1
Resource Construction and International Chinese Teaching Based
on Mobile Platform and the Internet
Chen Weichang
(2014201420142014)
2010
1
20128787/2006
2012101 CD-ROM / DVD-ROMDVD / / +DVD/E-BOOKiPadiPhone234567
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2
Strategies in Compiling Intermediate-advance Chinese Teaching
and Learning Resources: Based on Singapore Secondary School Chinese
Text Books
(Choong Kwok Weng)
)
2004199436%200450%,,20044592011
Abstract: Singapore Ministry of Education released Report of the
Chinese Language Curriculum and Pedagogy Review Committee in 2004,
discovered that among ethnic Chinese students, the proportion with
English as the most frequently used home language rose from 36% in
1994 to 50% in 2004. This shows that the teaching of Chinese
language has to be adjusted to cater the students' learning needs.
The report suggested, for the majority, the emphasis should be on
effective oral communication and reading and more emphasis on
practical use of Chinese Language (Report of the Chinese Language
Curriculum and Pedagogy Review Committee, 2004:4,5,9) In this
paper, the new secondary school textbooks compiled by the Singapore
Ministry of Education in 2011 will be used as an example to
analysis its compiling strategies. The paper will use textbooks of
the new secondary school express stream curriculum as an example to
discuss the concept of it compiling strategies: listening and
speaking skills driven by reading and writing skills; the
principles of it compiling strategies: cite example first, follow
by explanation, then practice; and the organizations of its
compiling strategies: intensive reading, introductory reading, self
reading and integrated tasks. By showcase the compiling strategies
of the new textbooks of the new secondary school express stream
curriculum of Singapore, it is hoped that to inspire the theory and
practice of strategies in compiling intermediate-advance Chinese
teaching and learning resources.
Key Words: Practical Use Oral Communication Compiling
Strategy
2004199436%200450%2009200447.3%200960%http://www.moe.gov.sg/media/speeches/
2009/09/17/work-plan-seminar.php,200459200720102011201010
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9. 2009
http://www.moe.gov.sg/media/speeches/2009/09/17/work-plan-seminar.php
10. Cunningsworth, Alan (1995). Choosing Your Coursebook.
Oxford: Heinemann.
11. Grant, Neville (1987). Making the Most of Your Textbook.
London: Longman.
12. Hidalgo, Araceli C., Hall, David and Jacobs, George M. eds.
(1995). Getting Started:
Materials Writers on Materials Writing. Singapore: SEAMEO
Regional Language Centre.
13. McGrath, Ian (2002). Materials Evaluation and Design for
Language Teaching.
Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
14. Mishan, Freda and Chambers, Angela eds. (2010). Perspectives
on Language Learning
Materials Development. Oxford, Bern: Peter Lang.
15. Tomlinson, Brian ed. (1998). Materials Development in
Language Teaching.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
16. Tomlinson, Brian (ed.) (2005). Developing Materials for
Language Teaching.
London: Continuum.
3
Type of Chinese Chunks and Application in Spoken Chinese
Teaching
for Foreigners
(Du Fang)(Wang Songyan)
1. ; 2.
: Wray2002
Abstract: Based on the theory of chunks, the paper focus on the
types of chunks form and function, and chunks will be divided
intofive types: topics, communication, acting, attitude expression
and feeling expression in functions, and discusses the chain of
multi-functional chunk , andtheory of chunks value and application
in spoken Chinese teaching for foreigners, thereby madesenseto
writeachunkoftextbook, highlighting the teaching methodsof matching
function of chunkand taskof communication.
Keywords: chunk; function; task; spoken teaching
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1. Wray, A.(2002). Formulaic Language and Lexicon. Cambridge
University Press, p.9.
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4
What is Respect for Teachers? : Cross-cultural Perspectives of
Immigrant Chinese Teachers of Mandarin in a Canadian University
(Yujia Jiang)
(Ph.D., Faculty of Education, Simon Fraser University)
Abstract: Immigrant teachers are often faced with challenges in
dealing with students from different cultures outside their home
culture, especially at the initial stage of their teaching in
Canadian educational institutions. Many scholars (e.g. Lo, 2007;
Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004) also argue that immigrants
normally have to undergo an interactional process of
self-repositioning in the host society.
Centering on the issue of respect for teachers, this paper is a
report of some findings from a qualitative case study conducted
with five immigrant Chinese teachers of Mandarin in a Canadian
university. Drawing on the data from semi-structured interviews and
classroom observations, the study examines the participants
feelings about students attitudes towards teachers in general and
towards them in particular, through comparison of their lived
experiences in China and in Canada.
With reference to identity theories (e.g. Ang, 2001; Hall, 1996,
1997), the study reveals that these teachers interpret the issue of
respect not only personally but contextually and culturally, and
can all adapt to new teaching scenarios, in spite of some
uneasiness at the outset (to some teachers), by adjusting their own
mindset and reactions to students. The study also shows that
immigrant teachers tend to constantly negotiate between their roots
and routes in their cross-cultural encounters.
The report has an implication for immigrant teachers in Canada
since how they identify themselves in the transnational context
would have an impact on their teaching effectiveness. The
implication also applies to teacher educators, who may inform newly
arrived teachers of different school cultures, and to university
administrators and policy makers, who may need to consider
immigrant teachers needs and expectations in order to create an
inclusive and harmonious educational environment.
Key words: respect for teachers, immigrant Chinese teachers,
Mandarin teaching, Canadian university, cross-cultural
perspectives
Introduction
In the fall of 2006, I embarked on my PhD journey in Education
in British Columbia, Canada. At the initial stage of my relocation,
I found myself undergoing some tensions in the Canadian university
culture. As opposed to my learning experience in China when I was
mostly a quiet and independent learner in class, I often felt
challenged by professors in Canada asking students to share ideas
freely in class and to give presentations frequently. In the spring
of 2007, I started to teach Mandarin part-time to undergraduates at
a university. While I was delighted to see Canadian students taking
a more active part in class activities than my previous Chinese
students, I sometimes felt frustrated by their casually
interrupting me with questions when I was focused on lecturing, by
their sharing snacks with their neighbours in the middle of class,
by their rushing out of the classroom before I dismissed them, and
so on. At that moment, I felt I was not treated with respect by
them as seriously as I had been by students in China. My
spontaneous and frequent comparison of my past and current teaching
experiences, of my previous students in China and current students
in Canada, provoked my curiosity to know whether other immigrant
Chinese teachers in Canadian universities felt the same way as me
or how they felt differently from me if that was the case.
According to reports issued by Statistics Canada
(2011a)[endnoteRef:2], Chinese is the second largest visible
minority group in Canada, numbers slightly over 1,324,700, and
accounts for 21.1% of the visible minority population and 4.0% of
Canadas total population. Vancouver alone is home to 31.1% of
Chinese minorities (Statistics Canada, 2011b). Between 2006 and
2011, 15.3% of the roughly6.8million immigrants in Canada reported
being Chinese and 85.0% of the Chinese immigrants arrived from
Mainland China (Statistics Canada, 2011b), where Mandarin is the
official language. The demand for Mandarin learning has recently
taken precedence over that for Cantonese in Greater Vancouver (Lo,
2007). The increasing popularity of Mandarin and the growing
enrolment in Mandarin courses thus call for more professional
Chinese instructors. In Canada, immigrant Chinese teachers serve as
the backbone of Chinese language programs. How they position
themselves in relation to their self-identifications and to their
relations with students have significant bearing on their teaching
effectiveness and their students learning outcomes. As a result,
there is a need to direct our attention to the identity
construction of these teachers. [2: These are the most recent
Canadian Census data available from Statistics Canada.]
Moreover, Canada is generally well known for its welcoming
policies for immigrants, policies that advocate the values of
diversity, respect, equity, and individuality (Wang, 2002). The
British Columbia government has been launching significant
initiatives, such as the British Columbia Anti-racism and
Multiculturalism Program, to promote multiculturalism and support
immigrant skilled workers and professionals (British Columbia,
2009). Such a climate should encourage Canadian educational
institutions to accord more attention to diversifying their
teaching force. Through a deeper understanding of the identity
issues of immigrant teachers, we are more likely to better
accommodate their specific needs, to appreciate their work more
profoundly and evaluate it more accurately (Wang, 2002), to
cultivate an equitable, harmonious, and inclusive educational
milieu, and to achieve togetherness-in-difference (Ang, 2001).
This paper is an attempt to offer insights into the complexities
of teacher identity concerning ethnic minority immigrant teachers
in Canada. It purports to enhance our understandings of
sociocultural issues in education on the whole and of educational
research in the domain of minority teachers experiences in
mainstream society. This paper includes a brief literature review,
a description of methodology, a data presentation, and a discussion
of findings. It concludes with a summary, answers to the research
questions, and some implications.
(1) The literature on immigrant identity
To date, identity has been investigated in numerous fields
psychology, philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, business, and
so on. More recently, identity has become a concept examined in
disciplines like education and applied linguistics. An increasing
number of scholars have applied the notion of identity to their own
research (e.g., Block, 2006; Lo, 2007; Norton, 1995, 1997, 2000,
2013; Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004; Phan, 2008; Wang, 2002).
While there exists a collection of literature addressing ethnic
minority teachers experiences in countries of immigration (Wang,
2002), my extensive literature search reveals that little has been
published about teaching experiences of minority immigrant teachers
in Canada, particularly immigrant Chinese teachers in Canadian
universities.
As Lee and Bang (2011) pointed out, the potential of minority
language programs has not been fully recognized in North America.
Although there are many studies focused on Chinese language
teaching in North America (e.g. Duff & Li, 2004; Duff &
Lester, 2008) and some studies of teachers of Chinese ancestry
teaching in mainstream classrooms (e.g. Beynon, Ilieva, &
Dichupa, 2001, 2003; C. Lam, 1996; M. Lam, 1996; Lo, 2007; Wang,
2002), there have been relatively few studies that examine self
perceptions and related practices of immigrant Chinese teachers
teaching at the university level. Hence, my investigation seeks to
fill this gap and share with readers thoughts and comments these
teachers revealed about their lived experiences.
To explore identity issues of immigrants, I find a number of
Western and Asian scholars theorizations on identity significantly
helpful. While many Western scholars direct attention to the
shifting, hybrid, and conflicting structure of identity in the
postmodern era (Bhabha, 1994; Block, 2007; Hall, 1996; Iyall Smith,
2008; Rapport & Dawson, 1998), some Asian scholars remind us of
the importance of a unified, collective identity to Asian
descendants (e.g. Ang, 2001; Lo, 2007; Phan, 2008; Wang, 2002).
There seems to be unanimity of opinion that identity is constructed
both personally and contextually (e.g. Bakhtin, 1981; Hall, 1997;
Holland, Lachicotte, Skinner, & Cain, 1998; Phan, 2008;
Rummens, 1993). The notion of identity is so dynamic and nuanced
that it deserves further investigation from different lenses. In my
study, I also attempted to explore how immigrant Chinese teachers
represented themselves, felt represented, and/or wished to be
represented across their interactions with students, and how they
looked at and dealt with the relation between their ethnic
identities (roots) and their current classroom practices
(routes).
(2) Methodology
Centering on my major research concern, I seek to address two
questions in this paper: How do immigrant Chinese teachers feel
about their students in general? What are their feelings and
reactions surrounding the issue of respect for teachers according
to their lived experiences?
I situated my research within a language center of a university
in the Greater Vancouver area, British Columbia. For approximately
one year from 2010 to 2011, I conducted a case study with five
immigrant Chinese teachers teaching Mandarin at the center, who
were my colleagues at that time. Of the five participants Jane,
Cindy, Lisa, Nina, and Henry[endnoteRef:3], four are female and one
is male. The participants all immigrated to Canada from China in
their adulthood. All participants had at least five years of
language teaching experience both in China and abroad, and they all
had graduate degrees in a subject area of language. When I carried
out the study with them, they all had been teaching for more than
one year at the center. Upon their verbal agreement to be my study
participants, I reviewed consent forms with them, assured them of
the protection of their privacy, and witnessed them sign the forms.
[3: These are pseudonyms I used on my study participants.]
I chose the case study approach because it is an in-depth study
of the particularity and complexity of instances of a phenomenon in
its natural context from the perspective of the participants
involved (Gall, Gall, & Borg, 2005; Schutt, 2006; Stake, 1995).
It also can be instrumental in building theories and offering new
insights (Duff, 2008; Lo, 2007). I gathered data through one-on-one
semi-structured interviews and classroom observations to ensure
relatively more all-rounded and multifaceted investigations. I
audio-recorded all of the interviews and took field notes during
the classroom observations. The interview data were used as a
primary source to address my research questions, and the
observational data were used as a secondary source to contextualize
what the participants said about their classroom practices.
As the interviews were mostly conducted in Chinese, I
transcribed verbatim the conversations relevant to my research
concern, translated the Chinese transcripts into English, and
sought my participants feedback on the accuracy of the
translations. When analyzing the data, I employed a combination of
discourse analysis, thematic analysis, and comparative analysis.
While research subjectivity is hardly averted in naturalistic
research (Arnold, 1994) and I found it hard to refrain from
inserting my own voice in the research and write-up processes, I
still made great efforts to step back, and I tried to maintain a
good balance between emic (participant) and etic (researcher)
perspectives (Gall et al., 2005) in the data collection, analysis,
and report of the study.
(3) Findings
In their interviews with me, all the teacher participants
expressed their feelings about students attitudes towards teachers
in general and towards them in particular. Some of them stated
similar opinions on the comparison of Chinese students and Canadian
students regarding their respect for teachers, whereas some voiced
distinctive views on this matter.
1. Different understandings of respect
Nina related her impression that students in China showed much
more respect to teachers than students in Canada. She recalled that
she had experienced culture shock at the beginning of her teaching
in a Canadian high school when seeing students eat snacks in class
and hasten to leave the classroom before she dismissed them. For
her, at that time, class management and discipline was crucial.
However, she added that she gradually developed more flexibility
and managed to end the class before the bell rang, once she
realized that some students had to rush to another class. At the
end of my first observation of her class, a Caucasian boy came to
fetch his jacket he had left on the window sill by me. Learning
that I was visiting their class for a research project, he gave a
compliment to Nina in Mandarin in front of me, She is a very good
teacher!
During the interview, Henry stated that he missed the close
relationship with his students in China:
Generally speaking, I feel that teacher-student relationships in
China may be more harmonious. Although some students give gifts to
their teachers for instrumental reasons, their relationships with
teachers are still closer. This may be affected by Chinese
culture.
Henry attributed the close teacher-student relationship in China
to Chinese tradition and the long established social practice of
underscoring respect for teachers and education. He even reminisced
about a time when he asked his students for help. Recognizing that
such kind of help was hardly possible with his students in Canada,
he voiced his understanding of cultural differences:
In the West, human rights and privacy are often talked about,
right? This is also related to culture. For example, in China, you
can ask your students to give you a hand. I remember when I was
teaching there, my family were living on the sixth floor. One day
my fridge broke down. I just got a few students to help carry it
downstairs for repair and later upstairs back to my home. Such sort
of thing is absolutely impossible here, right? What if the students
arm was injured while he was carrying the fridge?
Henry mentioned that it was not unusual in the past that Chinese
students gave him gifts on holiday occasions and sometimes invited
him to dinner in a restaurant but this situation rarely happened
during his teaching in Canada, except that several Asian students
here had invited him to a meal in a food store a while before.
Some of the teachers felt that attendance could be seen as a
sign of respect, denoting whether students were interested in the
course and the teachers instruction. When I asked whether Asian
students, on the whole, were more respectful to the teacher than
Western students, Cindy replied:
Almost the sameMany of my students are of Asian background, such
as Korean and Japanese. They appear respectful but still skip
classes. European and Canadian students seemingly do not show so
much respect as expected but some react quite enthusiastically to
the teacher...Almost the same.
Cindy said that she did not include attendance in the grading
profile when teaching non-heritage classes, which mostly consisted
of Caucasian students, for nobody was absent from class except for
one or two occasionally asking for sick leave.
2. Respect versus reverence
Interestingly, Jane brought up the difference between respect
and reverence, which was illustrated in the following dialogue.
Jane: The students I teach in Canada are all university
students, all grown-ups. Generally speaking, you can feel that they
do not always follow what you say. But in other aspects, mmmperhaps
they do not have zunjing (reverence), but they do have zunzhong
(respect), I feel.
Yujia: What is the difference between zunjing and zunzhong?
Hehehe
Jane: As to zunjing, they may see you as an authority, always
listen to what you say, and would not challenge you. As to
zunzhong, it is what ordinary people would practice.
Yujia: Oh, I see. It (zunzhong) is a kind of manner?
Jane: Yes, right, right.
Yujia: That is to say, courtesy is shown but it is questionable
whether they admire you from their bottom of heart and see you as
authority
Jane: Definitely not (authority). I feel they do not have such
kind of sentiment towards the teacher. They just feel you might
know more in some aspect but it does not mean what you say is
necessarily right.
3. Enjoying respect in Canada
Perhaps because she was the youngest among the participants,
Lisa had a different feeling about her relationship with students
from the other teachers. She said:
Comparatively speaking, the distance between teachers and
students in China is seemingly bigger. Here in Canada, it appears
easier for teachers to communicate with their students. Because
comparatively speaking, students here feel they have much freedom.
Whenever they have questions, they ask you directly, very
straightforward. So there arent too many barriers between teachers
and studentsI even feel people here respect you more than those in
ChinaYes, in class, my students respect me very much. I feel
students here attach great importance to fairness.But Canadian
students seem to act inexpressively, not demonstrating a special
sign of respect for you. I think the reason may be they dont show
their emotion openly.
Although she felt that the respect from her Canadian students
was not particularly conspicuous, Lisa said that she was delighted
to see some students bid farewell to her at the end of class. In
her class I also noticed that she often asked students in a mild
tone about their impression of the difficulty of the texts,
quizzes, and tests. Students articulated their feelings and
interrupted her with questions from time to time.
Despite her students friendliness, Lisa still expressed some
dissatisfaction with her Canadian students for their lack of
motivation to work hard on Chinese grammar. She continued that her
foreign students in China, by contrast, had shown keen interest and
enthusiasm for Mandarin learning and always brought plenty of
questions for her. But in general, Lisa stated that she did not
demand high respect from students in reference to her own behaviour
in the past back in China. She said:
When I was an undergraduate, we did not offer help to teachers,
such as cleaning the board for them. I feel we did not respect
teachers that much, either. I never had a strong feeling that
teachers are high above us.It is very rare that we think about
respecting or looking up to someone.So we seldom respected our
teachers, or to be more accurate, admired them. Unless there is
someone who is really knowledgeable, we might accord her/him our
respect. Perhaps this is what people often say, Scholars tend to
despise one another. Hehehe
To Lisa, it seemed that the common wisdom that Chinese teachers
in China supposedly receive utmost respect from their students
might be a generalization that was no longer true, or too
simplistic.
(4) Discussion
In China, teaching is purportedly a respectable profession. As
for my study participants, I attempted to explore whether their
feelings about respect at school underwent any change after they
taught in Canada. My interview data showed that the teachers all
examined the notion of respect in cultural contexts and looked at
their situations through varying lenses. On one hand, they did not
deny their habitual fondness of some signs of respect, which were
often exhibited and familiar to them in Chinese culture. On the
other hand, they all expressed understanding of their Canadian
students behaviour but unanimously attributed the cause to cultural
differences and thus modified their own teaching practices.
Moreover, they seemed able to distinguish superficial respect and
heartfelt respect. According to my understanding and experience,
there are some signs of respect that Chinese teachers commonly
appreciate in their students, such as verbal courtesy, humble
manners, obedience, diligence, and appreciation of teachers work
(e.g. attending class in time, rewarding teachers with gifts,
dinner, and help). Measuring respect through these signs could be
discerned in my participants comments, as presented above.
The participants remarks inclined me to think that in China a
teachers respect is often ascribed by society (which is an
officially recognized cultural belief but may be problematic when
peoples actual behaviours are examined closely, as revealed in
Lisas case), but that in Canada respect has to be achieved through
the teachers own efforts. For instance, Nina noted her culture
shock when she started to teach in a Canadian school, expecting the
automatic respect she would have had in China, but mentioned that
she soon developed understanding towards her students and thus
adjusted her teaching plans. Her open-mindedness and flexibility
accordingly won respect and gratitude for her from her
undergraduate students. As Lisa told me, she felt her Canadian
students respected her greatly. During my observations, she
demonstrated an approachable and caring manner in her teaching; her
students, in turn, appeared friendly, enthusiastic, and cooperative
with her. To me, how Lisa felt about her students and how students
treated her appeared consistent; her preference for open
communication and thoughtfulness for students earned students
respect for her. In this sense, respect was mutual and reciprocated
by both parties.
Thus, the issue of respect could be interrogated in terms of the
three-fold identity, as proposed by Ct and Levine (2002): ego
identity, personal identity, and social identity. The teachers
personalities affected their choice of the signs of respect they
were likely focused on and inclined them to conclude whether they
felt respected or not, which was directly related to their ego. As
respect was established in interactions with students, the teachers
sense of respect was also personal and relational, depending on how
their students treated them. This is an example of Phans (2008)
view that identities [are] shaped through the perceptions of others
(p.154) and Bakhtins (1981) opinion that individual consciousness
is intersubjective and actualized in dialogue with other subjects
through various ideological encounters. Not only about ego and
personal interactions, respect is also evident in the social status
that the teachers were granted or claimed and it needed to be
addressed in specific sociocultural contexts, which often connected
with the teachers life histories, such as their learning and
teaching experiences.
In addition, the moments the participants conveyed their
feelings about being respected to a greater or lesser degree
offered a glimpse into the negotiation of their roots and
routes[endnoteRef:4]. Reading signs of respect from students, the
signs that felt usual for the teachers, were considerably
associated with their roots. Shifting perceptions of respect,
developing understanding towards Canadian students, and gradually
adapting to the new teaching scenarios revealed the teachers
fluidity along their routes. I asked the question: why did all the
participants invariably express tolerance and understanding of
their students in Canada? One of the possible reasons was their
roots encouraged them to be lenient and open-minded. Confucianism,
the cornerstone of traditional Chinese culture, advocates
collectivism and urges people to think of others before themselves.
Benevolence and tolerance are thus highly valued in Chinese
society. Under such an influence, it was not hard to understand why
the teachers could put themselves in their students shoes and
adjust their own practices rather than expect their students to
change behavior. Therefore, how the teachers felt about their
relationship with students not only depended on how they defined
and interpreted respect personally and contextually, but also on
how much of it they expected from students. Further, their
deepening insight into the host culture and evolving teaching
practices might exert a positive impact on the current
teacher-student relationship and thus help update their
perspectives on respect. [4: According to Hall (1996), roots are
about where we came from, and routes are about what we might become
(p. 4). ]
Conclusion
To encapsulate, I started this paper by building personal link
to the research topic and referring to the demographic and
political facts in Canada. I also briefly reviewed the literature I
drew on to address my research concerns and pointed out the
literature gap I intended to fill through my study. Surrounding the
two research questions, I outlined my research approach and
methods, described the background of my study participants, and
introduced the process of my data analysis. After presenting the
data from the interviews and classroom observations, I analyzed and
interpreted my findings with reference to the existing
literature.
With respect to the teacher-student relationship, all the
teacher participants articulated their understanding of Canadian
students behaviour and interpreted the issue of respect in cultural
contexts. Three of the five teachers seemed to think they were
generally more respected by students in China than in Canada; one
teacher deemed the situation the other way around for her; and one
teacher conceived of the situations as similar in both countries.
My data analysis revealed that their different reactions to respect
were likely linked to their own definitions of respect, personal
expectations, and lived experiences, and that despite the
variations of their opinions, they all developed adaptive manners
and adjusted their attitudes and reactions towards students in
Canada rather than insisted on changing their students normal
practices.
The report of immigrant Mandarin teachers lived experiences in
this study unpacks some issues that Chinese language teachers are
faced with and has significant implications for educational
stakeholders, such as university administrators, university
policymakers, and teacher educators, who, by listening to immigrant
teachers stories and concerns, can make and implement more informed
decisions and more sensible policies regarding faculty support,
teacher preparation, teacher evaluation, and teacher education.
As a Chinese saying goes, The remembrance of the past is the
teacher of the future. The findings of my study offer a glimpse
into the status quo of some ethnic minority teachers in Canada and
direct immigrant teachers to be aware of underlying dimensions and
dynamics of teaching and learning in the Canadian context. The
findings may also function as valuable references for other
immigrant Chinese teachers, for minority immigrant teachers of
non-Chinese origin in Canada, and/or for mainstream teachers who
are interested in diversity to compare and reflect on personal
experiences.
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3. Bakhtin, M. M. (1981). The Dialogic Imagination. (Emerson, C.
Holquist, M., Trans.). Austin: University of Texas Press.
4. Beynon, J., Ilieva, R., & Dichupa, M. (2001). Teachers of
Chinese ancestry: Interaction of identities and professional roles,
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5. Beynon, J., Ilieva, R., & Dichupa, M. (2003). Do you know
your language?: How teachers of Punjabi and Chinese ancestries
construct their family languages in their personal and professional
lives, Journal of Language, Identity and Education, 2 (1),
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5
Designing a Curriculum for the Study of Kanji Culture in
Japan
Liang Xiaohong
2004
Abstract: Since 2004 I have been leading a graduate-level
seminar called Cultural History in East Asia: Interflow within the
Cultural Sphere in Ancient Times. The seminar covers various
cultural elements in ancient times, but they revolve mainly about
the Chinese characters, forming a notion often referred to as Kanji
Culture. It begins with the theme the origins and evolution of the
Chinese characters, dealing with such aspects as the form, sound,
meaning, and the structure of Chinese characters. Particular
attention is paid to the transmission and dissemination of Chinese
characters. Most of the graduate students specialize in studies in
such departments as General Policy, Economics, and Management;
their backgrounds can roughly be classified into (1) those who have
never studied Chinese and (2) Japanese students (sometimes students
from abroad). I have found it very challenging to give cogent
instruction to the students who have never studied Chinese, but the
Japanese students, being familiar since childhood with Chinese
characters, find the seminar not all that difficult and, moreover,
get motivated to learn further. Based on these two student
backgrounds, I have compiled a set of teaching materials with a
view towards designing the optimum curriculum. In the process of
conducting the seminar, I have taken into consideration the degree
to which the students have actually learned and have continued to
adjust my teaching materials and methods. There is some good
result, and this paper introduces a few aspects. This paper is thus
to invite the conference attendants to discuss them, exploring the
teaching of Kanji Culture to improve upon the quality of
instruction, the ultimate goal of teaching Chinese and its related
studies.
Key words: those who have never studied Chinese Kanji (or
Chinese characters)
Kanji cultural sphere history of East Asian civilization
20042014
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5000
2
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6
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2
2014
6
China as Imagined Communities and Its Construction in CFL
Classrooms
Li Mao ()
(PhD student, Faculty of Education, University of Alberta)
Abstract: CFL learners language learning and study abroad life
in China was an investment in China as imagined communities. In
this study, I investigated how North American CFL learners
envisioned China and Chinese in their future life, their
imagination of China and Chinese people, their pre-understanding of
the target city and programs, and the influence of imagined
communities on their actual investment in China. I also put forward
pedagogical suggestions to scaffold CFL learners construction of
imagined communities in CFL classrooms.
Introduction
Imagination, a process of expanding oneself by transcending our
time and space and creating new images of the world and ourselves,
is an important way of connection and a critical source of
community (Wenger, 1998, p. 176). Investment in imagined
communities, just as investment in tangible and accessible
communities, strongly influences language learners identity
construction and learning engagement (Kanno & Norton, 2003;
Trentman, 2013). In this study, I critically investigated North
American Chinese as a Foreign Language (CFL) international students
investment in China as imagined communities. I also put forward
pedagogical suggestions to scaffold CFL learners construction of
imagined communities in CFL classrooms, which will further
facilitate their actual investment during their study abroad life
in China.
Theoretical Framework
Based upon Andersons (1991) view of nations and states as
imagined communities and Wengers (1998) understanding of
imagination as a form of engagement with communities of practice,
the notion of imagined community indicates that we humans are
capable, through our imagination, of perceiving a connection with
people beyond our immediate social networks (Pavlenko & Norton,
2007, p. 590). For language learners, Norton argued that their
imagined communities might have as much impact on their current
identities and language learning engagement as the actual ones and
they may create new identities at the same time (Kanno &
Norton, 2003; Norton, 2010; Norton& Toohey, 2011; Pavlenko
& Norton, 2007).
Then in many language classrooms, the community could be a
community of imaginationa desired community that offers
possibilities for an enhanced range of identity options in the
future (Norton, 2010, p. 354). Although the language learners are
not members of the imagined communities, they hope to get access to
them and would love to identify with imagined community members in
the future. Then language learners imagined target language
speaking communities could provide them with imagined identities,
which will influence their investment and identity negotiation in
actual communities.
Methodology
I chose critical hermeneutics as the research methodology.
Through purposeful sampling in a Northern Chinese urban city, I
selected ten North American CFL international students as
participants (see table 1). Semi-structured interviews and
secondary data (participants blogs in China) were used for data
collection. The data analysis involved developing a thick
description of the sociocultural context where their perceptions of
China as imagined communities emerged and constructed. Furthermore,
in-depth thematic analysis was used to identify patterns pertaining
to the research focus.
Table 1 Brief introduction to participants
Pseudonym
Nationality & Ethnicity
Sandra
African American
Frank
Caucasian American
Lyn
Caucasian Canadian
Lolita
Caucasian American
Nhu
Chinese American
Norman
Caucasian American
Dennis
Caucasian American
Dara
Mexican American
Tina
Aboriginal American
Parveen
Indian American
Findings
North American CFL international students Chinese learning and
study abroad in China was an investment in their imagined
communities of China. Majority of the participants in this study
had a very clear understanding of the role of China and Chinese in
their future life, which would open up their future job hunting and
identity options. Their pre-understanding of China and Chinese
people and their choice of the target city and programs
demonstrated in what imagined communities of China they desired and
prepared themselves to invest in.
The role of China and Chinese in future life
How North American CFL international students envisioned China
and Chinese in their future life indicated why they wanted to learn
Chinese and what motivated them to study abroad in China.
Witnessing China's extraordinary rise in economic and political
influence in the past 30 years and the economic depression in North
America and the whole western world in the recent decade, North
American countries (here especially referring to the U.S. and
Canada) attached great importance to the national strategic
cooperation and investment in China and Chinese. A good case in
point was President Obamas 100,000 Strong Initiative that aimed at
diversifying and increasing the amount of American college students
studying abroad in China (Study Abroad, 2011, para. 2). On a
personal level, many North Americans, especially North American
youngsters decided to learn Chinese in order to get access to the
rising Chinese-speaking and/or China related employment market in
both home country and the global community. Therefore, their
investment in Chinese and China was an investment in the economic,
social and cultural capital they desired in the future. They
believed that the identity of Chinese learner and speaker would
open up more favorable options in their future, especially for
their future professional development. Chinese then could be seen
as one of the important means of gaining this future
affiliation.
Noticing the growing importance of China and Chinese, Frank and
Dennis decided to study abroad in China for intensive Chinese
training and later on for their master degrees (which were taught
in Chinese). For this decision, Dennis said that Ive travelled a
lot ...when Ive seen the effects of what Chinese are doing, the
business they trade and there are a lot of Chinese all around the
world. So ... I think China, Chinese is a smart choice. Similarly,
Frank explained, I kind of took a broader look at the global scale
as whos gonna be coming into some economic power soon ... I think
Chinas gonna be doing very well in the future so I ll try to put my
education towards Chinese....
Studying and/or working in the field of science, Sandra and Tina
were also very excited about their identity as a Chinese learner
and speaker. Sandra believed that her Chinese speaking background
and her identification with the well-known Chinese culture would be
advantageous during job hunting. As an electronic engineer in the
US., Tina was amazed at the huge Chinese electronic market and
realized the professional benefits that China and Chinese would
bring. Although there were many ESL Chinese professionals in her
field, few native English speaking electronic experts could
communicate in Chinese. Hence, Tina thought learning Chinese in
China would make her identity very unique among the American
professionals, since she no longer needed translators and could
read and reply business emails with Chinese characters.
Like Tina, another participant, Lyn, also realized the
importance of learning Chinese from previous working experience,
however she completely changed her plan because of her
re-imagination of her future life. After two years of English
teaching in China, she changed her purpose of staying in China from
ESL teaching to studying Chinese. In her blueprint, Chinese would
be a useful tool of money-making in both China and her home
country, Canada.
In addition, some participant like Parveen considered China as a
short cut to get the academic capital they aspired to, which was
hardly get access to in her home country, such as her dream major,
Medicine. Her choice of a well-known medicine program in the target
city with compulsory CFL courses indicated her imagination of China
and Chinese program in her future professional development. She
also mentioned that studying Chinese broadened her target of
potential job hunting countries and patients.
Rather than the economic and professional rewards that other
participants longing for, Nhu, a Chinese heritage learner,
considered her study abroad in China as an extension of her parents
investment in maintaining her ethnic Chinese identity through
Chinese learning since her childhood. She agreed with her parents
and started this root tracing journey, I think language is an
important aspect of identity, that's why I want to learn Chinese or
Mandarin, because I feel like because my my roots are in China, it
makes sense for me to study it.
The imagination and pre-understanding of China and CFL programs
in the target city
North American international students imagination of China and
Chinese people as well as their choice of the target city and
programs demonstrated in what imagined communities of China they
desired and prepared themselves to invest in. However, imagination
should not be equated with fantasy or withdrawal from reality(Kanno
& Norton, 2003, p. 244 ) and imagination at even the most
personal level is nonetheless related to social ideologies and
hegemonies (Kanno & Norton, 2003, p. 246). According to the
participants in this study, the major sources of their perceptions
of China as imagined communities included the images and sometimes
the stereotypes of China and Chinese people in North American mass
media, the knowledge of China learned in home country schooling
(including CFL learning), the Chinese Diaspora in North America,
the increasing Chinese international students and visiting scholars
in home universities and their limited access to Chinese mass
media, etc.
The participants ambiguous and sometimes even ambivalent
understanding of China and Chinese people showed their limited
access to China related information channels and the lack of
awareness of the importance of imagined communities in CFL
classrooms. Majority of the participants considered China as a
rising superpower, although some of them like Dennis also viewed
China as an ideological enemy of the West world and predicted that
Chinese people may not like Americans due to political conflicts.
The image of Chinese people was always going hand in hand with the
keys words of hard-working, modest and smart. For the Chinese
culture, many participants thought it was mysterious and did not
have much experience of it. The biggest concerns that many
participants had about China included food safety and air
pollution, which were frequently reported in the western mass
media.
Participants choice of the target programs and the target city
was also an investment in China and Chinese CFL programs as
imagined communities during which they have expectations of wider
academic and economic capital as well as more supportive CFL social
networking environment. Frank, Nhu and Norman chose the target
programs because their home universities had student exchange
programs with the target programs or the target city where the
credits or the academic capital their earned in CFL programs could
be completely transferred and recognized in their home
universities. Many participants also made the choice because the
standard accent of the local interlocutors in the target city which
would make their CFL learning and social networking experiences
easier. Frank was a participant who did careful research on the
different dialects in different areas in China. He believed that
the target city was the most standard and would be the best
destination of his CFL learning. Many participants took economic
capital such as scholarships (Sandra, Dennis), tuition discount
(Tina) and tuition transfers (Norman) from home universities as the
top reason of their target program choices. As Norman explained, we
have other choices, (but) this is an exchange program that is
specifically through my university and that means our tuition
transfers. So all the scholarships I got home transfers over here
which is really nice. Dennis even changed his mind of application
for the top universities in Beijing to the target city for the
economic favor because the Chinese consulate in his home town
offered a scholarship for his CFL learning if he chose the programs
in the target city.
For their imagination of CFL learning process in the target
programs and local CFL social networks, many participants expected
a higher Chinese proficiency and fluency after their study abroad
life. For instance, Frank set up a high standard for his Chinese
learning, I was, I thought, if I wanna study Chinese, I wanna study
it really good. I wanna be perfect. I wanna be better... I wanted
to be the foreigner whos speaking the Chinese that everyone else is
speaking. With high motivation of learning Chinese in the target
community, the participants also expected high motivated
environment. As Dennis said, I was thinking that very highly
motivated environment and everyone really want to learn Chinese and
everyone want to speak Chinese. Comparing their CFL learning in
home countries and that in China, many participants further
expected tremendous friend making and CFL social networking
opportunities such as through on campus residence environment,
student clubs and groups. Some participants like Frank and Parveen
expressed high interests of Chinese culture orientation programs.
As foreigners in China, they wished to know more about Chinese
culture and get more involved in the local life, although they did
not have any idea about how local Chinese peoples perceptions of
foreigners and the cultural diversity of the local community.
Among all kinds of expectations, majority of the participants
agreed that language barrier and the difficulty of Chinese learning
would be the biggest challenge of their study abroad life. Sandra
argued that language barrier and how the local program delt with
this issue would indicate the level of loneliness of the
international students. Lyn also expected a custom- tailor
classroom before she came to China which would make her feel more
confident about her Chinese learning.
Imagined communities, actual investment and the construction of
China as imagined communities in CFL classrooms
The alienations between the imagined communities they aspired to
invest in and the real Chinese social networks they invested in
strongly influenced participants actual investment and identity
negotiation in China. Since a learners imagined community invites
an imagined identity and a learners investment in the target
language must be understood within this context (Norton, 2001,
p.166), a good understanding of North American CFL international
students imagined communities of China and the CFL programs in the
target city will make more sense of their actual investment.
If a learning context helps learners belong to their imagined
community, they may become more invested in their language learning
(Trentman, 2013, p. 548), however, the mismatch between imagined
community and actual community may lead to the non-participation of
learners in target community and the failure of their investment.
Many of the participants reported that their understanding of China
as an imagined community constructed in CFL classrooms in their
home countries and from the information of their mass media had
little resemblance to real China they later invested in. Also their
little experiential knowledge of China, especially from the
cross-cultural perspective before their study abroad life, made
them un-prepared during their investment and identity negotiation
in China. In addition, the social context in both local programs
and general social environments were quite beyond their imagination
of supportive and motivated Chinese interlocutors and Chinese
social networks. Their concerns included the lack of cultural
awareness and orientation in both Chinese and home programs, the
differentiated racial treatments and stereotypes towards American
CFL learners in China, English as a world dominant language in
limiting their opportunities in speaking Chinese, informal language
learning and social networking opportunities in CFL social
networks, their interactions with sub-cultural groups in the
process of losing and relocating their identity in the third space
in China, etc.
When the CFL learners finally discovered that the real China was
far removed from their idealized China, their disappointment was
acute and led them to re-image and re-assess their access to
Chinese social networks and Chinese learning process in China.
Since China as imaged communities may profoundly affected the CFL
learners investment in the target language and their commitment to
Chinese learning, the CFL instructors and CFL programs should
purposefully help them create a powerful vision of China , giving
them an important sense of direction for both imaging and
reimaging. Here are the three pedagogical strategies that may help
to construct China as imagined communities in CFL classrooms.
Firstly, CFL programs and instructors imagination of China and
CFL learners future in China as well as learning Chinese have a
great influence on CFL learners construction of China as imagined
communities in CFL classroom. CFL programs and instructors may
frame CFL learners investment and identify possibilities as well
cultural, social and psychological preparation of their study
abroad life. Encouraging, open-minded and culturally sensitive CFL
programs and instructors may compel learners to seek certain kinds
of educational opportunities they might otherwise not seek. Their
particular future trajectories for their students and these visions
also frame their current policies and practices (Kanno &
Norton, 2003, 254).
Secondly, CFL programs and teachers should have clear
perceptions of CFL learners imagined communities of China and its
influence on actual investment. The CFL instructors may use
narrative approach to document and represent the language learners
identities, everyday needs and interests, and hopes for the future
(Dagenais, 2009; Early & Norton, 2012, p. 199). This approach
may be used not only before North American CFL international
students study abroad life in China but also throughout their
actual investment process in the target community and investigate
their re-imagination of China and Chinese people.
Thirdly, the CFL programs and CFL instructors should pay
attention to the construction of China as imagined communities for
the purpose of CFL learners future investment in the target
community. Both the home and target CFL programs should develop
cultural programs which cultivate intercultural perspectives and
include pedagogical aspects which incorporate authentic language
learning materials and familiarize the students with certain
cultural practices (Trentman, 2013). The CFL learners with previous
actual CFL investment in China could also be encouraged to share
their experiences in the classroom and prepare the other CFL
learners for their future investment and challenges in China.
Conclusion
North American CFL international students Chinese learning and
study abroad in China was an investment in their imagined
communities of China. Majority of the participants in this study
had a very clear understanding of the role of China and Chinese in
their future life, which would open up their future job hunting and
identity options. Their visions of China and Chinese people and
their choice of the target city and programs demonstrated in what
imagined communities of China they desired and prepared themselves
to invest in. Based upon their understanding and experiences, I
further examined how CFL teaching could help to construct China as
a imaged and desired community through supportive program design
and classroom practices.
References
1. Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the
Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Revised Edition. London and New
York: Verso.
2. Dagenais, D. (2003). Accessing imagined communities through
multilingualism and immersion education, Journal of Language,
Identity, and Education, 2(4), 269-283.
3. Early, M., & Norton, B. (2012). Language learner stories
and imagined identities, Narrative Inquiry, 22(1), 194-201.
4. Kanno, Y., & Norton, B. (2003). Imagined communities and
educational possibilities: Introduction, Journal of language,
Identity, and Education, 2(4), 241-249.
5. Norton, B. (2001). Non-participation, imagined communities
and the language classroom, Learner Contributions to Language
Learning: New directions in research, 159-171.
6. Norton, B. (2010). Language and identity. Sociolinguistics
and Language Education, pp.349-369.
7. Norton, B., & Toohey, K. (2011). Identity, language
learning, and social change, Language Teaching, 44(04),
412-446.
8. Pavlenko, A., & Norton, B. (2007). Imagined communities,
identity, and English language learning, International Handbook of
English Language Teaching. Springer US., pp. 669-680.
9. Study Abroad. (2013). China Gains Popularity, Rank Increases
on StudyAbroad.com's Top 10 Most Searched Study Abroad Destinations
List. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2013, from
http://www.studyabroad.com/b/study_abroad_news/archive/2011/03/03/china-gains-popularity-rank-increases-on-studyabroad-com-s-top-10-most-searched-study-abroad-destinations-list.aspx
10. Trentman, E. (2013). Imagined Communities and Language
Learning during Study Abroad: Arabic Learners in Egypt, Foreign
Language Annals, 46(4), 545-564.
11. Wenger, E. (1998). Communities of Practice: Learning,
Meaning, and Identity. Cambridge University Press.
7
How to Read and Reading: the Importance of Reading in Learning
Chinese
Ally Li Wang
CA NEW PRESS
Abstract: How to help immigrant children learn Chinese quickly
and efficiently is a huge problem to parents and teachers. This
paper aims to show that reading Chinese books is very necessary for
children in studying Chinese. After an analysis of the importance
of Chinese reading to second generation immigrants, some useful
advices on the choice of books are given.
Key wordsOverseas Chinese teaching, how to read, reading
Reading BuddyStory Party
.
ABC
8
The Compilation and Practice of "Selective Role Taking" Type
of
Chinese Textbook
Wang Zhanhua
Abstract In this paper, some principles of the compilation of
Mandarin Chinese textbooks for native Japanese speakers are
discussed based on the article Finding Differences Through
Comparative Mandarin Chinese" by the same author. The paper
suggests that the linguistic knowledge and abilities of language
learners should be considered as important "teaching resources" in
order to establish the most effective teaching model for Mandarin
Chinese as a second language. At the same time, the author proposes
a hypothesis: Finding Differences from Comparison based on
verifying and complimenting the "Input Hypothesis", "Affective
Filter Hypothesis" and the "Natural Order Hypothesis" by Stephen D.
Krashen.
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3.3Krashen, (Functional Approach)
1. Krashen, S.D. (1985), The Input Hypothesis: Issues and
Implications, New York: Longman.
2. Krashen, S.D. (2003), Explorations in Language Acquisition
and Use, Portsmouth: NH:Heinemann.
3. 1989,333189-207.
4. (2007),
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