SVSocialist Voice

Eugene McCartan

THE TURN-OUT of more than100,000 working peopleon 11 October, followed by

the national mobilisation on 1November, in whichapproximately 200,000 peopletook part in local protestsaround the country, show thatthe Right2Water campaign isgrowing in strength and isdrawing new forces intoresistance against the watercharges.

The campaign is broadeningthe base of resistance and hasrocked the Government and thepolitical establishment.

Credit is due to the coalitionbuilt by the five trade unionsleading the Right2Watercampaign—Mandate, Unite, theCommunications Workers’ Union,the Civil, Public and ServicesUnion, and OPATSI (thePlasterers’ Union)—but also tothe militant self-organised localresistance in many communitiesaround the country. This is a raremoment, and the potential of thisgrowing alliance must be built onand not damaged by narrowpolitical sectarianism andopportunism.

continued overleafcontined from page one

The governmentcan be defeated

Socialist Voice 43 East Essex Street Dublin 2

Communist Party of IrelandPáirtí Cumannach na hÉireann Páirtí Cumannach na hÉireann Partisan Patriotic InternationalistNumber 119 November 2014 €1.5

IN THIS ISSUEEU/US trade deal Page 3Mairia Chaill case Page 4Ebola: Cuba acts Page 5Budget for the well off Page 6Fares rise Page 7Scotland battle Page 8Malala Nobel prize Page 9International Brigade Page 10Poetry Page 11Dracula and imperialism Page 12

The scale of the demonstration inOctober was not the result of anycoverage in the state-controlled RTE orthe corporate media. There was analmost total media black-out leadingup to the mass demonstration. Thepress conference called byRight2Water was attended by RTE andother media, yet nothing appeared onthe television news and little in thenewspapers.While the trade unions set the date

and organised for the day, 100,000working people, largely non-union,responded and descended on thecapital.This union-led campaign has created

momentum and breadth for thedevelopment of this mass mobilisationand has provided a broad umbrella fora whole range of forces and individualsthat the left could not reach or thathave been alienated by the pastactions of certain ultra-left elements.Leaflets and other materials weredistributed through the trade unionstructures to shop stewards andsection committees. More than half amillion leaflets were distributed in amatter of weeks.It is clear from the budget that was

announced in Dáil Éireann a few daysafter the water march that theGovernment is in panic mode, cobblingtogether some concessions onallowances and the like.Irish Water, established by the

Government to oversee the installingof water meters and the collection ofcharges, has turned out to be ashambles. Many of those now runningthe organisation have come from thevery bodies that ran the public watersystem into the ground in the firstplace. They have been shown to be alltoo eager to have their hands in thegreasy till, with their outrageousbonuses and other benefits.What lies behind the imposition of

water charges is the drive tocommodify water and create a revenueflow, thereby establishing a market ripefor privatisation, Once this happens,under EU competition rules it isforbidden to have a “state monopoly,”so privatisation is an absolutecertainty. Denis O’Brien is a significantshareholder in the company nowinstalling water meters.Privatisation is the real agenda, as

agreed under the “Programme forIreland” with the external Troika of theEU, ECB and IMF, with the completeagreement and support of Fianna Fáil,Fine Gael, the Labour Party and theGreen Party and as carried out inperipheral and Third World countries

under “structural adjustment”schemes.

If we are to build on the lastmobilisation then we need tocontinue to broaden out thecampaign against these chargesand to involve more trade unions,community groups, pensioners’organisations, and others. Thecampaign must continue to narrowthe ground on which theGovernment can manoeuvreagainst the growing public angerand resistance.The greater number of people are

opposed to water charges becausethey know full well that it will lead toprivatisation, and that privatecorporations will control the verymeans of life—water. People areaware that if water is privatised, everytime they prepare a bottle of milk fortheir child or a cup of tea or coffee, orsimply have a glass of water, somecorporation will make a profit.The building of this coalition on the

central demand of the right to watercan place it at the heart of politicalstruggle in the next general election. Avictory on the water charges will be aclear rebuttal of the Irishestablishment but more importantly asignificant rebuttal of the EU and IMF.Water charges are the direct result

of the bank bail-out and the impositionof the anti-people illegitimate debtupon the Irish people by the externalTroika in connivance with the Irishestablishment. The Irish people are tocarry the burden of a massivecorporate debt and to pay more than€8 billion in interest charges aloneevery year just to service this debt.We need to go further and raise the

demand for a constitutionalamendment that will enshrine thepublic ownership and control of water,to be developed and used in asustainable way, and make itimpossible to be privatised. Thecurrent talks between the EU and theUnited States on the TransatlanticTrade and Investment Partnership(TTIP) will make this demand evenmore urgent.Pressing the demand for an

amendment to the Constitution ofIreland offers the left an opportunity topresent a positive, forward-looking,progressive approach, rather than howthe mass media want to portray it, asconstantly negative and with noalternative to offer.This is the only way to protect the

public interest at this time from thegrasp of profit-hungry corporateraiders. It can provide an opportunity

to present a positive way forward andbring the struggle to the Governmentand away from the narrow “doubletaxation” argument.Raising the demand of a

constitutional amendment has thepotential to open up the debate aboutthe nature of the economic systemthat gives priority to profits above allelse, above the common good and theprotection of a precious resource andof the environment.

We need to politicise this issueso as to develop the people’sgenuine anger into a wider politicalopposition to the economic andsocial priorities being imposed bythe EU and facilitated by all themain political parties. This wouldalso expose the crass politicalopportunism and electioneering byelements of the left.The demand is for the right to clean

water, the abolition of the watercharges, financing the provision ofwater from general taxation, andguaranteeing public ownership byconstitutional amendment, therebypreventing Governments in the futurefrom attempting to introduce chargesand privatisation.This is the experience from

successful radical struggles in LatinAmerica. We have to develop thepeople’s anger into a consciouspolitical resistance. It was this strategythat successfully led to transformativepolitical change in Bolivia. There canbe such a moment in Ireland if wesuccessfully broaden and politicise thiscampaign, rather than narrowing thefocus for short-term electoralopportunism, which has alreadyalienated militant community forces.This is potentially the first major

challenge to the mantra of “There isno alternative” since the present crisisbegan. We now need to start buildingfor the next mobilisation, outside DáilÉireann, on 10 December.

Socialist Voice page 2

water

s Clonmeldemonstrates

‘The greaternumber ofpeople areopposed towater chargesbecause theyknow full wellthat it will leadtoprivatisation,and thatprivatecorporationswill control thevery means oflife–water’

European Union

Socialist Voice

Nicola Lawlor

THE European Union hasfinally declassified the termsof reference of the EU

Commission in negotiating thehighly secretive agreementknown as the Transatlantic Tradeand Investment Partnership.Despite the secrecy and

unaccountable nature of the talks,those interested in the negotiationshad a good sense of what was comingthrough, looking at similar tradeagreements, understanding the natureof monopoly capitalism globally, andthrough leaked reports, including animportant impact assessment reportcommissioned by the EU itself.The terms of reference now

disclosed, unfortunately, did notsurprise critics. In fact they arguably gofurther, in strengthening the power ofcapital and in particular big business,than we might have thought.It is somewhat ironic that the

declassified document has muchsuperficial language about transparencyand engaging with civil society whenthis document itself, dated June 2013,was released to the public only inOctober 2014, more than a year afternegotiations formally began.As for engaging with civil society, we

know that 93 per cent of all privatemeetings held in advance were withcorporate lobbyists and not civil societyor interested citizens.So, what does it actually say? As

critics have suggested, it specificallytalks about the “reciprocal liberalisationof goods and services . . . with a highlevel of ambition going beyond existingWTO [World Trade Organisation]

commitments” and the “effectiveopening of each other’s markets” while“removing unnecessary obstacles totrade and investment . . . by reachingan ambitious level of regulatorycompatibility for goods and services,including through mutual recognition,harmonisation . . .“This should include specific and

substantive provisions and proceduresin sectors of significant importance tothe transatlantic economy, including,but not limited to, automotives,chemicals, pharmaceuticals and otherhealth industries, Information andCommunication Technologies andfinancial services . . .”Never in the history of such trade

agreements has harmonisation meantthe upward lifting of standards in suchareas as food safety, health and safetyat work, minimum capital ratios,workers’ rights, or other such“obstacles.” The harmonisation will bedownwards and will negatively affectworkers, consumers, citizens, and theenvironment.There are not many tariffs or duties

remaining between the EU and theUnited States, so the obstacles are inlarge part protective standards in theEU regarding food safety, production,labour rights, state enterprises, andother non-trade barriers.“The aim of the negotiations on

trade in services will be to bind theexisting level of liberalisation . . . at thehighest level of liberalisation . . .covering substantially all sectors and allmodes of supply while achieving newmarket access by tackling remaininglong-standing market access barriers. . . aim at including provisions on anti-trust, mergers and state-aids.

Furthermore, the Agreement shouldaddress state monopolies, state ownedenterprises and enterprises entrustedwith special or exclusive rights . . .ensuring unrestricted and sustainableaccess to raw materials.”This is quite simply a recipe for

further liberalisation, and thenprivatisation, which will make stateenterprise unsustainable and ultimatelyillegal. The inclusion of an “investor-to-state dispute settlement mechanism”will mean there is no going back fromprivatisation without a fundamentalbreach with the international legalsystem.The document also outlines the

direction that public procurement willtake, “ensuring treatment no lessfavourable than that accorded to locallyestablished suppliers . . . to addressbarriers having a negative impact oneach other’s public procurementmarkets, including local content orlocal production requirements, inparticular Buy America provisions.”This, without doubt, will favour large

monopoly corporations, which, throughsheer size and scale, will win contractsahead of smaller, more local service-providers.And finally, the document includes a

number of specific references tofinance and capital flows and in thesame vein seeks to increase themobility and flow of capital, free ofbarriers, and harmonise regulations onbanking and finance. (Back to businessas usual.) “The Agreement shallinclude provisions on the fullliberalisation of current payments andcapital movements . . .” This will onlylead to further instability, anarchy, andimbalances between economies.

THE EUROPEAN Central Bankplans to buy rebundled packagesof debt and covered bonds,secured on assets such asproperty. It will include buyingdebt with a credit rating of“junk” from Greece and Cyprus,as long as such countries areunder a formal internationalfinancial programme.

The danger for workingpeople throughout Europe isclear. The ECB will buy “low-quality loan securitisations” atinflated prices as part of its

scheme to buy so-called asset-backed securities. These arecreated by banks poolingmortgages and corporate, car orcredit card loans and sellingthem to insurers, pension funds,and now the ECB.

The credit risks taken byprivate banks would betransferred to the ECB, andtherefore to taxpayers, withoutgetting anything in return. Theincalculable risk is socialised.Those who speculate will makehuge profits and derive great

benefit, while the losses will besocialised, and working peoplethroughout Europe will pay theprice. It’s a win-win for thebanks and finance house.

This is something the CPI hasbeen pointing out for a longtime. These institutions havebeen established to facilitate, toadvance and protect theinterests of finance capital, notto protect the people’sinterests. The announcement bythe ECB is the green light forrisk-free speculation.

EU negotiation terms declassified

Green light for risk-free speculation

‘There are notmany tariffs ordutiesremainingbetween theEU and theUnited States,so theobstacles arein large partprotectivestandards inthe EUregarding foodsafety,production,labour rights,stateenterprises,and other non-trade barriers’

Socialist Voice

Ireland

page 4

The Challengefor TradeUnionism€4 (£3) Postagefree withinIreland, from ConnollyBooks

ForwardtogetherIrelandNew pamphletfrom the ConnollyYouth Movementwww.cym.iefrom ConnollyBooks

An Un desirableAlien: JimmyGralton: TheLife of a LeitrimSocial ist,1886–1945 Des Guckian

€4.50 (£3.50)Connolly Books

Tommy McKearney

READERS COULD be forgiven forfeeling that little more of valuecan be said about the Mairia

Cahill case. The Sunday Independentdevoted sixteen pages of one issue tothe question,* and it was not aloneamong the media in conducting thistype of frenzied investigation.Broadcast and print journalists,internet trolls and a medley ofcommentators joined in what was castas a defining moral issue.

The choice offered was strictly limited,to the point of being Manichean: oneeither joined unreservedly in thecondemnation or was practically deemedguilty of condoning rape and rapists.

No civilised person countenancesrape. It is a vile and terrible crime, andthere can be no ambivalence orequivocation about it or any excuses forprotecting those who commit it.Nevertheless every person is entitled to ahearing, and this applies also to thoseaccused of rape.

This remains a crucial point to bear inmind when looking at this case. No-onehas been found guilty, and the most thatanybody can say is that the chargeremains unproved. Nevertheless,opinions and condemnations are beingdelivered with scant regard for thisimportant fact.

Moreover, it is undeniable that adetermined effort is being made totransform a tragic situation into anopportunity to inflict damage not just onthe Sinn Féin leadership and party but onthe widest possible number ofrepublicans. The debate is skewed in onedirection, ignoring several pertinentaspects of the general issue.

These strident commentators aregiving little consideration, for example, towhat they believe the organisation inquestion should or indeed could havedone, especially in the light of existingreality in the North at the time. Are theysuggesting that the accusation shouldhave been accepted at face value and theaccused punished without ceremony? Arethey realistic when saying the accusedshould have been handed over to thesame authorities that conductedundercover intelligence operationsthrough its Kincora paedophile ring?Could that community have dependedfor help from a police force that valuedthe recruitment of agents as more

important than prosecuting wrongdoing?Of course there are many questions

that should be put to those who took itupon themselves to examine this case inthe first instance. Why was theinvestigation of a Belfast personentrusted to people from his home city?Why did the investigators not seek theadvice of a qualified social worker? Therewere, after all, many within thatmovement who would have assisted.Undoubtedly there are people in Belfastwho have questions to answer, andshould be made do so. However, itremains important to emphasise that anysuch inquiry has to be carried out inorder to uncover the truth and not toconduct a political vendetta.

Moreover, this case has to be viewedholistically. There is the question of how ayoung woman has been mistreated by theseveral institutions involved. And itshould not be overlooked that there ismore than one institution, and noneemerge with great credit. However, thereis also the question of how thisundoubtedly traumatised woman hasbeen used to further an agenda that hasvery little to do with seeking justice forthe abused.

A witch-hunt has been launched, andit is not focusing directly on the personaccused of the crime but on an entireconstituency and community. This is notjust about Gerry Adams or even his SinnFéin party: the onslaught goes muchwider and is not so much aimed at a partyand its leader but is being extended toinclude a strong current in Irish politicallife—a current, no matter what view onehas of it, that in the recent past has daredto challenge the ruling order and tried tosubvert the status quo.

Several sections of the left maintaineda consistent, trenchant and principledcritique of the Provisional IRA campaignwhile it lasted. Their criticism focused onthe limitations of the use of force or on itscounter-productive potential. Theyviewed the IRA campaign as misguided,albeit having a desirable objective. Inmore recent times, sections of the lefthave criticised Sinn Féin for beingopportunist or for entertaining social-democratic illusions.

On both counts the commentary wasmeant constructively, even when robust,biting, or indeed subject to debate.

On the other hand, right-wing supportersof the free market and neo-liberal consensushad and have a different objective when

criticising republicans. In the past they fearedthat IRA success might pitch Ireland intosocialist revolution and thus deprive them oftheir many advantages and assets. Morerecently this element is concerned that theapparent rise and success of Sinn Féin mayleave a lasting impression that challengingthe state does not inevitably bring defeat,isolation, and rejection. However compliantor conformist Sinn Féin may be or maybecome, its electoral rehabilitation riskssetting a bad example as far as the forces ofright-wing conservatism are concerned.

To paint an entire generation of radicalrepublicans as morally degenerate,corrupt and brutally desensitised wouldbe an achievement for ConservativeIreland and its allies abroad. What is atstake is not just the future of a Sinn Féinparty that is gradually becoming centristbut of a much wider constituency thatmakes up one of the great radical forceson this island. What the right wing isseeking is not only the head of GerryAdams but the heart of RepublicanIreland.

Political activists blinded by distastefor the Sinn Féin leadership might wellask themselves whether the IrishIndependent, Fine Gael, DUP and DailyMail are acting as disinterested players.What, they might ponder, are theconsequences of contributing to acampaign led by the most reactionaryelements in the country, a campaign thathas as its primary objective thedestruction of a powerful anti-establishment current?

What if this carefully crafted offensivecan dislodge Sinn Féin from its presentposition. Would it pave the way for aprogressive breakthrough, or would itmerely strengthen the ruling order? Whatwould be the implications in the futurefor a genuinely socialist republicanmovement if a template for itsdestruction is being created now?

Distrust, dislike or even downrightantipathy for Gerry Adams and his partyshould not cloud anyone’s judgement ormislead them into assisting a reactionaryagenda.

Moral outrage not supported by proofis a destructive tool that has been used alltoo often in Ireland, and never in aprogressive cause. We should be carefulnot to follow the piper before finding outwhere he is leading us.

*Sunday Independent, 26 October 2014.

Transforming a tragedy into an opportunity

page 5 Socialist Voice

Tomás Mac Síomóin

THE YAWNING gap betweensocialist and neo-liberalvalues is reflected in the

response to the call by thesecretary-general of the UnitedNations, Ban Ki-moon, forinternational assistance to stemthe deadly advance of the Ebolavirus in Africa. Cuba’s responsewas immediate and massive; theEuropean Union heaved andbrought forth—a mouse!The urgency of a rapid response to

Ebola was emphasised last month atan extraordinary summit in Havana ofALBA (the Bolivarian Alliance for thePeoples of Our America). It was calledby the president of Venezuela, NicolásMaduro, to plan emergency measuresfor fighting this highly infectious viraldisease. It has already caused almost5,000 deaths in West Africa, andpossibly 15,000, according to theWorld Health Organisation, andthreatens millions, and not only inAfrica.Even to slow down its spread,

international aid needs a twenty-foldincrease, says Ban Ki-moon.ALBA was founded ten years ago by

two socialist states, Cuba andVenezuela, to oppose US governmentinterference in the Caribbean andCentral America. It now embraces nineLatin American and Caribbeancountries: Antigua and Barbuda,Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica, Ecuador,Nicaragua, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincentand the Grenadines, and Venezuela.Presidents Evo Morales of Bolivia,Michel Martelly of Haïti, Daniel Ortega

of Nicaragua and Nicolás Maduro ofVenezuela, the UN special envoy forEbola Affairs, David Navarro, and thedirector of the Pan-American HealthOrganisation, Carissa Etienne,attended. The president of Ecuador,Rafael Correa, was also represented.The president of Cuba, Raúl Castro,

set the tone of the meeting.I am convinced that if this menaceis not stopped in West Africa byimmediate and efficient internationalresponse, with adequate resources,co-ordinated by the World HealthOrganisation and the United Nations,it could become one of the worstepidemics in human history . . . Istress our willingness to work withother countries, even the UnitedStates . . . The Ebola threat is tooserious to be made into a politicalfootball.

Cuba’s response to the UnitedNations call (largely ignored by thecapitalist media) reflects this sense ofurgency. The UN secretary-generalstated in his message to the summitthat Cuba’s response exceeds that ofMédecins Sans Frontières (DoctorsWithout Borders), the InternationalRed Cross, the United States(acknowledged, grudgingly, by thesecretary of state, John Kerry), Britain,or China.On 1 October a Cuban anti-Ebola

brigade—fifty doctors, a hundrednurses, three epidemiologists, threeintensive-care specialists, threeinfection-control specialist nurses, andfive social mobilisation officers—reached Sierra Leone. On 21 Octobertwo further brigades, preceded by

advance parties, reached Liberia andGuinea.The 461 volunteers now in the

affected areas add to the more than4,000 Cuban medical personnel inthirty-two African countries, including2,269 doctors, some of whom willintegrate with the anti-Ebolacampaign.Volunteers agree not to be

repatriated to Cuba should they becontaminated by, or die from, thevirus. “Cuba is the only country I knowresponding with human resources interms of health doctors and nurses,”said the chairperson of the AfricanUnion, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma.In spite of being subject to a

debilitating internationally condemnedUS blockade for the last fifty-twoyears, Cuba has one of the world’sfinest medical systems, offering itscitizens a free universal health serviceand co-operating internationally afternatural disasters and epidemics. Itcared for 40 per cent of the victims ofthe Haïtian earthquake in 2010.Almost 50,000 Cuban-trained healthprofessionals work in the world’spoorer regions.The delegates to the Havana

Summit signed a 23-point declarationcalling for bio-security groups led byexpert Cuban facilitators, improvementin the flow of information betweenparticipating countries, thereinforcement of airports and vigilanceon national borders, and increaseddiagnostic laboratory facilities.Given this emergency—and in sharp

contrast to ALBA’s human solidarity—EU foreign affairs ministers, gatheredin Luxembourg, failed to agree on anyconcrete measures at all for assistingareas in Africa affected by Ebola. Allthey could come up with was thepossible appointment of someEurocrat to oversee some undefinedEuropean response.The EU’s irresponsible shilly-shallying

and its covert racism, contrasted withCuba’s whole-hearted response to theneeds of Ebola-stricken Africa, reflecta dilemma facing the world’s peoples:should they fight for a future based ongenuine human values or on a dog-eat-dog capitalism, whose response tohuman suffering is subject to narrowfinancial considerations?The choice is between adopting the

humanitarian ideology of socialism andthe EU-US neo-liberal way, whichsubjects the fate of nations to agreedy minority’s financial interests.Put more bluntly, our choice is

between socialism and barbarism!

Ebola: EU dithers, Cuba acts

solidarity

Socialist Voice page 6

capitalist values

THE TAX measuresannounced in the recentbudget will cost €405

million annually, and they onlyapply to those earning €32,800per year (€630.77 per week) in2014 if single or €41,800(€803.85) if married. This isvery unfair to lower-paid workers.The changes in the universal social

charge affect only those whose incomewas more than €10,036 (€193) in2014. The benefit increases asincome rises, to €17,576 (€338); atthat point the benefit is €174.20(€3.35), and all taxpayers at incomesabove this level get this €174.20.The cost of changes in the universal

social charge is only €237 million ayear. It is important to note that, evenafter the budget changes, the chargeis applied to incomes above €12,012(€231), while income tax becomespayable after €16,500 (€317.31) fora single person or €33,000 (€634.62) for a married person.The Christmas bonus of 25 per cent

will cost €63.5 million. It will be givenin December 2014 and, if funds areavailable, again in December 2015.This does not apply to any of the othermeasures, so social welfare recipientsare being singled out for specialtreatment.The increase in children’s allowance

of €5 per month per child (€120 peryear) will be given to all families withchildren, regardless of income, as isclear from table 2.The massive increase of 40 cents on

a packet of twenty cigarettes will raise€53 million annually, which will hitthose on low incomes more than thoseon high incomes, because they tend tosmoke more.Altogether, the budget was obviously

geared towards those on highincomes. They benefited from thechanges in tax, the changes in theuniversal social charge, the waterservices rebate, and the changes inchildren’s allowance. And they will beless affected by the tax increase oncigarettes.

Single personTable 1 shows the effect of the budgeton different income levels. It includesthe effect of the water charges at arate of €175.68 per year.A person over twenty-five receiving

social assistance will be €28.68worse off in 2015 (€0.55 per week).They will not get any benefit from the

tax and USC measures. They will get aChristmas bonus of €47 and a watercharge rebate of €100.A person on the minimum wage will

be €33.66 better off in 2015 (€0.65per week). They will not get any benefitfrom the tax measures. They will get€35.14 of a water charges rebate,and the changes in USC give them abenefit of €174.20.A person on the average wage will

be €255.66 better off in 2015(€4.91 per week). They will get abenefit from the tax measures thatkick in at €32,800. They will get

€35.14 of a water charges rebate,and the changes in USC give them abenefit of €174.20.A person on €70,000 per year will

be €605.66 better off in 2015(€11.64 per week). They will get abenefit from the tax measures(€572.00) that kick in at €32,800.They will get a water charges rebate of€35.14, and the changes in USC givethem a benefit of €174.20.Single people paid more than

€70,000 will benefit by a similaramount. This is because of the claw-back of the 1 per cent tax reduction,

A budget for the well off

2EFFECT OF BUDGET CHANGESMarried household two children

Social Minimum Average Wageassistance wage wage

Weekly 312.80 346.00 673.08 1,346.15incomeAnnual 16,265.60 17,992.00 35,000.00 70,000.00incomeUniversal 174.20 174.20 174.20social charge

Tax 482.00changeChildren’s 120.00 120.00 120.00 120.00allowanceXmas 78.20bonusWater –278.16 –278.16 –278.16 –278.16chargeAnnual 20.04 71.67 71.67 553.67net change

Weekly –0.38 1.38 1.38 10.65net change

1EFFECT OF BUDGET CHANGES Single household

Social Minimum Average Wageassistance wage wage

Weekly 188.00 346.00 673.08 1,346.15incomeAnnual 9,776.00 17,992.00 35,000.00 70,000.00incomeUniversal 174.20 174.20 174.20social charge

Tax 222.00 572.00measuresWater 100.00 35.14 35.14 35.14chargerebateXmas 47.00bonusWater –175.68 –175.68 –175.68 –175.68chargeAnnual –28.68 33.66 255.66 605.66net change

Weekly –0.55 0.65 4.91 11.64net change

page 7

Ireland

Socialist Voice

Bus and trainfares rise again■ Brendan Gallagher

There is yet more pain for ordinary people asthe cost of using public transport has shotup. All fares for buses, trains and trams were

increased on 1 November by as much as 28 percent. This means that the cost of using publictransport has risen by nearly 40 per cent since2012.

These increases are a direct result ofGovernment policy and its cuts to public transportsubventions.

The people most hurt most by the increases areworkers on low incomes and young people. It isthese same workers and young people who aresimultaneously being crucified by rent increases bythe parasitic landlord class. As a result they havebeen forced to live further out from the cities,which makes their commute to work moreexpensive. A single bus fare in Dublin is now€3.30 for those travelling more than thirteenstops. This means a worker travelling into the cityfrom the suburbs will be paying €6.60 for theirdaily commute—almost an hour’s labour on theminimum wage.

For the unemployed the situation is even worse,to the point where searching for work will becometoo expensive for some.

Yet the Government tells us there is aneconomic recovery. There is no doubt thatGovernment policies have led to a revival for thebankers, landlords, business leaders, and othereconomic elites. However, the ordinary people ofIreland have endured six years of cuts andregressive taxes.

Those who believed a vote for the Labour Partyin the 2011 general election would shield peoplefrom the effects of austerity have been proved tobe extremely naïve. As always, the Labour Party ingovernment has been nothing more than the red tieon the blue shirt.

The strategy of the corrupt Irish elite is toextract as much wealth as possible from ordinarypeople, and transfer it to themselves and theirinternational capitalist masters. They havesucceeded in doing this through massive bank bail-outs, shifting the tax burden onto ordinary people,forcing up property prices and rents, driving downwages, and making massive cuts to public services.

The huge increases in public transport faresover the last three years are just a single part ofthis strategy of transferring wealth upwards.Workers and young people need to get organisedto resist the Irish establishment and their bankerbosses, who wish to erode our standard of living sothat they can increase theirs.

Not until this government has been booted out,and replaced with a government that serves theordinary people, i.e. a socialist government, willIreland be able to get the public transport servicethat its people deserve.

from 41 to 40 per cent, in the highertax rate by an increase in the USCfrom 7 to 8 per cent on incomes over€70,044 (€1,347 per week).It’s clear from the table that the

benefit goes up as income goes up,and that those receiving social welfarewill be worse off.

Married person with two childrenTable 2 shows the effect of the budgeton different income levels. It includesthe effect of the water charges at arate of €278.16 per year.A person over twenty-five receiving

social assistance will be €28.68better off in 2015 (€0.38 per week).They will not get any benefit from thetax and USC measures. They will get aChristmas bonus of €47, a rebate of€100 in the water charge, and €120extra in children’s allowance.A person on the minimum wage will

be €76.68 better off in 2015 (€1.38per week). They will not get any benefitfrom the tax measures. They will get arebate in the water charge of €55.63,a benefit of €174.20 from the USCchanges, and €120 extra in children’sallowance.A person on the average wage will

be €255.66 better off in 2015(€71.67 per week). They will get abenefit from the tax measures thatkick in at €32,800. They will get arebate of €35.14 in the watercharges, and the USC changes givethem a benefit of €174.20, with€120 extra in children’s allowance.A person on a wage of €70,000 will

be €553.67 better off in 2015(€11.64 per week). They will get abenefit from the tax measures (€482)that kick in at €41,800. They will geta rebate in water charges of €35.14,and the USC changes give them abenefit of €174.20, with €120 extrain children’s allowance.Married people on incomes over

€70,000 will benefit by a similaramount because of the claw-back ofthe 1 per cent tax reduction, from 41to 40 per cent, in the higher tax rate,and an increase in the USC from 7 to8 per cent on incomes over €70,044(€1,347 per week).

The benefit to a single personon €70,000 is approximately 17times the benefit to someone onthe minimum wage, while thebenefit to a married person on€70,000 is 7 times that ofsomeone on the minimum wage.The ratios are worse when thecomparison is with social welfarerecipients. All in all, a fair budgetà la Fine Gael and Labour.

One woman’sexperience ofJob BridgeMaria’s story

IHAD STARTED working in1983 after completing adecent Leaving Cert. Life was

simple then, and over the nextfourteen years I had moved fromworking for a small localcompany to working in a majorinternational conglomerate as PAto the chief executive.

In 1996 I got married, and thefollowing year our first child wasborn. My husband and I decidedthat one of us should give upwork to mind our children. Iagreed to give up work, eventhough I was earning far morethan my partner. Some yearslater, in 2009, I took up a coursein women’s studies, which wassponsored by one of theuniversities.

The course lasted four years,and I graduated with a diploma inwomen’s studies last June. In2013 I had decided to re-enterthe work-place after finishing acomputer course—another one ofthese measures that wouldhopefully “maximise myemployment prospects,” as theGovernment is so fond of tellingus. I got a few days here andthere before getting a positionfor three months at the end ofthe year.

It was a boost to my morale tobe earning money again. Thenagain, it wasn’t simply of my ownvolition that I returned toemployment. My spouse hadn’treceived a pay rise since 2008,which means his net wage hasfallen, as his employer’s pensioncontributions have stoppedaltogether.

I signed up with variousrecruitment web sites in the newyear, yet the only part-timepositions available (it wouldn’t bepractical for me to accept a full-time post) were part of the JobBridge scheme, which I wasn’teligible for. At the end of March Ispotted an offer on one of theseweb sites for a company basednearby, and I applied for it,despite the Job Bridge tag.

contined on page 9

Socialist Voice page 8

Mícheál Mac Aonghusa

REGARDLESS of theoutcome, the Scottishreferendum has rocked the

British establishment to its core.Queen Elizabeth Windsor may bepurring, but her political highcommand is not. Although the initial reaction of their

political hierarchs to the result was, nodoubt, one of relief, they have to faceup to the fact that 45 per cent of theelectorate, and the majority of Scotsunder fifty-five, voted for independence,led by large areas of working-classconcentration: Glasgow, Dundee, westDunbartonshire, and north Lanarkshire.Almost more frightening for them has

been the emergence, with a huge levelof spontaneity, of a radical anti-imperialist grass-roots movement. Everyissue of importance in futuregovernance was discussed in the home,pub, community hall and even kirk byhundreds of thousands of people, mostof whom had no previous significantpolitical involvement. This was despitethe mobilisation of all thecommunications and propagandamechanisms of the state to smotherthe trend towards independence.Indeed the campaign was an eye-

opener for those who hold the social-democratic view of the state as a kindof neutral instrument that merelymonitors democracy and allows theelectorate to make its own choices. Theestablishment employed the well-testedstrategy of creating economic andpolitical uncertainty, with well-timedannouncements by leading economicforces that they would “withdraw” orshift their headquarters out ofScotland—classic tools in the imperialtoolbox, used on countless occasions toremove non-compliant governments butnow used in the imperial heartlands.Many Scottish people have come to

realise that the state is the primeapparatus of the ruling class and thatthe major media are, directly orindirectly, arms of the state.The imperial Labour Party was

challenged at the last leg of thecampaign as opinion polls showed thatthe working class had been convincedthat they may have some chance ofreturning to traditional social-democratic solutions in Scotland. Thewarmonger Gordon Brown certainlypushed the No camp over the line. Butin reality they are the real losers, asthey are no longer wanted.The English Tories will now make

every effort to cut off the Scottish MPs

from having any impact on what theywill sell as “English” affairs, cleverlyoutmanoeuvring the Labour Party.Westminster will no doubt attempt to

give greater devolution without realdevolution, using the subvention toensure indirect political control andmake sure its economic and politicalinterests are secure.Sneering, bullying and threatening

were the order of the day, until thewhole of the English oligarchy suddenlyfelt the need to reveal their love forScotland and to promise the sun,moon, and stars—promises thatevaporated the morning after thereferendum. Even the “celebs” weremobilised. That gallant knight of therealm, Bob Geldof, opined that theUnited Kingdom was “one of thegreatest ideas invented”!A successful Yes vote would have

created a momentum for changethroughout these islands and beyond.The beginning of the dismantling of theimperialist construct, the UnitedKingdom, would have had a hugepsychological and practical effect.Its effect on Ireland would be

enormous, as it would deal a huge blowto Orangeism and undermine unionism.It would mean that administrations andall political tendencies would be forcedto prepare for the final collapse of theUK structure and the inevitability of anall-Ireland state. And, of course, theNorth is of much less strategic interestto London than Scotland. On top ofthat, events in Scotland have dimmedthe notion of “Britishness,” even inEngland.The imperialist powers have been

quite enthusiastic about abolishingmultinational states in eastern Europe,in line with their interests and strategy;but in the heart of the imperialmetropolis they need to maintain strongcentralised states. The weakening ofthe British state is something they can’tafford.Of course Scottish independence

would not of itself mean that thatcountry would break with imperialism inthe immediate future. The biggestcontinuing infringement on itsindependence would be membership ofthe EU, which—despite what itsspokespersons were saying—wouldwelcome a new member with openarms, in the manner of spiders andflies. Scotland might also be pressuredinto membership of NATO andinvolvement in imperial wars.It is possible, however, to be

optimistic that they would not be ableto impose that so easily, as the majorityof Scots have shown opposition to allthe imperial wars of the last twenty

‘Of courseScottishindependencewould not ofitself meanthat thatcountry wouldbreak withimperialism inthe immediatefuture. Thebiggestcontinuinginfringementon itsindependencewould bemembership ofthe EU,which–despite whatitsspokespersonswere saying–wouldwelcome a newmember withopen arms, inthe manner ofspiders andflies. Scotlandmight also bepressured intomembership ofNATO andinvolvement inimperial wars’

Scottish independence

A drawn battle

page 9 Socialist Voice

years, and there is fury at the revelationthat Whitehall was considering thepossibility of the nuclear base atFaslane being constituted as a crowndependency or a sovereign base area,as in Cyprus. (Indeed it was publiclyhinted that a similar arrangement wasintended for Shetland and its adjacentoilfields.)Scottish Labour imported the rather

ridiculous Ed Milliband, the laughableJohn Prescott (who had the“revolutionary idea” that the Scottishfootball team should be subsumed intoa “British” squad), and a circus ofEnglish MPs, many of whom had neverbeen in the country before, escorted inby party outriders to add bulk to theunionist campaign. In doing so itcommitted self-immolation, losingvoters, members and activists for ever.Its right-wing leadership has nothing tooffer Scots except cuts, furtherfinancialisation of its economy, andmore recruitment for foreign wars.The unionist cause was also backed,

somewhat shamefacedly, by a leftsectarianism that opposedindependence because such adevelopment would not automaticallylead to socialism. Doing so placedthem objectively on the imperialist side.One is reminded of what Lenin had tosay in 1916:To imagine that social revolution isconceivable without revolts by smallnations in the colonies and inEurope, without revolutionaryoutbursts by a section of the pettybourgeoisie with all its prejudices,without a movement of the politicallynon-conscious proletarian and semi-proletarian masses againstoppression by the landowners, thechurch, and the monarchy, againstnational oppression, etc.—to imagineall this is to repudiate socialrevolution. So one army lines up inone place and says, “We are forsocialism,” and another somewhereelse and says, “We are forimperialism,’ and that will be a socialrevolution!

The rulers of Britain seem to havewon this battle, but they themselvesknow that it has been a pyrrhic victoryand that it signals the beginning of theend of the United Kingdom construct.In reality it has been a drawn battle.

Two things are certain. Firstly, thewarlords and financiers know theyhave to realign their interests andcreate new structures to preservetheir power. Secondly, sooner or laterScotland will be independent. Noteven the SNP can prevent it.

Nobel Prize winner Malala:“Socialism is the only answer”Tomás Mac Síomóin

YOU WOULD think that the modern NobelPeace Prize is a CIA invention. Shamelesswar criminals, like Henry Kissinger and

Barack Obama, scooped it, after all.So we smell a rat when the capitalist media praise the

bravery of its latest recipient, a seventeen-year-oldPakistani girl, Malala Yousafzai, who stood up to Talibanaggression—as if her achievement justifies the US illegalinvasion of Afghanistan and that this “helped” theAfghanis, apart from the thousands killed and maimed inthe process!You would never think from capitalist media reports that

the real Malala is an anti-drone activist and committedsocialist. When she declared before the United Nations,“One child, one teacher, one book and one pen canchange the world,” Western media and propagandists(same thing) were happy that she seemed to be ignoringthe horrific poverty that is the inevitable result ofimperialism’s exploitative mechanisms.When she advocated “a glorious struggle against

illiteracy, poverty, and terrorism,” only two of these threethings were emphasised by the western media. (Guesswhich one is excluded!)For Malala herself understands that education per se

cannot provide billions of impoverished people with food,clean water, and health care. She stresses the importancenot only of promoting education but also of directlycombating poverty—a call that falls on the presstitutes’deaf ears. The same press that filters Malala’s messagesselectively, lauding her advocacy of non-violence, happilyacclaimed the obscene violence of the US invasion andoccupation of Afghanistan. Though it records her thoughtson education and non-violence, it ignores those aspects ofMalala that oppose US drone strikes and capitalism itself.Malala met Obama last year in the White House. The

press praised Obama and his family for interrupting theirbusy schedule to meet the teenage activist. She said she“expressed my concerns that drone attacks are fuellingterrorism. Innocent victims are killed in these acts, andthey lead to resentment among the Pakistani people.”Obama ignored her, continuing to sign his now notoriousTuesday morning drone death lists. The White House lefther comment out of its official statement.Just as dishonest is the media silence regarding

Malala’s politics. In March 2013 she sent a message tothe 32nd Congress of Pakistani Marxists. Her statementreads: “I’d like to thank the International Marxist Tendencyfor giving me a chance to speak last year at their SummerMarxist School in Swat and also for introducing me toMarxism and socialism . . . I would like to send myheartfelt greetings to this year’s congress. I am convincedsocialism is the only answer, and I urge all comrades totake this struggle to a victorious conclusion. Only this willfree us from the chains of bigotry and exploitation.”This is the “hidden” Malala, who recognises that true

liberation takes more than education, that it needssocialist rather than bourgeois democracy. “Socialism isthe only answer, and I urge all comrades to take thisstruggle to a victorious conclusion.” Her call was notrecorded by capitalism’s media circus . . .

continued from page 7

Soon afterwards I got a calland went for the interview.

I told them that I wasn’teligible for the Job Bridgescheme, to which they replied,“Well, that changes things.” Iwas offered a six-monthplacement at €100 a week fortwenty-five hours’ work.

They indicated that therewould be a permanent placementat the end of the contract. Iaccepted, as I wasn’t going toget the experience elsewhereand thought this would look goodon my CV.

My spouse was disgusted atthe news, and the kids wereslightly aghast, but they saw myside, and I knuckled down.

I enjoyed the work, althoughthe employer always kept me at adistance and never spoke to meonce during the six months aboutmy position, even though I wastasked with exactly the same roleas my colleague in customerservice. I was confident that Iwould be kept on, as I wasalways kept busy.

My six months were up at theend of October, and when nodiscussion regarding a futureposition seemed forthcoming, Ie-mailed my boss.

I was called in to the officeand promptly told that I was nolonger any use to the company. Iwas given the excuse that myemployer had recently beensuffering from back pain andwould be staying in the office infuture, and therefore someoneelse could be transferred fromaccounts to customer service. Iwas given a week’s notice andtold that I could do up my ownreference. That was the end of it.

A month has passed since Iwas let go, and I feel cheated. Idon’t regret taking up the six-month placement in the firstinstance, as I really hadn’t anyother options. I am probably onlyone of thousands of people inthis country who just want a half-decent job so as to ease thefinancial burden but have beenduped by an unscrupulous,miserly employer who simplydoesn’t want to pay a properwage.

He moves on, unperturbed byit all, and will probably do thesame thing again.

Socialist Voice page 10

The Friends of the International Brigades’ third annual essaycompetition for second-level students will accept essays onany aspect of the role and experiences of the members ofthe International Brigades that relate to Ireland, eitherduring or after the Spanish Civil War (1936–39).The aim of the competition is to develop young people’s

interest in modern history and in particular an appreciationof the ideals and activities of the volunteers in theInternational Brigades. We thus hope to carry out the wordsspoken by the great Republican leader Dolores Ibárruri whenshe told those watching the brigades’ farewell march in theautumn of 1938 to tell their children about these volunteerswho came to Spain to defend democracy.In today’s world we are living through times which recall

the dangers and the challenges of the 1930s, and we needto recall the aspirations and deeds of those who risked theirlives for a cause that remains as a lesson and a warning tous today.• The final version of each essay, in either English or Irish,should not be more than 1,500 words in length.• At least three sources should be consulted, and the essayshould have footnotes indicating when these sources arebeing quoted or relied upon in the text.• Any student up to nineteen years of age in any second-level course anywhere in Ireland during the time of thecompetition is eligible to enter, provided the essay is e-mailed to the FIBI before the deadline and is accompaniedby contact details for the teacher or the course supervisorwho can confirm the student’s age and participation in asecond-level course.• The FIBI’s e-mail address for essays and contact details isfibispainessaycomp2014@gmail.com. All queries and othermessages should go to our usual e-mail address,fibispain36to39@gmail.com. We recommend submittingessays in PDF format as an e-mail attachment.• The deadline for submitting essays is Thursday 20November 2014.• All entrants will receive a certificate attesting to theiressay, suitable for inclusion in CVs etc.• All decisions by the judges are final.Further details about the competition and the Friends of

the International Brigades in Ireland are on its Facebookpage atwww.facebook.com/SpanishCivilWarEssayCompetition/info.The organisers also hope to arrange an event for the

writers of the essays placed first and second, and the mostoriginal essay, to read their essays here in Ireland.

our history

Friends of the InternationalBrigades in IrelandStudent Essay Competition2014–15

Cairde na mBriogáidíIdirnáisiúnta in ÉirinnComórtas Aiste do Dhaltaí2014–2015Tá Cairde na na mBriogáidí Idirnáisiúnta in Éirinn aglainseáil an dara comórtas aiste do dhaltaí dara leibhéal.Tabharfar cuireadh don bhuaiteoir a aiste a léamh iMadrid Dé hAoine 20 Feabhra 2015 agus freastal archomóradh bliantúil Chath Jarama Dé Sathairn 21Feabhra 2015, chomh maith le tuismitheoir nócaomhnóir. Díolfar as na heitiltí agus as an lóistín, maraíonna againne agus ag AABI (Cairde na mBriogáidí Idir -náisiúnta i Madrid).Bíodh ábhar an aiste aon ghné de pháirt nó d’eispéiris

bhaill na mBriogáidí Idir náisiúnta as Éirinn i rith ChogadhCathartha na Spáinne nó an tionchar a d’imir an cogadhar bhaill na mBriogáidí ina dhiaidh.Tá cead ag aon dalta idir sé bliana déag agus naoi

mbliana déag d’aois atá ag freastal ar chúrsa daraleibhéal i scoil, i bprintíseacht nó in institiúid oideachais irith thréimhse an chomórtais aiste a chur isteach ach é achur isteach roimh mheán oíche Déardaoin 20 Samhain2014, mar aon le sonraí teagmhála an dalta agus sonraíteagmhála múinteoir nó maoirseoir cúrsa le go dtig aoisan dalta a dheimhniú.Is féidir aistí a chur isteach i nGaeilge nó i mBéarla. Ní

mór dóibh a bheith suas le 1,600 focal, agus ní mór gachfoinse d’fhíricí a bheith luaite.Cuirtear na haistí agus na sonraí teagmhála chuig

fibispainessaycomp2014@gmail.com.Gheobhaidh gach dalta a chomh líonann na

coinníollacha thuas teastas a dheimhníonn gur ghlac sépáirt sa chomórtas.Beidh cinntí na moltóirí críochnaitheach.Tá rún ag lucht eagraithe an chomórtais imeacht a

shocrú in Éirinn ag a léifidh scríbhneoir na n�aistí sachéad áit agus sa dara háit, agus scríbhneoir an aiste iscruthaithí, a gcuid saothar.Is é aidhm an chomórtas suim daoine óga sa nua-stair

a spreagadh, go háirithe i dtaca le hidéil agus le beartana n�óglach sna Briogáidí Idir náisiúnta. Ba mhaith linn achinntiú go bhfíorófar aisling an mhór chinnire PoblachtachDolores Ibárruri nuair a d’impigh sí ar na daoine a bhí agamharc ar mháirseáil dheireanach na mBriogáidí ibhfómhar na bliana 1938 insint dá bpáistí faoi nahóglaigh a tháinig chun na Spáinne leis an daonlathas achosaint.Sa lá atá inniu ann tá contúirtí agus dúshláin na 1930í

le feiceáil arís, agus ní mór dúinn smaoineamh ar bheartaagus ar mhianta na ndaoine sin a chuir a n�anam i mbaolmar mhaithe le cúis ar ceacht agus rabhadh dúinn anois í.

Calling allartists &designers

To mark thecentenary of the1916 Rising theCPI is invitingdesigners and

artists to submit adesign for a badgeto celebrate thisimportant event.

The winning designwill be chosen bythe artist Robert

Ballagh during theSocialist VoiceFestival in May

2015.

Submissions canbe made either bye-mail or on paper(maximum of five

colours). Thebadge will be castin metal, 25 mmin diameter. The

winning entrant willalso receive €100

in prize money.

For thecompetition rules

e-mailcpoi@eircom.net.

page 11

poetry

Socialist Voice

CONNOLLYHBOOKSDublin’s oldest radical bookshop is named after James Connolly, Ireland’s socialist pioneer and martyr

The place for�H Irish history�Hpolitics�H philosophy�H Marxist classics�H feminism�H trade union affairs�H environmental issues H progressive literature H radical periodicals

43 East Essex Street, Dublin between Temple Bar and Parliament Street (01) 6708707 connollybooks@eircon.net

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Socialist Voice & UnityTake out a subscription to Socialist Voice by sending €15 (£10) to SocialistVoice, 43 East Essex Street, Dublin 2, for one year (10–12 issues). This rate includes postage within Ireland; rates for other countries on request.)Free subscription to the email edition of Socialist Voice by sending us an e-mail. Take out a subscription to Unity by sending £20 for 6 months or £40 for12 months to Unity, PO Box 85, Belfast BT1 1SR. This rate includes postage within Ireland: rates for other countries on request.

I am not out ofplaceRichard Bryant

I am not out of place,I am not out of time,My beliefs are strong,And they are mine.For I no longer believeWhat I was told,The lies are wrong,History was retoldTo the throng,Profits must beDrained from sand and sea,While children starve,On my street.With my voice,With my feet,I’ll change the plan,Wait and see.Our comrades knowThe truth will float,With our work,All may hopeTo live freeFrom chains and ropes,When the truth is told,To the fullest scope.

It is amazing�Richard BryantIt is amazing,that the cruelty perfected,among thatched huts of Kenya,would be neatly packaged,and forever burned,into Irish memories,as minds were turned,from despair to hope,or royalty adjourned,people free,and of war unconcerned.

Under the RedBanner of TruthRichard Bryant

Under the red banner,My comrades lived,Under the red banner,My comrades are alive,Under the red banner,We continue to look,North,South,East,West,Anywhere we find the oppressed,Tell their story,Disconnect their distress,Ideologies which are hoary,Because we wish to impress?No,Because the truth must be expressed.

Yámá, Dia anBháisGabriel Rosenstock

Yámá,Chonac do ghadhar ceathairshúileachIs níor scanraíodh méChaitheas cnámh chuigeChonac tú féin ansinAr muin buabhaill uisceLúb rópa i do lámh chléChun an t-anam a stracadh as mochorp –Ach nílimse marbhImigh leat anoisIs aimsigh corpán ceart duit féin

Istigh i nDáil Éireann!

Yama, God ofDeathYama,I saw your four-eyed dogAnd was not afraidI threw him a boneThen I saw yourselfRiding a water buffaloA loop of rope in your left handTo tear the soul out of my body –But I’m not deadOff you go nowAnd find a real corpse for yourself

Inside in Dáil Éireann!

Socialist Voice

culture

page 12

Dracula and the horror of imperialism

Jenny Farrell

MANY READERS tend toregard novels, and filmsbased on their contents,

as mere “entertainment,” i.e. aspleasant ways to pass the time.The idea that the creators ofsuch stories may use them tosend a “message” to the reader,still less an ideological message,seldom occurs to them—and stillless again the idea that thismessage may encode a stringentcritique of the prevailing politicaland economic order, whether itsoriginal creator consciouslyintended it or not!Nor could these original creators

foresee that the literary images theycreated would inspire the creations ofideologically motivated film directors.Thus the Gothic and, later, horror

genres, which began in the middle ofthe eighteenth century, enjoy anunbroken tradition to this day. Boththese art forms were intrinsically linkedto developing capitalist societies andemerged during the period leading upto the French Revolution. From thereon they express an underlying sense of

horror and madness that subvertsprevailing ruling-class assertions aboutthe right and reason of their system.The Irish writer Bram Stoker added a

new dimension to this aesthetic ofhorror with his novel Dracula (1897),about the vampire who lives bysucking blood from people, therebykilling them and turning them in turninto vampires.Such an apt image for the advent of

imperialism wasn’t lost on the artistsof his time. As the major colonialpowers went to war over their colonialspoils, Germany and Britain looking fortheir “fair share,” in Stoker’s Draculathe act of property acquisition by aforeign aristocrat, facilitated by anEnglish lawyer and his employer, bringsthe lifeblood-sucking vampire into theordinary world. This is the horror: evilcan enter the ordinary world, wreakinghavoc and threatening the lives ofmany, with the help of “respectable”lawyers selling property.This image struck a chord with the

German expressionist film-maker F. W.Murnau. He based the first horror filmin cinema history on Dracula, shot in1921, just three short years after theappalling horror of the First World War.The film-makers avoided copyrightissues by changing the story around abit and calling it Nosferatu: ASymphony of Horror. (“Nosferatu”appears in the novel as the word forthe Undead.)Some of the other changes,

however, are very interesting indeed.One is that the property deal, with allits horrendous implications, isemphasised. Murnau fuses the estateagent with Stoker’s madman,Dracula’s servant Renfield, who willnot allow the certain onset of evil toprevent the property deal!

The other plot change worth notingin the light of then recent history isthat evil is destroyed—but only at thecost of innocent human life, as is alsothe case in Stoker’s novel.When Werner Herzog of the New

German Cinema movement, in aneffort to reconnect with pre-NaziGerman cinema, made a new versionof Nosferatu in 1979 he, unlikeMurnau, takes from Stoker’s text theidea that, once infected by Dracula,people will turn into vampires unlessthey are killed and a stake put throughtheir heart!Once again the estate agent is a

madman, prepared to risk the lives ofmany people in order to make a goodprofit through property sales. As inMurnau’s film, he is in cahoots withDracula. In a horrific extension of theoriginal idea, as Dracula’s servant heis sent far away by his master tospread the plague.Murnau’s image of the all-destroying

plague is developed into anapocalyptic vision by Herzog. He seesevil spreading from two sources: bythose turned into vampires themselvesand also by Dracula’s servant bymeans of the plague. Both survive thedemise of Dracula.Herzog’s horrific image of a

destruction that cannot be stemmedis, arguably, a most compellingcinematic presentation of the horrorwrought by the ravages of an unboundand unregulated capitalism. AsMurnau’s film invents horror forcinema, so Herzog’s film, made aftertwo world wars, amid the threat of anuclear war and many more to come,can no longer envisage the defeat ofevil. Herzog’s film, in the metaphoricallanguage of art, drives Horror into theApocalypse of imperialism at war.

EVENTSAn introduction to the Communist PartyFriday 7 November, 7pm Union Centre, 55 North Main Street, CorkIn celebration of the October Revolution (1917)

Oriel Workers’ Education CircleThe next meeting of the Oriel Workers’ Education Circle will take place onSaturday 29 November at 2pm in the Unite offices, Francis Street, Dundalk.The selected text for the meeting is Wage Labour and Capital by Karl Marx.

National Right2Water assemblyWednesday 10 December, 1pm Dáil Éireann, Kildare Street, Dublin

The Sleep ofReason ProducesMonsters (Goya)