne. (Korean)

book-NOM here be-PAST-EXC

c. Waragat all-a gaa ide. (Dasenach)book place at sit-PAST

‘The book was sitting at this place’


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Recalling the future schedule

(7) I had a meeting next Monday.

(8) Mintian you-le wanyan.

tomorrow have-PERF party

‘I had a party tomorrow’

(Mandarin)


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Mismatched temporal adverbials

(9) There was a party tomorrow.(10) Mintian you-le wanyan. (Mandarin)

tomorrow have-PERF partyÌ had a party tomorrow‘

(11) Asu-wa Maria-no tanjobi-dat-ta.(Japanese)

tomorrow-TOP Maria-GEN birthday-be-PAST

`Tomorrow is Maria's birthday’

Antecedent of counterfactuals can (Ippolito 2003)(12) If it rained tomorrow, I would go shopping.


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The forgotten information

(13) a. What was your name? 　 (Teramura 1982)

b Onamae-wa nan-deshi-ta-ka.Name-TOP what-HON-PAST-Q

(14) a. Where did you live?

b. Osumai-wa 　 dochira-deshi-ta-ka-ne.

residence-TOP where-HON-PAST-Q-PAR


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The past tense refers to present, not simple past, with surprise(15)# Oh, the book was here. But it is not h

ere anymore.

(16) # A, shinbun-ga koko-ni at-ta.

Oh newspaper-NOM here-LOC be-PAST

Demo ima-wa mo nai.

but now-TOP already NEG

Òh, the newspaper was here. But it's not here anymore'


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Fake Past and Aktionsarten:

English:

Stative predicates

(17) Oh, it was here (all along).

* Eventive predicates

(18) Oh, the bus {#came/is coming}.


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Stative predicates

Japanese/Korean:(19) A, koko-ni at-ta/#a-ru. (Japanese) Oh here-LOC be-PAST/be-PRES

Òh, it was here‘(20) Chek-i yogi iss-ot-ne. (Korean)

book-NOM here be-PAST-EXC

Òh, the was here'


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Eventive predicates

(21) Basu-ga ki-ta. (Japanese)

bus-NOM come-PAST

`The bus is coming‘


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(22) a. Avtobus prisho-l. (Russian)

bus come-PAST

‘The bus is coming’

b. # Avtobus prihodit.

bus come-PRES

‘The bus comes’


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(23) Ya ush-la. (Russian)

I go-PAST

Ì am leaving‘


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Inchoative Japanese inchoative verbs that bring change

of states

(24) A, warat-ta.

oh smile-PAST

‘Oh, (the baby) is smiling (=started to smile)’

(25) A, hikoki-ga ton-da. (Japanese)

Oh airplane-NOM fly-PAST

‘Oh, the airplane is flying’


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(26) Shimat-ta.

close-PAST

‘Oh, no’


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Adjectives (individual level)

(27) Yo-kat-ta. (Japanese)good-be-PAST

‘Thank goodness’ (when a lost wallet was returned with money)

(28) (Ao-to omot-tei-tara) kuro-dat-tablue-COMP think-PROG-then black-be-PAS

T

‘(I thought it was blue but) it was black’


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Achievement verbs

Achievement verbs (Vendler 1967) e.g., come, arrive at, get wet give non-past interpretations


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*Accomplishment verbs

Accomplishment verbs, e.g., build a house, and draw a circle are unnatural with the non-past reading:

(29) a. #A, Taro-ga ie-o tate-ta.

oh Taro-NOM house-ACC build-PAST

‘Oh, Taro is building a house’

b. #A, Taro-ga jukkiro hashit-ta.

oh Taro-NOM 10 km run-PAST

‘Oh, Taro is running 10km’


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Typical fake past predicates

Copular stage level predicates


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Pragmatic explanation on aktionsarten

Stative/*eventive

-It is more surprising to find existence of something than perceiving events.


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Achievement/*accomplishment

-Normally, surprise is caused by perceiving the momentous events or change of states. Long-term processes would not surprise us instantly. Achievement verbs such as come or become wet surprise us while gradual accomplishment, e.g., build a house and running ten miles, are not so astonishing naturally.


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Unaccusativity and surprise

Fake past predicates are mostly limited to unaccusative verbs such as be, exist, and come (cf. Kusumoto 2001; Ogihara 2004 for relative clauses).


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Unaccusativity test

VP internal numerals associate with the surface subject (mutual c-command in base position) (Miyagawa and Babyonyshev 2004):

Transitive verb:

(30) *Gakusei-ga [VP hon-o san-nin kat]-ta.

Students-NOM book-ACC 3-CL buy-PAST

`Three students bought a book’


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(31)Honi-ga [VPtsukue-no ue-ni ti ni-satsu at]-ta.

book-NOM desk-GEN up-LOC 2-CL be-PAST

`There were two books on the desk’

(32)Basu-ga [VP ekimae-ni ti ni-dai ki]-ta.

bus-NOM station-front-LOC 2-CL come-PAST

`Two buses came in front of the station’


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(33) A, warat-ta.

oh smile-Past

Òh, (the baby) is smiling’

(33)’ A, [gakuseii-ga butai-de ti san-nin warat]-ta. oh student-NOM stage-LOC 3-CL smile-PAST

Òh, the three students laughed on the stage’


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(34) Shimat-t-a.

close-PAST-be

Òh, no‘

(34)’ *Gakuseii-ga mae-de ti san-nin shimat-ta. st

udent-NOM front-LOC 3-CL close-PAST

`The three students made a mistake in front’


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Unaccusativity contributes to surpriseUnaccusative verbs

1. Representational verbs

be, exist, come

2. Verbs of posture

sit… The nature of unaccusative predicates contributes t

o surprise Finding existence and appearance is likely to cause

more astonishment than finding transitive predicates


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Puzzle

Why is the past tense used for non-past?

(1) Oh, it was here (all along).


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Fake past as a counterfactual morpheme

Counterfactual conditional:

(35) If it rained tomorrow, I would go to Florida (but it is not likely).

Topic worlds and the actual world differ

Simple fake past:

(36) There was a mistake (surprisingly). The actual world is counterfactual to the

prospective actual world


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Tense as a shifty indexical

Tense is a shiftable indexical. What shifts tense?


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Tense resembles pronouns such as he, she, or it, due to its: i) deictic (demonstrative); ii) anaphoric; and, iii) bound variable-like natures (Partee 1973).

i) Tense is deictic:

(37) I didn't turn off the stove

(utterance on the way to work) The deictic past refers to a definite interval iden

tified from the extra-linguistic content.


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Shifty pronouns

While English pronouns always take the speaker's perspective, Slave and Japanese pronouns take the matrix subject's viewpoint in indirect discourse.

(38) a. John told me that I should go home.

b. John ?aranila séhdi. (Slave)

John 2SG.gohome3SG.told.1SG

`John told me to go home'(Rice 1986:51)


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(39) Yoko-ni omae-ga warui-to iw-are-ta.

(Japanese) Yoko-DAT you-NOM bad-COMP say-PASS-PAST

`Yoko told me that I was wrong (it was my fault)'


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In the embedded reports, pronouns are not directly referential in Japanese and Slave, as well as in Amharic, Aghem, Navajo, Zazaki, Russian and Navajo (Lewis 1980, Hyman 1979, Rice 1986, Speas 2000, Schlenker 1999, 2003, Anand and Nevins 2004).


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Such pronominal indexicals have been used to argue against Kaplanian view that indexicals are rigidly specified before the context is derived (Kaplan 1977). Schlenker (1999) and others argue that such changes of references of indexicals are the evidence that indexicals are context dependent, and the attitude predicates are monsterous functions that manipulate the context parameters in embedded clauses.


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Strengthening monster theory

All the arguments of monster supporters have been based on the data on the embedded clauses.

The data on mono-clausal fake past sentences present stronger support for the anti-Kaplanian view.


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Fake past simple sentences give stronger support for monsters

Being simple sentences, context parameters are not maneuvered by attitude reports but by speaker attitude itself.

Overt+covert attitude predicates switch tense.


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Necessary condition: surprise

Surprise licenses non-past interpretations of the past tense (Teramura 1984)

(40)a.# At-ta. (without surprise, with fake past reading)

exist-PAST

Ìt was here'

b.At-ta. (without surprise, with real past reading)

exist-PAST

Ìt was here'


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Negative presuppositions

(41) (Nai-to omotte-i-ta-ra,) at-ta.NEG-COMP think-be-PAST-then be-PAST

Ìt was here (surprisingly).'


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Or, the speaker’s expectation is realized

(42) (Kuru-to omotte-i-ta basu-ga yappari) ki-ta. come-COMP think be-PAST bus-NOM as I expected come-PAST

`The bus is coming (as expected)’ The speaker doubted or has not been sure if p. The common ground contains both p worlds and

non-p worlds Fake past assertions disambiguate the actual wo

rld (cf. Stalnaker 2004)


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Double index system

In the framework of the double index system (Lewis 1980), the ordinary past tense morphology shifts the temporal index into the prior time:

||present φ|| ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <tc,wc>

||past φ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti,wi>

||past φ||=1 iff there is time ti prior to the utterance time tc


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Implicit attitude is a monsterous function that changes a context parameter

(43) fake(|| past φ||<tc, wc, ac, hc>, <ti,wi>)

=||past φ||<ti, wc, sc, hc>,<ti,wi>

(t=time, w=world, a=speaker, h=hearer, c=context, i=index, ti < tc, c=<wc, tc, ac>, i=<wi, ti>)


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Type of the monster

Fake tense operator:

(44) Where c=<wc, tc, ac>, i=<wi, ti>,

ti is prior to tc, c: Dc=Ds×De, s: Ds=Dw×Dt

Fake: ((c×s)→t) →((c×s)→t)

Fake (||φ||<c, i>)=1 iff ||φ||<c[ti/tc], i>=1


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The data set is incomplete before the utterance (Veltman 1981)

The speaker does not know enough data but expects that ``the book is not here’’ ``the bus is coming’’ ``tomorrow is not Mary’s birthday’’

The data set becomes complete by seeing the facts or remembering the facts


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Exp: Expectation function based on the available data

(45) Expa(wi)(ti)||φ||wi,tiΛExpa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc

ΛKnowa (wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc

(46) Expa(wi)(ti)||~φ||wi,tiΛExpa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc ΛKnowa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc

(ti<tc, tc: utterance time, wc: actual world)


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Schema of fake past sentences

of surprise (negative presupposition) :

While expecting ~, a finds and a is glad to find

of fulfillment of expectancy (positive presupposition) :

While expecting in contrast with ~, a finds and a is glad to find


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Conversational backgrounds:

1. Speculative epistemic necessity/possibility:

must/probably/might ¬φ

2. Bouletic modality (in view of what I want): φworlds are ranked higher than ¬ φ worlds


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Conversational backgrounds

Modal base f (in view of available evidence, speculative epistemic necessity/possibility):

must/probably/might ~: (c×s)→((c×s)→t)→t)

Ordering source g (in view of what I want, bouletic modality):

~ worlds are ranked higher than f worlds: (c×s)→((c×s)→t) →t)

where Ds=Dw×Dt, Dc=Ds×De


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(47)

φ

g: ordering source–bouletic

MODALemo f: modal base–speculative modal

(cf. Kratzer 1991; von Fintel and Iatridou 2005)


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(48) ||fake (past)|| (wc)(f)(g)(||φ||)

=1 if wc f(wi) w MAXg(wc) : ||φ||(wc)=1,

||past||(wc)(f)(g)(||φ||), otherwise.

Where for a given strict partial order <p on worlds, define the selection function maxp that selects the set of <p -best worlds from any set X of worlds:

X W: maxp(X)={wX: ¬ w'X: w'<p w}


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Restrictive quantification

Modal scopes over due to its quantificational force (Lewis 1968, 1973; Kripke 1972). Modal takes the presupposition as its restrictor, and the assertion in its nuclear scope (Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994; Heim 1982; Diesing 1992).

(49) MODALemo [λi. [|¬φ|]i] [λi.[|φ|]i] determiner restrictor nuclear scope

[surprisingly] [while expecting ¬φ ] [φ is true]


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(50) TP

MODAL P VP

MODALspec,bouletic presupposition


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Context change potential (CCP) Heim (1988, 1992): the meaning of a senten

ce is its context change potential (CCP). Prior to fake past assertions, speaker has n

ot been sure if p was true, or has believed the contrary, not-p, to be possibly true.

(51) past ◊ φ present □ φ


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Fake past utterances change the context by eliminating not-p and adds

p. disambiguate the actual world.

(52) CCP of fake past sentences:

for any context c, LF ,

c + fake past φ

=c - Believe(a, φ) + Believe(a,φ)


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Or, extract disbelief on p and adds belief on p. If spea

ker has strongly believed the contrary, negation takes narrower scope than Believe.

(53) c – Believe (a, φ) + Believe (a,φ)


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Conclusion

Surprise and implicit speaker attitudes affect temporal interpretations of factive, unaccusative, and typically stative predicates.

The mono-clausal fake past sentences show that covert emotive modality interacting with bouletic and epistemic speculative modality is the monster.


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Modal functions as a determiner-like element taking presuppositions in the restrictor

Fake past assertions update contexts

Documents

CHRONOS 7 Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Fake Past and Covert Emotive Modality 1 CHRONOS 7 University of Antwerp September 19, 2006 Fake Past and Covert Emotive Modality