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Conference Proceedings

2014 Annual Conference of the Centre of African Studies

‘Mining and Political Transformations in Africa’

April 24-25

University of Edinburgh

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Session 1: Opening Keynotes

Session Chairs: James Smith and Sam Spiegel, Centre of African Studies,

University of Edinburgh

Location: Meadows Lecture Theatre

Time: 9:00am-12:30pm, Thursday April 24

Mineralizing Africa: African Studies Multidisciplinary Lens on the 21st Century

Continental Shift

Deborah Fahy Bryceson, Lady Margaret Hall, University of Oxford

The twenty-first century has marked a turning point for the economic performance and

well-being of African nationals in many countries across the African continent. Rising

export earnings and state revenues, associated with a surge in both large-scale and

artisanal mining, tantalizingly hint at the possibility of better times ahead.

‘Mineralization’, a term borrowed from the physical sciences and adapted to a social

science perspective, refers to the changing form and content of the African continent’s

social, political and cultural foundations arising from the growing importance of mining

in national, regional, local and household economies. This keynote presentation

considers trends in African mining and contrasts the birth of multi-disciplinary African

studies during the nationalist era of the 1960s with the current era of mineralization.

Both periods have been marked by thematic creativity, with distinct, rather than

merged, disciplinary perspectives. I consider why and the advantages and drawbacks of

this in understanding mineralization as a coalescing trend.

Mining and Political Transformation in Tanzania: The Evolution of the Mining Act

(2010)

Zitto Kabwe, Member of Parliament –Tanzania & Chairman of the Public Accounts

Committee (PAC)

&

Aikande Kwayu, Department of Education, University of Oxford

The adoption of liberalization policies in 1990s and subsequent policies in Tanzania

attracted significant Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) in the last decade (2000-2010). The

annual FDI average was USD 509 million (PHDR, 2011). Most of FDIs were in the area of

mining. Between 2000 and 2007 gold price in the world market was on the increase thus

attracting more FDI in Tanzania. As a result, mining exploration and export of in

particular gold increased to significant levels. Unfortunately, the multiplying mining

contracts between Tanzanian government and investors were signed in secretive ways

and “incentives” given to investors were un-developmental. This contributed to low

economic/development dividends in the country. Consequently, as the economy grew

(at an annual average of 7% GDP growth rate) out of mining among other sectors,

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poverty rates stayed at the same level. Thus creating a paradox that called for dialogues

towards fair contracts. The dialogues with strength from a few number of outspoken

MPs culminated into the Mining Act in 2010. This paper traces the process towards the

enactment of 2010 Mining Act. It deploys qualitative methods of process tracing

including documentary analysis and personal reflections since one of the authors was

the prime mover of the Mining Act (2010). Historical institutionalism is used as a

theoretical framework for analysis.

International Law, Mining and Rights: The Role of the Courts, Case Study –

Tanzania

Shanta Martin,

Partner, Leigh Day; and Former Oxfam Australia Mining Ombudsman, London

In 2008, the United Nations Human Rights Council unanimously supported the Protect,

Respect and Remedy Framework proposed by the then UN Special Representative to the

Secretary General on business and human rights, John Ruggie. Three years later, the

Human Rights Council also put its weight behind Guiding Principles on Business and

Human Rights that sought to operationalise the Framework. Many companies and

governments have taken to the work of Professor Ruggie and expressed their intention

to implement the Guiding Principles. A particular feature of the Framework and the

Guiding Principles is the recommendation that companies should have operational level

"grievance mechanisms." Such mechanisms, it is proposed, should broaden the range of

remedial mechanisms available to victims of human rights abuses involving

corporations. In particular, corporate-led mechanisms should not preclude access to

judicial or other non-judicial grievance mechanisms.

Since 2011, a number of companies have sought to implement such mechanisms and

some governments, including the UK government, have committed to supporting

corporate efforts in this regard. However, questions remain as to whether corporate-

driven mechanisms are sufficient to ensure that victims of human rights abuses

involving the self-same companies can ensure the victims' right to remedy is realised,

particularly where those accessing the grievance mechanism are required to forego the

potential to seek judicial remedy. The situation at African Barrick Gold's North Mara

mine in Tanzania will be examined to discuss these issues. African Barrick Gold (ABG)

is a UK-based mining company that claims to have grievance mechanisms at its

operations that comply with the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.

Youth, Diamond Mining and Social Transformation in Post-War Sierra Leone

Roy Maconachie, Centre for Development Studies, University of Bath

Since their discovery in the 1930s, diamonds and the attendant seasonal migration of

labour to diamondiferous areas have long caused significant social, political and

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economic transformation in Sierra Leone. Indeed, both artisanal and small-scale mining

(ASM) and more capital intensive forms of mechanised extraction have been central to

rural communities in the Eastern Province, with young people at the forefront of mining

activities. Drawing on fieldwork carried out over the last ten years in Kono District, this

paper provides an extended analysis of contrasting youth perceptions of, and responses

toward, diamond mining. Over this period, a diverse range of positions on mining are

apparent – from outright rejection and a renewed interest in farming, to protest over

labour conditions, to acceptance in anticipation of gainful employment. The wider

literature on the extractive industries and development indicates that conflicts around

mining are driven by a multitude of different forces, including concerns over labour

exploitation, dissatisfaction with the distribution of mining rents, or socio-

environmental struggles over key livelihood resources, such as land, territory, minerals

and water resources. Evidence from Sierra Leone suggests that social mobilisation in

response to mining grievances may be opening up new opportunities for post-war

public engagement in natural resource governance. This development is particularly

critical in the case of Sierra Leone, where young people are playing important roles in

rights-based mobilisations around mining, while at the same time addressing urgent

livelihood needs in an employment-constrained economy. In illuminating the various

factors underlying a wide range of youth responses to diamond mining, the paper

concludes by reflecting on how youth perceptions of extractive industry expansion in

the diamond sector may also be influencing the ways in which mining companies

understand and fashion their business and corporate social responsibility strategies.

Session 2: Extractive Sector Reforms: Global & Regional Perspectives Chair: Kenneth Amaeshi, Business School, University of Edinburgh

Location: Chrystal Macmillan Building – Seminar Rooms 1-2

Time: 14:00-15:15, Thursday April 24

‘Change or Be Changed’: CSR and Mining from Canadian Pressures to African

Impacts

Tomas Frederiksen, Institute of Development Policy and Management, University of

Manchester

This paper addresses an important shift in recent years in the international governance

pressures on the extractive sector - the rise and spread of international standards for

corporate social responsibility. Drawing on research conducted in Zambia and Canada,

this paper presents findings on the changing global governance of corporate social

responsibility (CSR) practice in the extractive sector and early findings of a current

research project on the relationships between emerging international governance

regimes, mining companies and multi-faceted community development CSR

programmes in Africa. A series of pressures on mining companies are explored around

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managing risk, increased accountability and competition for access to finance. Together,

these pressures have turned having a credible and comprehensive CSR programme that

demonstrates that mining companies can manage the risk and complexity of their

operations effectively into a de facto requirement for access to finance. Changing norms

and practices in the extractive sector have potentially far-reaching consequences. With

many sub-Saharan African countries resting their hopes for economic development on

the extractive sector, and investment in the African extractive sector expanding, the

changing practices of mining companies affect the lives of millions of Africans. The

limited capacity of African governments to regulate the activities of international mining

companies means that global norms and voluntary corporate social responsibility

initiatives fill, however partially, an important regulatory gap.

Mining’s Contribution to the Zambia Economy and Society

Kate Carmichael, Manager, Social and Economic Development, International Council on

Mining and Metals (ICMM), London

Mining creates many economic and social impacts (both positive and negative) in host

countries: on foreign direct investment, export earnings, government revenues,

household and national incomes (Gross Domestic Product) and employment. In low and

middle income countries especially, two questions arise: Why have some countries – but

not others – leveraged their natural resource endowments to create a better life for their

people? What specific policies and practices should government, the mining industry,

local communities (and development agencies) adopt in pursuit of broader economic

and social benefits as a consequence of mining, either individually or in partnership?

ICMM’s Mining Partnerships for Development (MPD) work investigates these questions

through a series of country case studies using the MPD ‘Toolkit’ as a framework for

analysis. The 2013/2014 Zambia study covered the macroeconomic impacts of the copper

mining sector, as well as the local level impacts in the two main mining regions of

Zambia: the Copperbelt and North Western province, using data from four large mining

companies. The application of the MPD Toolkit in Zambia provides an independent

baseline of facts to inform debate on enhancing mining’s contribution to broad-based

sustainable development. ICMM presented the draft findings of the study to a large

group of stakeholders (with representatives from central and local government, state

government agencies, companies, civil society organizations, academia, and labour

groups) in Lusaka at a one-day workshop in November 2013. The issues and

opportunity areas identified during the workshop include the: (i) need for reliable data

to support a better informed debate; (ii) scope for an improved investment climate in

Zambia to support greater local content and job creation; and (iii) scope for more

effective social investment by mining companies, via improved coordination between

companies and with the priorities of local government. ICMM will be launching the

Zambia Country Case Study report (and exec summary) in early April 2014.

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Towards a Transformation of Ghana's Extractive Industry: Lessons from the

Governance of Ghana’s Oil Wealth

Augustina Adusah-Karikari, University of Birmingham

Throughout its history, oil has been considered as a “political resource par excellence”

owing to the enormous potential profits that can be accrued to transform a country into

a significant economic actor both regionally and globally. Ghana’s oil discovery in 2007

and subsequent production in 2010 has placed the country under a test watch by the

world to ascertain if the oil find will be concluded as a ‘hope gone astray’ or ‘a glorious

hope’ in transforming its economy. Ghana has a long history of mining, particularly

gold. However, the unfavourable political conditions and the poor management of the

natural resource earnings at the time resulted in a disappointing development record. In

as much as the dynamics of gold mining and oil drilling may be different, the

experiences and processes of the former could serve as a wake-up call and guidance for

the governance of Ghana’s latest natural resource - oil. A striking observation of the

nation’s oil discovery is its occurrence during a relatively stable democratic regime, an

active civil society, a vibrant media and a more diversified economy. This presentation

critically explores the strategies that have been adopted by the actors of the oil industry

in the governance of Ghana’s oil wealth within a political economy context. This paper

also interrogates how sufficient the concerted efforts of the civil society, media and

strong regulatory institutions are to ensure that industry and government channel

revenues into appropriate use.

Session 3 : Interrogating Global Narratives and Local Extraction Session Chairs: Wolfgang Zeller, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, &

Jana Hönke, Politics and International Relations, University of Edinburgh

Location: Chrystal Macmillan Building, Seminar Rooms 1-2, Ground Floor

Time: 15:45-16:45, April 24

Local Content and Resource Extraction in Angola and Nigeria: A New Moment for

State-Led Development in the Gulf of Guinea?

Jesse Ovadia,University of Newcastle

Focusing on local content in the oil and oil service sectors this paper questions what

kinds of development and underdevelopment are possible through natural resource

extraction and argues that a new form of developmental state—the “petro-

developmental state”—may now be emerging in the Gulf of Guinea, allowing states to

capitalize on a resource that has traditionally thought of as a “curse”. In a new moment

for the extraction of oil created by a changed domestic context in Angola and Nigeria

and changed geopolitical realities, new possibilities exist for state-led economic and

social development and capitalist transformation. Based on field research in Angola and

Nigeria, I contend that local content is perhaps the single most important innovation in

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energy policy in the Global South in recent decades. Expanding popular and scholarly

debates about state-led development and the developmental state, the petro-

developmental state built on principles of local content offers a potential path for some

of the most strategically significant countries in Africa to achieve meaningful economic

and social development.

'By Their Fruits Shall You Know Them': From the Theory of Due Diligence at the

OECD Forum on Responsible Mineral Supply Chains to its Practice in the Coltan

Mines of Rwanda and North Kivu

Tom Salter, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh

In November 2013 the 6th ICGLR-OECD-UN GoE Joint Forum on Responsible Mineral

Supply Chains was held for the first time in the region. This event sees a rare meeting of

diplomats and civil servants from the OECD,UN, Great Lakes Region, Europe, North

America and Asia with company executives and engineers from the whole supply chain

involved in the 3T's and now gold. Directors of small companies, international buyers

producing capacitors, executives from the Malaysia Smelter Corporation, Boeing, Nokia

and Intel, auditors from KPMG and Ernst and Young, rub shoulders and exchange

views with vocal lobbyists from Amnesty and Global Witness and development NGO's

as well as representatives of the artisanal miners. The organisations and consultants

responsible for implementing traceability programs and due diligence shape shift

between the private, public and NGO sectors. Bringing all these actors together in the

same room makes for a different kind of exchange from that to be heard through the

media. The forum was held in Kigali, rather than Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania or the

DRC - evidence of the Rwandan government's organisational capacity. There were

notable absences – the regional governors of the Eastern DRC and Rwanda's artisanal

miners. This forum is a place where words are deeds, where the OECD guidelines are

refined and provide the basis for legislation in the USA, Europe and the Great Lakes

Region. That legislation leads to deeds throughout the supply chain. This paper will

look first at that conference, second how differently its consequences have played out

for miners, companies, the state and civil society in the Kivus and Rwanda and third a

distinction between a pragmatic and analytic use of the notion 'conflict free.'

EITI 2.0: A Cure for the Curse or a Grand Illusion?

Frances Rayner, University of Edinburgh

Since its inception in 2002, proponents have lauded the Extractive Industries

Transparency Initiative (EITI) as a solution to the 'resource course'. According to this

vision, compelling governments to publish details of resource revenues would increase

public scrutiny of resource wealth governance leading ultimately to an increase in the

benefits citizens gain from their natural resources. Corruption and mismanagement of

revenues within resource-rich governments have been the implicit and sometimes

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explicit targets of the transparency agenda, often obscuring the role of the private sector.

EITI in its original incarnation was criticised for giving companies and governments

alike an easy reputational boost by showing them to be transparent while actually

requiring very little of them because EITI requirements were voluntary and of limited

scope. In May 2013, the EITI standard was substantially revised to fill many of the gaps

critics had observed. Drawing on the experience of EITI member countries and using

Zambia as a case study, this paper will investigate the potential of the revised EITI to

lead to greater transfers of resource revenues into 'development' spending. Other factors

that might affect poverty-reduction like levels of employment and environmental

impacts of extraction are beyond the scope of this paper. Turning first to an examination

of the new reporting criteria, this paper will posit that it offers a substantial

improvement in the information entering the domain. Drawing on the experiences of

national EITI processes, it will then be necessary to explore the power of citizenry to use

this knowledge to drive policy changes so that a greater proportion of resource wealth is

spent on poverty reduction. Having demonstrated only minimal evidence of success in

this area to date, but mindful of the primacy of political contexts in determining

outcomes, this paper will finally turn to an in-depth exploration of EITI’s potential in

Zambia.

Session 4: Mining, the State and Marginalisation Session Chair: Gerhard Anders, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh

Location: Chrystal Macmillan Building, 6th Floor Staff Common Room

Time: 15:45-16:45, April 24

‘The Wealth is There; Do You Get Your Share?’ The Unlikely and Unintended

Consequences of White Miners Trade Unionism for Mining and Political Change in

Post-Independence Zambia

Duncan Money, Faculty of History, University of Oxford

It would be difficult to overstate the importance of development of copper mining in

shaping political and economic change in Zambia; the country’s fortunes have been

largely dictated by national and international developments in the industry. Prior to the

discovery of economically viable copper deposits, colonial Zambia was viewed as a

geographical cul-de-sac, the impoverished, awkward shaped piece of debris that had

come about as a result of Cecil Rhodes failed attempt to connect British colonies across

the continent. The onset of copper mining in the late 1920s radically transformed this

situation, within ten years almost 10% of global copper output was being mined and

smelted on the Zambian Copperbelt. This paper intends to explore one hitherto

overlooked strand in the vast topic of mining and political change in Zambia: the

unintended consequences of the particular kind of white trade unionism which

developed on the Copperbelt for post-independent Zambia. While much of the literature

on mining in southern Africa has focused on African migrant labour, both historically

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and in contemporary times, the mining boom which began in the 1920s also attracted

thousands of transient European mineworkers from across the world. The industrial

militancy of these European mineworkers and the complex relationship between them

and their African counterparts generated unlikely legacies which came to be vexing

political problems for the Zambian government as they attempted to navigate the

turbulent post-independence environment. Two in particular are worth examining:

confrontational industrial relations and comparatively high yet unsatisfactory wages.

Through the examination of the actions and legacies of these European mineworkers,

this paper looks at how the Zambian Copperbelt was connected to other mining areas

around the world – in Britain, the US, Australia and South Africa – through flows of

people, ideas and capital, and questions whether we can isolate a distinctly ‘African’

mining experience.

From Casino Capitalism to Closed Pipelines? Mining Regulation in the Kivu

Christoph Vogel, University of Zurich

Contemporary research on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) often focuses

on the role of so-called ‘conflict minerals’ in the country’s seemingly endless series of

armed conflicts. Minerals, it is said, are not only vital to the country’s economy – they

also play a role in financing militias, the national army, and external actors. It has

therefore been suggested that access to minerals and the concomitant opportunities of

amassing wealth have been major drivers for a multitude of actors to engage in civil

war. While it is beyond doubt that ‘conflict minerals’ such as tin, tantalum and tungsten

(3T) – among other commodities – played a role in the eastern Congolese political

economy and conflict topography, it remains questionable to which extent they are a

root cause for conflict. Rather than being at its origin, mineral resources served as a

means to maintain civil war. Nevertheless, with a decade-long delay, the past years have

seen an unprecedented wave of legislation (the US Dodd-Frank Act and upcoming EU

law-making), initiatives (traceability and certification), as well as guidelines (OECD and

UN). They all aim at ‘cleaning up’ the artisanal mining sector in eastern Congo’s

traditionally conflict-affected areas, notably the provinces of North and South Kivu.

Emphasising the formalisation of artisanal mining, the traceability of mining flows, and

the certification of mining products, their success, however, is limited so far in terms of

draining armed conflict and, more difficult to observe, improving the living conditions

and the working security of diggers and their dependents. This paper will draw from

first explorative fieldwork in the frame of a PhD project and try to give a first orientation

on how international laws and initiatives are being imposed on local economies and

which impacts on the patterns of choice of local stakeholders from pit to exportation

they provoke.

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But We Have Mining Too: Centralizing Rents and Reinvigorating the Mining Sector

in Rwanda

Pritish Behur, SOAS – University of London

The narrative, with regard to the mining sector in Rwanda, has traditionally been mired

with accusations of conflict mining and being a funnel for rent-seeking for elites within

the Rwandan Patriotic Front. In a country which historically has been a conduit for

exporting minerals for Eastern Congo, there has been a traditional lack of focus in terms

of making the most out of the domestic mining sector. This essay will explore the

historical political economy of the mining sector in Rwanda. It will chart the way in

which a public-private partnership in the mining sector during Habyarimana regime

ended abruptly in the early 1980s, putting a great deal of dependence on the coffee

sector as a resource base during the years leading up to the genocide. The essay will

then focus on how the Rwandan government has attempted to manage ‘transition costs’

– the ability of powerful elites to block reforms – and promote ‘economic nationalism’ in

order to reform the domestic mining sector. The domestic mining sector in Rwanda

struggled to be a significant contributor to exports until recently. Over the past few

years, the Rwandan government has implemented a tagging system to control the flow

of conflict minerals through the country. The essay will argue that this has policy has

been undertaken out of particular political concerns in an effort to centralize rents in the

sector and avoid alternative constellations of elite power from forming. The essay will

also show how, in a struggle, to process minerals, Rwanda has had to rely on

international investors which have not shone benefits for the country as yet. The essay

explores the transformative potential a politicised mining sector has had in maintaining

state stability.

Session 5: Film showing (‘Miners Shot Down’) and Q and A with

Rehad Desai, film director

Session 6: Fair Trade, Transparency and the Extractive Sector Session Chair: Wolfgang Zeller, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh

Location: Teviot Lecture Theatre

Time: 9:00am-10:30am, Friday April 25th

Fair Trade: Inclusive Development for Mineralizing Africa?

Eleanor Fisher, School of Agriculture, Policy and Development, University of Reading

In recent decades there has been an ethical turn in expectations of how African mineral

production and trade should be conducted. Adding value through ethics is closely

associated with the use of voluntary (non-state) regulation, which is variously used to

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ensure improvements in the social and environmental conditions of production, to

control use of mineral wealth for illicit purposes or violent ends, and to enable access to

profitable niche markets. This presentation considers artisanal gold mining and fair

trade value chains as an exemplar of the development dynamics that are associated with

ethical schemes, focusing on the case of Tanzania. It raises the question of whether

ethical trade and voluntary regulation can create new inclusive opportunities for

development. It is suggested that ethical standards have the potential to reshape

governance rationalities and political economies but that how this occurs will depend on

local dynamics in the organization of artisanal mining and policy practice. Present time-

bound, project-based schemes are likely to have positive impact for a selected group of

mining entrepreneurs – development’s ‘missing middle’ in SME language – but have

limited ability to challenge established power relations and inequalities in the policy

practice of mineral sector development.

Tailoring Tools for Transparency: exploring public administration and data

management of mining licences and associated revenues in Sierra Leone, Liberia and

Malawi

Rachel Etter, Revenue Specialist, Revenue Development Foundation , Malawi

Transparency has been the point of convergence for stakeholders in mining, promoted

predominantly through the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) that

provides a platform for business, civil society and governmental actors in the mining

sector (Africa Progress Panel 2013, Short 2013, Haufler 2010). The call for transparency

has singled out the public disclosure of payments made my mining companies to

governments and the reconciliation of these with receipts held by governments. Such

open data, heralded as a central pillar of transparency, relies on public administration

and data management within the corridors of national mineral agencies, ministries and

departments. However, discourse on transparency in the mining sector in African

countries and research into the EITI, among other initiatives, too often overlook the tools

required by civil servants to accurately collect, record and report the desired data and

those tools needed for the public to access, verify and use demanded data. Within this

neglected space, this paper will explore the engagement of the Revenue Development

Foundation, a non-profit consultancy, with governments in Sierra Leone, Liberia and

Malawi in developing technical solutions, such as the Mining Cadastre Administration

System and Online Data Repository. I hope to show how governmental departments are

navigating the administration of mining licences to efficiently manage the lifecycle of

licences, which starts with the initial application for a licence, and the associated

revenues, and how they are negotiating the publishing of data. Examining the site –

including agents, agitators and activities – of data production and management in

administering mineral rights is vital in carving out a more nuanced understanding of

how transparency is translated in public administration.

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The Politics of Norms and the Scalar Dynamics of ‘New Oil’ in Uganda

James Van Alstine, University of Leeds

Given the commodities super cycle of the 2000s, greenfield site development of energy

and non-energy minerals has increased substantially, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa.

While pundits claim that a ‘window of opportunity’ exists for mineral-rich but poor

countries to accelerate their development pathways, how the expectations of resource

wealth may influence resource governance dynamics and interventions is understudied.

Expectations are driven by competing discourses or ‘world views’ of how ‘good

governance’ should be implemented. These discursive spaces are dominated by norm

entrepreneurs such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) and

Publish What You Pay (PWYP) coalition, NGOs, donors, international finance

institutions and even the private sector. The politics of norms influences modes of

private and semi-private resource governance through, for example, transparency and

accountability initiatives driven by non-state actors and corporate social responsibility

(CSR) projects championed by corporate actors. This paper explores how a politics of

norms shapes and constrains resource governance in Uganda’s emerging oil sector.

Since 2006 about 1.7 billion barrels of recoverable oil have been discovered in the

Albertine Rift region. Commercial production has been delayed numerous times and

‘first oil’ is currently targeted for 2018. There has been a proliferation of resource

governance interventions driven by donors, civil society and industry. Using multi-

scale, multi-actor analysis, we map these initiatives and discuss how international norms

of transparency and accountability and CSR are translated to the national and sub-

national levels. Four key themes emerge: a fragmented civil society approach and

limited donor engagement with governance issues within resource-bearing regions;

problematic stakeholder engagement and information dissemination by industry and

central government; failing decentralisation policies and weak local government

capacity; and the deliberate centralisation of resource governance. Our evidence

challenges the idea that getting the right policy and regulatory framework in place will

result in the promised development benefits. Proponents of resource governance norms

must be sensitive to the scalar dynamics of mineral-rich but poor countries.

Session 7: Conceptualising Governance and Artisanal Mining Session Chair: Jose Munoz, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh

Location Teviot Lecture Theatre

Time: 11:00am-12:30pm

Mining and REDD+ in Africa - a Review of Conflicts and Complementarities

Mark Hirons,Environmental Change Institute, University of Oxford

In recent years, escalating anxiety over climate change has propelled forest conservation

to the top of the sustainability agenda. In the case of mining, this has increased attention

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on the loss of forest cover associated with activities, the success of reclamation and the

manifold social conflicts often related to resource-use. Countries throughout sub-

Saharan Africa are pursuing strategies to reduce emissions from deforestation and

degradation, enhance carbon stocks and promote the sustainable management of forests

(REDD+). Although these schemes purportedly facilitate the mitigation of carbon

emissions on a global scale while simultaneously delivering economic benefits to poor

local communities, there is apprehension regarding the prospect of projects being

implemented in contexts in which the dynamics of resource-use are not adequately

understood. Drawing on the illustrative case of Ghana, this presentation provides an

overview of the cross-sectoral interactions between the mining and forestry sectors,

which are currently on the fringes of REDD+ negotiations. There are a host of common

policy issues between sectors where lessons might be fruitfully shared, including,

alternative livelihoods, technical monitoring difficulties, land and mineral tenure, legal

plurality, the distribution of benefits and decentralisation. However, a broader view of

governance reveals that the implementation of REDD+ at the behest of multilateral

donors is compounding concerns regarding the subversion of state sovereignty over

resources associated with a liberalised large-scale mining sector and a predominantly

informal small-scale mining sector. The wider consequences of this may reach beyond

strictly sectoral or programmatic interests.

Conceptualising ‘Operation Chikorokoza Chapera’ at Multiple Scales in Zimbabwe:

Examining the Policing of Mining Communities in Insiza District

Sam Spiegel, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh

A prominent argument made by international development researchers and

policymakers is that the “formalisation” of African mineral economies is needed to

curtail illegitimate economic practices in the mining sector. In several accounts,

formalisation is also portrayed as a technical strategy to empower the poor - a win-win

development solution - and a precondition for solving problems of smuggling,

environmental degradation and conflict. This study scrutinizes this line of argument

using a political ecology approach, examining formalisation discourses and processes in

the mining sector in Zimbabwe between 2006 and 2012. During this period,

hyperinflation, high unemployment, poor agricultural conditions and political

instability all contributed to an unprecedented set of pressures on the mining sector. The

study focuses on the nature and significance of “formalisation” discourses during a

nationwide crackdown called Operation Chikorokoza Chapera (“No Illegal Mining”), in

which more than 30,000 artisanal and small-scale miners were arrested. While scholars

have published detailed studies on government crackdown operations that targeted

urban informality in Zimbabwe, there is a significant gap in the literature regarding the

drivers and impacts of Operation Chikorokoza Chapera. The analysis draws on

fieldwork in six gold mining regions along the Gold Belt, with particular focus on Insiza

District. Interviews were conducted in primary ore gold mining and milling locations,

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riverbed alluvial gold panning locations and a variety of non-mining locations to gather

perspectives on how policing impacted daily life in mining communities. The analysis

also examines how miners associations seeking to represent the interests of artisanal

miners encountered dynamic political challenges while actively resisting the dominant

formalisation discourses and practices of central government institutions. Exploring

limitations of conventional technocratic explanations of resource governance failure, the

study contributes to knowledge on the multiple relations of power through which

formalisation policies are negotiated across global, national and regional scales.

Rural Development Policies and Artisanal Gold Mining in Mozambique: Dilemmas

and Challenges

Stefaan Dondeyne, Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences,University of Leuven,

Belgium

&

Eduardo Ndunguru,Provincial Directorate for Mining and Energy, Manica Province,

Mozambique

Despite Mozambique’s great natural resource wealth and strong economic growth, rural

poverty remains high countrywide. In the period 2007-2011, gold output was between

600 and 900 kg per year, corresponding to an annual value of 19 to 29 million USD. As

there are no active industrial mining companies, this production is solely from the

60 000 people involved in the sector. For rural people in Mozambique, artisanal gold

mining is the most direct source of monetary income. As the mining is largely

uncontrolled, the siltation of rivers and pollution with heavy metals goes unchecked

while the prohibition of artisanal mining, in and around conservation areas has been

counterproductive. The government’s strategy consists of promoting improved

technologies and encouraging artisanal miners to establish themselves as businesses by

creating miners associations. This has proved successful where the ore allows for

sufficiently long exploitation. In practice this is where reef gold occurs. Where placer

gold is mined, given the variable nature of colluvial and alluvial deposits,

accompanying mining activities are relatively short-lived at such sites. In line with the

country’s current decentralisation and democratisation policies in relation to rural

development, we therefore suggest that local authorities and community representatives

must play an expanded role in enforcing good mining practices.

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Session 8: Perspectives on Mineral Politics in the DRC and Zambia Session Chair: Chair: Jana Hönke, University of Edinburgh

Location: Teviot Lecture Theatre

Time: 13:45-15:15, Friday April 25

At the Crossroads: Mining and Political Change on the Katangese-Zambian Copperbelt

Miles Larmer, St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford

The mining region of Haut Katanga and the Zambian Copperbelt sits at the crossroads

of multiple intersections, both historical and contemporary: political borders, trade

corridors, migratory flows and identity formations, for example. The imposition of a

colonial/national border shaped not only the political economy of the region, but also

the way in which the region was perceived, represented and discussed, by political,

popular and academic actors. At the heart of all such representations was the

relationship between minerals and their capacity for economic, political and social

transformation, but the nature of these representations varied considerably between

different actors (e.g. international mining corporations, labour unions, colonial and

national governments, local ethnic and political leaders, sociologists and

anthropologists, etc.) and over time. This paper analyses some of the ways this region

has been imagined from the pre-colonial period until the present day, and the way that

actual and potential mineral wealth has underwritten successive, overlapping and often

contested political projects and aspirations, from the Luba and Lunda pre-colonial

kingdoms, via colonial settlers, mining corporations, nationalist and localist political

movements, migrants and self-declared 'autochthons', to the present day. In identifying

changes and enduring patterns in the forms of mining-based political representation, the

paper beings to construct an alternative history of the copperbelt region(s) rooted in the

political imaginaries surrounding mining and its potential for transformation.

Dispossession, Displacement and Resistance: Artisanal Miners in a Gold

Concession in South-Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo

Sara Geenen, Institute of Development Policy and Management, University of Antwerp

This article reports on an empirical study of the relationship between artisanal and

industrial mining at the Twangiza gold concession in South Kivu Province, Democratic

Republic of Congo (DRC). The setting is a post-conflict context where artisanal mining

activities have supported livelihoods for several decades, but where the arrival of a

multinational company, with explicit backing from the national government, has caused

dispossession and displacement and altered local power relations, leaving former

artisanal miners with few alternatives for making a living. Although Congolese law

recognizes artisanal mining and policies have been proposed to formalize and support

this sector, reality is often very different and artisanal miners frequently clash with

industrial enterprises. This article argues that, in order to understand the dynamics

underlying these clashes, closer attention needs to be paid to the practices and

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discourses of the artisanal miners themselves: how do they conceptualize notions such

as property, legitimacy and livelihood, and what is their outlook on development? The

empirical analysis shows how miners in Twangiza resist dispossession by the

multinational corporation in both words and actions.

The Roles of Mining in Armed Conflict: Case Study of Eastern Democratic Republic

of the Congo

Decky Kipuka Kabongi, Carleton University, Canada

This paper investigates the roles played by the exploitation of minerals in the protracted

political instability in the eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Since the demise of late president Mobutu-the dictator- who ruled over the DRC for

three decades, the DRC has being facing multiple rebellions in its eastern provinces of

North and South Kivu. Millions of innocent civilians have died from fighting between

the Congolese army and various rebel factions and armed militias since the late 1990s,

thousands more people have been forced to flee the fighting, hundreds of women have

been sexually abused by combatants and numerous children have been forcefully

enrolled in armed groups. Despite the signing of numerous peace agreements between

the belligerents and the presence of the UN peace mission, the eastern regions of the

DRC have not fully recovered their pre-war peace environment yet. It is known that the

regions where violence has been intense are very rich in minerals, including gold,

diamonds, tin and casiterite. Furthermore, for many years, these regions have been or

were under total control of various armed groups. Against this background, this

research paper critically examines the roles of minerals in the Congolese conflict. The

main hypothesis of the paper is that illegal exploitation of minerals by all combatants

has been the main explanatory variable of the long-lasting instability in those regions of

the DRC. The paper rejects the security threat argument that has been claimed by

neighbouring countries that have been found by UN experts to provide military and

financial support to the rebels. In order to bring about a long-lasting peace to eastern DR

Congo, the paper concludes with some policy recommendations for the Congolese

government, regional actors involved in the conflicts and the international community.

Session 9: Labour, Livelihoods, Legislation and Citizenship Session Chair: Molefe Joseph, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh

Location: Teviot Lecture Theatre

Time: 15:45-17:30, Friday April 25

‘Governing Growth’: Local State Making and Citizen Making in Tanzania’s Mineral

Margins

Stina Møldrup Wolff, COWI Tanzania

Within recent years, there has been increased focus on the role of local government in

mineral rich areas in Tanzania. This focus extends to how such areas are being

17

governed, their growth cycles, and not least the extent to which local communities are

capturing economic benefits from ongoing mining activities. This paper investigates the

effects of ‘mineralised urbanisation’ in Makongolosi, an artisanal gold mining township

in Tanzania’s mineral margins. Historically, the area has been a hub for artisanal gold

mining, but recent decades’ population growth has changed Makongolosi from a

frontier-like artisanal mining area to a flourishing township. In turn, this development

has prompted a politico-administrative transition from the status of village to township,

in which civil servants are scrambling to manifest their institutional authority in order to

secure their positions in the township hierarchy, while leaving no stones unturned in

their search for new ways to accumulate funding for the township’s growing social

service needs. In this light, new articulations of citizenship are coming to the fore in

Makongolosi. Through an ethnographic exploration of seemingly ‘mundane’ moments

of governance between local state institutions and citizens in Makongolosi, this paper

shows how the changing relationship between local government authorities and citizens

is bringing about new conceptualisations of governance and citizenship.

Artisanal and Small-Scale Gold Miners’ Livelihoods Survival and the Dilemma of

Mercury Free Technology Adoption in Tanzania

Simon Maziku, University of Reading

Globally, current estimates show that 15 million people work in artisanal and small scale

mining (UNEP, 2013). Mercury is widely used in gold extraction in artisanal and small

scale mining (Pirrone, 2010; Veiga, 2006). The impact of mercury on peoples’ health has

been in the spotlight since the Minimata and Iraqi mercury poisoning in 1956 and 1971

respectively. As corollary a burgeoning mercury contamination literature in ASM has

been widely published to date (Tschakert and Singha 2007; Bose-O'Reilly, et al., 2010b).

These studies to a large extent have focused on the impact of mercury on miners’ health

and the environment (Hilson, 2007). Nevertheless, a great deal of scholarly work has

least sought to understand the factors motivating mercury use in gold extraction

(Spiegel, 2009; Hilson, 2007). The international community initiatives on reducing or

eliminating global anthropogenic sources of mercury, of which ASM contribute about

two third has been significant (UNEP, 2013). However, these efforts, including transfer

of mercury free technologies have been less effective. In developing countries, a

convergence view emerges that mercury use in ASM is persistent. Taking the case of

Tanzania, Jonsson (2009) investigated the adoption of retorts among artisanal and small

scale miners. The findings lead to the conclusion that miners uptake of retorts was very

low. A recent study by Jonsson et al., (2013) in Tanzania is consistent; reinforcing the

fact that the retorts are rarely used despite of the promotional and distribution efforts.

The paper posits that a dilemma exists for livelihoods survival and adoption of mercury

free technologies in artisanal and small scale gold mining. This invokes for a quest to

understand the perception, behaviour and knowledge underpinning miners’ use of

mercury and mercury free-technologies.

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Artisanal and Small-Scale Gold Mining in East Cameroon: Policy and Livelihood

Implications

Bakia Mbianyor, Department of Geography, Royal Holloway University of London

Over the past few decades, artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) has grown at an

exponential rate across sub-Saharan Africa where the activity involves a mixture of

eclectic groups of people. Despite the conventional image of this being a marginal,

subsistence-oriented and poverty driven activity, there is growing recent evidence that it

is one of the region’s most important rural non-farm activities. However, ASM has

received little coverage in development literature; has failed to garner support from

governments, donor and aid agencies; and has been excluded from most of the region’s

development agenda. These have been blamed on insufficient baseline census

information on the subject and policy dialogues that are not in tune with the realities on

the ground. This paper helps to address the paucity of information on this subject by

focusing on the East Region, the location of a burgeoning ASM sector in Cameroon,

capturing a level of detail not yet undertaken. To achieve this, a mixture of qualitative

and quantitative analyses was undertaken: interviews with 26 key stakeholders; 389

miners, focus group discussions and participant observation. This research provides a

comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of ASM sector of the East Region of

Cameroon. The findings from this study reveal that ASM is the most important

livelihood in the area. The activity is highly informal as a result of lack of policy and

regulatory capacity in the sector. Due to the absence of large-scale mine production and

iniquitousness in land availability, operatives mine directly from primary deposits.

Extraction rates are high, with miners earning up to US$ 40 per day. Household income

shows low levels of inequality with gini coefficients of less than 0.4. Despite ethnic

heterogeneity in Cameroon, ASM populations are homogenous, and access to land for

the activity is governed by politics, ethnicity and social identity. ASM operatives

diversify their income sources by engaging in other livelihoods. Whilst the study does

not reveal any evidence of “re-agrarianization”, it has shown a recognisable level of

interconnectedness between ASM and smallholder farming. Despite such strategy, the

miners are deemed to be vulnerable and less adaptable to impending changes in the

sector. The study concludes with a call for parallel studies to be carried out in other

mineral rich parts of the country to strengthen understanding of the subject and for

ASM to be mainstreamed in Cameroon’s poverty reduction strategy.

'There Was Nothing – What Brings Government Close to the People is Networks':

Labour Migration and Government Policy in Colonial Malawi

Henry Mitchell,University of Edinburgh

From the 1890s, mining industries in South Africa and Rhodesia transformed everyday

life throughout Malawi. By the 1940s and 1950s, raised potential wage earnings drew

young men, husbands and fathers away from Malawi in their hundreds of thousands.

19

'Resource governance' for the colonial state in the 1940s and 1950s focused on managing

labour flows that were "not feasible to control", or for that matter, measure. The

government and missionary groups saw migration as hampering development, yet were

consistently undermined by the interests of Malawian migrants themselves, labour

recruiters and neighbouring states. Despite the intentions of bureaucrats and policy

makers, labour migration expanded completely outside their control. In the eyes of local

plantation owners, this wrecked Malawi's economic development, whilst missionaries

believed Africans' social integrity was being forsaken. By the 1950s however, labour was

the state's most valuable export. Life on mine compounds however transformed the

consumption practices, local social organisation and expectations of men, women and

children. Most importantly, it created and funded Malawian nationalism which

emerged out of racial categorisation on mines and the exposure to other nationalities.

Change however also came from within Malawi. Mission education allowed Malawians

to punch above their weight in the regional labour market, taking on a disproportionate

number of roles as skilled workers, clerks, compound managers and union leaders.

Local politics contextualised the nationalist movements; in the 1950s, Tonga migrants

may have become Christian Tonga but for many, other Malawians were still 'foreign'.

The strength of local political institutions to withstand and adapt to the changing

environment was crucial, in terms of schools and managing newfound wealth. Only

when government policy aligned with chiefs and headmen, did it become effective, at a

cost to women's mobility.

Dodd Frank and EU legislation on ‘Conflict minerals’ - Prospects for Ending

‘Resource Wars’

Maj Emmertsen, University of Edinburgh

The 2010 U.S Dodd Frank Act section 1502 and forthcoming EU legislation are the first

attempts at domestic and supranational legislation on “conflict minerals” and

companies’ usage of such minerals in their products. As binding legislations, as opposed

to the many voluntary schemes on “conflict minerals”, these have been hailed as

“extremely important” and “landmarks” in the international community’s efforts at

ending “resource wars” on the African continent. However, these legislations have also

been met with intense critique as they are argued to reduce the complexity of conflicts to

merely a question of “greed”. These critics thus place these legislations in the midst of

the extensive “Greed vs. Grievance” debate in arguing that they cannot address the

underlying grievances which are the main cause of conflicts on the African continent,

and will thus be ineffective in ending “resource wars” on the African continent. In this

article I examine such claims about these legislations and argue that, although the critics

are right in asserting that legislation such as this is unlikely to address the underlying

causes for conflict, in only addressing the economic aspects of conflicts, they are likely to

make it less profitable and economically feasible to continue waging conflict. As actual

legislation they have not only substantially increased credibility, means of enforcement

and of credible sanctions than previous voluntary initiatives, but, more importantly,

20

they represent increased political will to deal with this issue and a shift away from the

“culture of impunity” which has been argued to pervade the international trade in

“conflict minerals”. Thus, while these legislations are unlikely to end “resource wars” on

the African continent in and of themselves, I argue, they are the most promising

international initiatives at “delinking” mineral revenue and armed conflict.

Why Are Indian Coal Miners Coming to Africa?

Patrik Oskarsson, School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg, Sweden

Indian investments in African oil, gas and metals can be motivated in a straightforward

manner with the overall scarcity of all these resources within domestic borders. Coal

poses a somewhat different picture however since it is available abundantly in India

where it continues to be mined in increasing quantity by both public and private sector

mining companies. This paper attempts to outline the main domestic concerns which

motivate Indian miners to go abroad to countries like Indonesia, Australia and also,

more recently, Mozambique in search for coal. Investments in Africa are here seen as

depending on a complex socio-political combination of Indian domestic concerns both

locally and at the national level when social movement protests and security issues in

the coal-producing regions combine with national inter-related concerns over

bureaucratic procedures and corruption to not completely prevent further coal

expansion but significantly slowing it down. Finally, some tentative conclusions are

drawn about what we can expect in social and environmental terms from Indian coal

investors in Africa based on their existing operations in India and other international

locations.

Session 10: The Politics of Oil Extraction Session Chair: Muriel Cote, School of Geosciences, University of Edinburgh

Location: Chrystal Macmillan Building, Seminar Rooms 1-2, Ground Floor

Time: 15:45-17:30, Friday April 25th

Extraction Offshore, Politics Inshore and the Role of the State in Equatorial Guinea

Alicia Campos, Dept. Social Anthropology, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

Recent economic and socio-political dynamics in the territories that form Equatorial

Guinea are related, in different ways, to the extraction of hydrocarbons from its

Exclusive Economic Zone since the mid-1990s. These transformations are strongly

mediated by specific social groups, especially the family who has occupied the

government since 1968 and transnational oil companies, whose relationships are central

to the exclusive political configuration in the country. This article analyzes this

particular form of extraversion of power, as part of a broader history of the region, in

which the role of the state?s sovereignty as articulated during decolonization, will prove

21

to be instrumental in the allocation of rights and the political economy of oil today. It

will also attend to the spaces that the new political economy of oil has opened for

alternative transnational connections around the country.

Corporate Social Responsibility and Oil in the Niger Delta: Solution or Part of the

Problem

Michael Marchant, University of Edinburgh

The term Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has gained new focus and remarkable

prominence since the 1980s. In the context of developing countries, it has become part

and parcel of the broader debates on development and poverty reduction, particularly

in relation to the absence of governance in many areas. This debate has been particularly

contested when it comes to the behaviour of oil and gas multinationals. Shell and its

operations in the Niger Delta have been at the centre of this debate. The environmental

degradation, continuing violence and continued poverty of communities in the delta

have been increasingly scrutinized in relation to the Shell Petroleum Development

Corporation’s (SPDC) activities in the area. In line with this scrutiny, along with the

general paradigm shift and embracement of CSR discussed above, the SPDC’s CSR

activities have multiplied since 1995. However, despite a rhetorical commitment to

taking developmental and social goals seriously in the Niger Delta, most scholars and

civil society actors argue that very little tangible progress has been made. This paper

takes this as a point of departure and seeks to examine what the primary obstacles are to

the SPDC’s CSR efforts. After offering a brief outline of CSR, as well as the history of

Shell in the Niger Delta, the paper will present three key factors that act as obstacles in

this regard; 1) The complex nature of the conflict and other social problems in the Delta

is beyond the scope of CSR activities to address. 2) The SPDC’s organisational structure

and culture has prevented the adoption of CSR activities that would best achieve

developmental goals. 3) Despite progress since the adoption of CSR practices, the

continued unwillingness of SPDC to acknowledge its role in the situation in the Delta

undermines its commitment to CSR. Finally the paper will argue that these factors are

not unique to the case of the SPDC in the Niger Delta, but rather are examples of the

fundamental limitations of CSR activities by extractive industries in developing

countries.

Oil, Sovereignty and Borders: the Role of the Natural Resources in the Construction

of Imaginaries of Territorial Limits - the Case of Cabinda

Carlos Tabernero Martín, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid

Oil is one of the most valuable resources in the planet. The fight for its control has

provoked hundreds of meetings, discussions and even wars between the different

agents that aim to own it. Sometimes, in this struggles, the national aspirations of social

and political groups appear. And the traditional notion of sovereignty is questioned or

22

asked for by these communities. In these cases, the study of the conception of the border

and the different imaginaries that constructed it through legal tools, becomes essential to

understand the situation and the role of the petroleum in the formation of the territories

and its limits. The case of Cabinda is one of the most notable examples of the relation

between oil, secessionist aspirations and borders. The old Portuguese exclave suffered

the change of its juridical state since the emergence of the petroleum in its oceanic

waters. This marked the beginning of the struggles for the property of its sovereignty

and its natural resources. The main goal of this paper is to explore the relation between

oil and sovereignty and the role of the borders, as forms to imagine and to limit the

territory, through the case of Cabinda in the years immediately previous and later to the

independence of Angola.

Corporate Practice and State Governance in Angola: a Deadlock of Progress, as Seen

through the Involvement of Chinese Oil Companies in the Country

Eleana Kazakeou, University of Edinburgh, School of Law

Angola is a country rich in oil and natural gas, among other resources, constituting 46%

of its GDP and 96% of its exports. It relies heavily on oil money, yet the revenues from

the industry do not have the expected impact on the country’s welfare as expected of the

billions of dollars that come through oil sales. Instead, Angola is and has been

experiencing a case of mismanagement of funds to the extend that the top elite of the

country has managed to absorb large amounts of that money through corruption and

questionable government practices, leaving little for the rest of the population. This is

exacerbated by the country’s largest inward investor; the Chinese government and

Chinese businesses who in the name of expanding their global political and economic

influence, place little to no standards on the conditions of trade. In other words, the

Chinese state is after Angola’s vast oil reserves to fuel its own industrialization and

production, and places little emphasis on standards of corporate social responsibility as

adopted by US and European companies and state institutions. It is a case of convenient

arrangement for the China-Angola nexus, where the former is after the valuable

commodity of oil and is willing to obtain it with large amounts of investment and aid

with a principle of “no questions asked”, and the latter is in a position to accept such

transactions because of the near-inexistent level of government transparency and

accountability, thus rejecting the Western-set values of corporate social responsibility.

Exploring the Mining Sector in Nigeria as a Panacea for Political Transformation

Asikia Ige, University of Lagos, Nigeria & Andrea Ajibade, Obafemi Awolowo

University, Nigeria

Africa represents a quintessential development paradox. It remains the poorest and least

developed continent, despite its rich endowment in mineral, energy and natural

resources, and despite its low demographic density ratio. That mineral resource

23

contributes only a meagre 0.3% to the GDP of the national economy given the enormous

potential of Nigeria is disheartening to say the least. Much of the mineral potential of

Nigeria like most African countries has not been defined by exploration nor has it been

fully developed due to lack of investment; concentration on mineral oil to the detriment

of other sectors of the economy. In 1999, the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development

published the inventory of mineral potential of Nigeria which states that there is an

occurrence of 33 mineral commodities in 450 locations spread in almost all the states of

the Federation. The sole dependence of Nigeria on oil has resulted in the neglect of other

sectors of economy that can equally fetch her much needed revenue. The paper seeks to

examine the potential of mining as a socio-economic measures in tackling its political

and economic disorders; thus, the paper argues that mining can be one of Nigeria’s

success stories as it will enhance the investment opportunities and revenue for Nigeria;

contribute to enhancing the development that has eluded majority of the populace and

also afford the teeming population of unemployed youths and graduates the needed

employment thereby promoting economic well-being of the citizenry and stemming

political disorder.