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Linguistic typology and language
universalsCourse script PART I - Holger Diessel
Languages of the world
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Number of speakers
Mandarin 907
English 456
Hindi 383
Spanish 362Russian 293
Arabic 208
Bengali 189
Portuguese 177
Indonesian 148
Japanese 126French 123
German 119 (Whaley 1997:139
Language sampling
Table 1. Percentage of basic constituent orders
Order Greenberg (1966) Tomlin (1986)
SVOSOV
VSO
VOS
OVS
OSV
43%37%
20%
0%
0%
0%
42%45%
9%
3%
1%
0%
Convenient language sample
Proportional language sample.
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Types of universals
1. Absolute universals vs. statistical universals
a. All languages have vowels and consonants.
b. Most languages place the subject before the object.
2. Implicational universals
(1) Peter saw himself (in the mirror).
(2) Peter saw him (in the mirror).
If a language has reflexive pronouns for first and second person,it also has reflexive pronouns for third person.
Table 2. The crosslinguistic distribution of reflexives
all persons 3. only person
reflexive x x
non-reflexive x
There are languages that have reflexive pronouns for all persons.
There are languages that do not have reflexive pronouns at all.
There are languages that employ reflexive pronouns only for 3. person.
There is no language that employs reflexive pronouns except for 3. person.
English me myself
you yourself
him/her/it himself/herself/itself
German mich mich
dich dich
ihm/ihr/es sich
Old English m m hine/hi/hit hine/hi/hit
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3. Universal hierarchies
a. SUBJ > OBJ > OBL > GEN
b. white/black > red > green/yellow > blue > brown
4. Semantic maps
(1) I saw somebody/*anybody. specific unknown
(2) Did you see somebody/anybody. question
(3) I didnt see *somebody/anybody. indirect negation
(4) *Somebody/anybody can win. free choice
specific
known
Specific
unknown
irrealis
non-specific
questions indirect
negation
direct
negation
conditional comparative free choice
KA
-DEMO
specific
known
specific
unknown
irrealis
non-specific
questions indirect
negation
direct
negation
conditional comparative free choice
English
some
no
an -
-MO
Japanese
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Explaining linguistic universals
1. Innateness
The argument from the poverty of the stimulus (Chomsky)
2. Discourse
(1) The police officer saw the womani. He probably knew heribut
(2) The police officer saw heri. He probably knew the womanibut
3. Sentence processing
(1) The man who Peter who was tired saw was sick.
4. Economy
(1) lexical word > grammatical word > affix > zero
5. Iconicity(1) a. We went home before Mary left.
b. Before Mary left we went home.
(2) a. We went home after Mary left.
b. After Mary left we went home.
Competing motivations
Iconic Non-iconic
MAIN-SUB
SUB-MAIN
x, before y
after x, y
y, after x
before y, x
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Grammatical categories
Parts-of-speech (lexical categories)
Nouns (N)
Verbs (V)
Adjectives (ADJ)
Adverbs (ADV)
Pronouns (PRO)
Determiner (DET)
Preposition (P)
Conjunction (COMP)
Auxiliaries (AUX)
Grammatical relations
Subject
Direct object
Indirect object
Adverbials
Thematic roles
Agent
Patent Theme
Experiencer
Beneficary
Instrument
Location
Recipient
Phrasal categories
Noun phrases (NP) Verb phrase (VP)
Prepositional phrase (PP)
Clause/sentence (S)
Headcomplementadjunct
Head
Complement
Adjunct
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Morphological categories of the noun
Lindsay J. Whaley. 1997. Introduction to Linguistic Typology.The Unity and Diversity of Language, chap 4. Thousands Oaks:
Sage Publications
Number
Tmpisa Shoshone (Uto-Aztecan)
(1) kapaayu-
horse-SG
the/a horse
(2) kapaayu-angku
horse-DU
(two) horses
(3) kapaayu-amm
horse-PL
(more than two) horses
Hawaiian (Austronesian)
(1) elau al mau ia
two may PL fish
my two fish
Case
Luiseno (Uto-Aztecan)
(1) ?wut kasila-y toow-q
eagle lizard-OBJ see-SG
The eagle sees the lizard.
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Mojave (Yuman)
(1) hatq- po taver-m
dog-SUBJ cat chase-PRS/PST
The dog chased the cat.
Latin (IE) suffixes
(1) equ-us reg-em vd
Horse-NOM king-ACC see.PERF.3SG
The horse saw the king.
Japanese words
(1) John ga Mary o but-ta
John SUBJ Mary OBJ hit-PST
John hit Mary.
English clitics
(1) I saw the Queens crown.
(2) I saw the Queen of Englands crown.
Kanuri (Nilotic) clitics
(1) km-ga rskena
man-OBJ I.saw
I saw the man.
(2) [km kr]-ga rskena
man big-OBJ I.saw
I saw the big man.
(3) [ft [km kr]ve]-ga rskena
Compound man big-GEN-OBJ I.saw
I saw the big mans compound.
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Direct and indirect object
Latin (IE)(1) puell-ae pecni-am da-t
girl-DAT money-ACC give-3S
He gives money to the girl.
Locative case markers
allative motion to
illative absence of motion
ablative motion away from
Quechua
(1) Utavalu-li kawasa-ni
Otavalo-in live-1
I live in Otavalo.
(2) Utavalo-mando shamu-ni
Otavalo-from come-1
I come from Otavalo.
(3) wasi ladu-pi
house near-at
near the house
Instrumental case
Yareba (Papua New Guinea)
(1) dana boro auri-ma yanai
he pig spear-INST spear.3SHe killed the pig with a spear.
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Genitive case
(1) Jenas mayor
(2) The mayor of Jena
Possessive affixes
Masalit (Nilotic)
(1) leri-mbe
donkey-1SG
my donkey
(2) leri-na
donkey-2SG
your donkey
(3) leri-ta
donkey-3SG
his/her donkey
Table 1. Alienable and inalienable possession in Cree
Alienable possession Inalienable possession
+possessor -possessor +possessor -possessor
ni-mhkomn
1SG-knifemy knife
mhkomn
knifea knife
ni-sksik
1SG-eyemy eye
mi-sksik (*sksik)
non.POSS-eyean eye
Gender / Noun Class
(1) Der Mann
(2) Die Frau
(3) Das Mdchen
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Dyirbal (Pama-Nyungan)
(1) a. bayi yara b. bayi yamani
MASC man MASC rainbow
the/a man the/a rainbow
(2) balan dugumbil
FEM woman
the/a woman
(3) balam miran
PLANT black.bean
black bean
(4) bala dawun
INAN dilly bag
the/a dilly bag
Mandarin (Sinitic)(1) sn-ge rn
Three-CLASS person
three people
(2) zhi-zhn dng
This-CLASS lamp
this lamp
(3) zhi-ge yzi
This-CLASS chair
this chair
(4) ni-tio ni
That-CLASS cow
that cow
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Definiteness
Swedish
(1) hus-ethouse-DEF
the house
(2) hus-en
house-INDEF
a house
The noun phrase
NP
N
PP
N NP
N N
DET ADJ N N P DET A N
The young mans dream of a good life
Wardaman (Pama-Nyungan)
(1) dang-nyi wunggun-bu-ndi yibiyan-yi
Yonder-ERG 3SG:3NON.SG-hit-PST man-ERG
That man hit them.
Das geistig Zusammengehrende steht beieinander. [Behagel 1923-32]
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Pronouns
Personal pronouns
1. person 2. person 3. person
I
me
you
you
he
him
she
her
it
it
we you they
(1) The man saw the woman. He/shesaw him/her.
Finnish (Uralic)
(1) laul-an I sing
laula-t You sing
laula-vi He sings
laula-mme We wing
laula-tte You sing
laula-vat They sing
Swahili (Niger-Congo)
(1) a-li-ni-piga
3SG.SUBJ-PST-1SG.OBJ-hit
He/she hit me.
(2) u-ta-ni-penda You will like me
a-ta-ni-penda He will like me
a-ta-ku-penda He will like you
a-ta-m-penda He will like him
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a-ta-ku-penda I will like you
a-ta-m-penda I will like him
u-ta-m-penda You will like him
Possessive pronouns
Possessive pronouns Possessive determiners
my
your
his
her
its
mine
yours
his
hers
its
Relative pronouns
(1) The man who(m) I saw.
(2) The bike that I bought.
Indefinite pronouns
Universal Pronoun Determiner everyone
everybody
everything
every/each
all all
Positive
both both
no one
nobody
nothing
Negative
none
none/no
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Partitive Pronoun Determiner
someone
somebody
something
Assertive
some
some
anyone
anybody
anything
Nonassertive
none
any/either
Interrogative pronouns
(1) What did you talk about __ in class?
Mandarin (Sinitic)
(1) w qng shi ch fan
I invite whom eat food
Whom did I invite to eat.
Demonstrative pronouns
English Japanese
Proximal Distal Near S Near H Distant
this that sono kono ano
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The relationship between demonstratives and interrogatives
Diessel, Holger. 2003. The relationship between demonstratives and
interrogatives. Studies in Language.
Demonstrative Interrogative
Pronouns Pronouns
Third Person PRO Relative PRO Indefinite PRO
Possessive PRO
(1) der da(2) celui-ci/l
(3) denhr/dendr
Syntactic properties
Table 1. English
DEMONSTRATIVE INTERROGATIVE
PRONOUN this / that who, what
NOUN MODIFIER this / that which
ADVERB here / there where, when, why, how
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Table 2. French
DEMONSTRATIVE INTERROGATIVE
PRONOUN celui / celle qui / que
NOUN MODIFIER ce / cette quel / quelle
ADVERB ice, l o, quand, pourquoi, comment
Semantic features
Table 3. DEM and WH in English
Demonstratives Interrogatives
Person that (one) who
Thing that (one) what
Place there where
Direction:to thither whither
Direction:from thence whence
Time then when
Manner thus (that way) how
Table 4. DEM and WH in Punjabi (Bhatia 1993: 233)
Demonstratives Interrogatives
Person kauN
Thing kii
Place tthe ktthe
Direction ddar kddar
Time huN kad
Manner v kv Amount nnaa knnaa
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Table 5. DEM and WH in Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993: 188)
Demonstratives Interrogatives
Person/Thing im him / wuz&
Place inag hinag
Place:at ina hina
Place:on inal hinal
Place:in inra hinra
Direction:to iniz hiniz
Direction:from inaj hinaj
Manner ik hik(a)
Amount iqwan hiqwan
Quality ixfltin hixfltin
Table 6. DEM and WH in Japanese (Hinds 1986: 266, 270)
Demonstratives Interrogatives
Person dare
Thing kore dore
Place koko doko
Direction kochira dochira
Manner koo doo
Amount konna ni donna ni
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Table 7. DEM and WH in Malayalam (Asher and Kumari 1997:268)
Demonstratives Interrogatives
Person ii evan / aar
Thing ii ent
Place iviTe eviTe
Direction:to inn enn
Time ippoo eppoo
Manner iine eine
Amount itra etra
Interrogatives tend to distinguish between human (who) and nonhuman
(what) referents.
Demonstratives are deictic, i.e. they distinguish between proximal and
distal forms.
Phonetic features
Demonstratives and interrogatives share two phonetic features:
In some languages, they all begin with the same formative
They are generally stressed.
Explanation
The semantic similarities between demonstratives and interrogatives are
motivated by similar pragmatic functions. Both types of expressions are
directives. They function to draw the hearers attention on entities that previously
were not activated or in focus.
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Verbal categories
Lindsay J. Whaley. 1997. Introduction to Linguistic Typology. The Unity and
Diversity of Language, chap 4. Thousands Oaks: Sage Publications
Morphological categories of the verb
Verb classes:
1. intransitive verbs
2. transitive verbs
3. ditransitive verbs
Inflectional categories:
1. tense
2. aspect
3. mood
Tense
Absolute tense
Peter is working Present
Peter was working Past
Peter has been working Present Perfect
Peter will be working Future 1
Relative tense
Peter had been working (before he went to bed) Past Perfect
Peter will have finished work (when you come) Future 2
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1. Tense affixes
Latin (IE)
voc- I call / I am calling PRESENT
voc-bam I was calling / I used to call PAST
voc-b I will call FUTURE
voc-vi I called / I have called PERFECT
voc-veram I had called PAST PERFECT
voc-ver I will have called FUTURE PERFECT
2. Tense auxiliaries
I will go
You will go
He will go
Aspect
(1) I have gotten a letter from Sue. Present perfect
(2) I was working. Progressive
Perfective
Imperfective
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Aktionsart / lexical aspect
[-dynamic] [+dynamic]
states
[-telic] [+te ic]
[-durative] [+durative] [-durative]
[+durative]
semelfactives activities achievements accomplishments
(1) She hated ice cream. (State)
(2) The gate banged. (Semelfactive)
(3) Your cat watched those birds. (Activity)
(4) The cease-fire began at noon yesterday. (Achievement)
(5) Her boss learned Japanese. (Accomplishment)
Mood
Subjunctive
German
(1) Er kommt zur Party.
(2) Er sagt er komme (kme) zur Party.
(3) Wenn er zur Party kme,
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English
(1) I insist that we reconsider the Councils decision.
(2) The employees demand that he resign.
(3) I suggest that you be President.
(4) If she were leaving you would have heard about it.
(5) I wish I were you.
(1) Peter must go. deontic
(2) That must be right. epistemic
Imperative
(1) Give me the key.
(2) Gib mir den Schlssel.
(3) Geben Sie mir den Schlssel.
Hortative
(1) Lets go to the movies.
Interrogative
Japanese has interrogative mood expressed by sentence particles.
Japanese
(1) Kore wa hon desu yo
This TOP book is DECL
CThis is a book.
(2) Kore wa hon desu ka
This TOP book is Q
Is this a book?
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Other categories of the verb
Swahili (Niger-Congo) PERSON
(1) a-li-ni-piga
3SG.SUBJ-PST-1SG.OBJ-hit
He/she hit me.
English (IE) PASSIVE
(1) Peter kicked the ball.
(2) The ball was kicked (by Peter).
Turkish (Turkic) CAUSATIVE
(1) Hasan l-d.
Hasan die-PST
Hasan died.
(2) Ali Hasan l-dr-d.
Ali Hsan die-CAUSE-PST
Ali killed Hasan.
Maasai (Nilo-Saharan) NEGATION
(1) m-a-rany
NEG-1S-sing
I do not sing.
German (IE) DIRECTION
(1) hin-/her-bringen
hin-/her-stellen
hin-/her-laufen
hin-/her-legen
hin-/her-schwimmen
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Morphological typology
Lindsay J. Whaley. 1997. Introduction to Linguistic Typology. The Unity and
Diversity of Language, chap 8. Thousands Oaks: Sage Publications
Index of Synthesis
Isolating Synthetic
Languages with no bound morphemes are called isolating languages. Strictly
speaking, there are no languages that do not have at least some bound
morphemes. However, some languages have very little bound morphology.
(1) Vietnamese (Comrie 1981: 43)
Khi ti n nha ban ti,
When I come house friend I
When I came to my friends house,
chng ti bt u lm bi.
PL I begin do lessen
we began to do lessons.
Languages with a large amount of inflectional morphology are called
synthetic languages.
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(2) Kirundi (Whaley 1997:20)
Y-a-bi-gur-i-ye abna
CL1-PST-CL8.them-buy-APPL-ASP CL2.children
He bought them for the children.
(3) Mohawk (Mithun 1984: 868)
a. r-ukwet-:yo
he-person-nice
He is a nice person.
b. wa-hi-sereth-hare-se
PST-he/me-car-wash-for
He car-wash for me. (= He washed my car)
c. kvtsyu v-kuwa-nyat-:ase
fish FUT-they/her-throat-slit
They will throat-slit a fish.
Languages with noun-incorporation are also called polysynthetic languages.
Index of fusion
Agglutinative Fusional
Languages in which semantic features are expressed by separate and
clearly identifiable morphemes are called agglutinative languages.
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(1) Turkish (Comrie 1981: 44)
SG PL
Nominative adam adam-lar
Accusative adam-K adam-lar- K
Genitive adam-Kn adam-lar- Kn
Dative adam-a adam-lar-a
Locative adam-da adam-lar-da
Ablative adam-dan adam-lar-dan
Languages in which several semantic features are expressed by a
portmanteau morpheme are called fusional languages. Portmanteau
morphemes must be memorized.
(2) Russian
SG PL SG PL
Nominative stol stol-y lip-a lip-y
Accusative stol stol-y lip-u lip-y
Genitive stol-a stol-ov lip-y lip
Dative stol-u stol-am lip-e lip-am
Instrumental stol-om stol-ami lip-oj lip-ami
Prepositional stol-e stol-ax lip-e lip-ax
Table 1. Hypothetical language
TENSE VOICE PERS NUM
PST
PRS
FUT
pa
pi
po
ACT
PAS
MID
no
mo
o
1st
2nd
3rd
ku
ko
ka
SG
DU
PL
sa
si
so
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(1) sleep-pa-no-ku-sa
V-PST-ACT-1-SG
I slept
(2) sleep-pi-no-ka-so
V-PRS-ACT-3-PL
We are sleeping
Table 1. Oneida verbal inflection
Change of morphological language types
a. from isolating to agglutinating
(1) Melanesian Pidgin (Whaley 1997: 136)
aus blo mi > aus blo-mi
house belong me house of-me / my
(2) how ever > however
by cause > because
Prepronominal Pronominal Stem Suffixes
NegationDirectionIterative
Partative
II:you.SGI:you.DU
I:you.PL
I:he
you.SG:me
you.DU:me
you.PL:me
Verb Aspect
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going to > gonna
there fore > therefore
in deed > indeed
N meaning body-like > -ly
any body > anybody
in front of > in.front.of
b. from agglutinative to fusional
(1) Paamese (Whaley 1997: 137)
a. *na-i-lesi- > ni-lesi-
I-FUT-see-it I.FUT-see-it
b. *ko-i-lesi-nau > ki-lesi-nau
you-FUT-see-me you.FUT-see-me
c. from fusional to isolating
Table 1. Nominal declension in Old English
SG PL
NOM stan stan-as
GEN stan-es stan-a
DAT stan-e stan-umACC stan stan-as
Table 2. Nominal declension in Modern English
SG PL
NOM stone ston-es
GEN stones ston-es
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fusional
isolating agglutinative
We dont have any evidence of any language that went through the entire
circle, but we have abundant evidence for partial developments.
Languages can be isolating in one domain and highly fusional in another
domain (e.g. Oneida nouns and verbs). Thus, it is better to think about the
different morphological types as characterizations of grammar sections
rather than as characterizations of whole languages.
Reduction
FusionLoss
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Head-marking vs. dependent-marking
Lindsay J. Whaley. 1997. Introduction to Linguistic Typology. The Unity and
Diversity of Language, chap 8.2.2. Thousands Oaks: Sage Publications
Possessive constructions
(1) English dependent-marking
The mans house
(2) Hungarian (Comrie 1989: 53) head-marking
az ember hz-a
the man house-his
The mans house
(3) Turkish (Comrie 1989: 53) double-marking
Adam-Kn ev-i
Man-POSS house-his
the mans house
(4) Haruai (Comrie 1989: 1989: 53) no marking
nb ram
man house
the mans house
Table 1. Johanna Nichols (1986) Head-dependent pairs
Level Head Dependent
Phrase
Clause
Possessed noun
Noun
Adposition
PredicateAuxiliary
Possessor
Adjective
NP
Arguments + AdjunctsVerb
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Clauses
(1) Chechen (Dryer Workbook)
da:-s woa-na urs- t:xira dependent
father-ERG son-DAT knife-NOM struck
The father stabbed the son.
(2) Japanese
boku ga tomudati ni hana o t:xira dependent
I SUBJ friend to flowers OBJ gave
The man gave the woman the book.
(3) Abkhaz (Dryer workbook)
a-xc?a a-p@s a-Sq?@ -l@-y-te-yt? head
the-man the man the-book it-her-he-gave-FIN
The man gave the woman the book.
(4) Tzutujil (Dryer workbook) head
x--kee-tij tzyaq chooyaa?
ASP-3SG-3PL-ate clothes rats
Rats ate the clothes.
(5) Dani (Dryer workbook)
ap palu-nen -nasikh-e double
Man python-OBJ 3SG.OBJ-eat.PST-3SG-SUBJ
The python ate the man.
(6) English zero
The man gave Peter the book.
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Adpositional constructions
(1) German dependent
wegen des Wetters
mit dem Wind
gegen den Wind
(2) Russian (Dryer workbook) dependent
s brat-om
with brother-INST
with (the) brother)
(3) Abkhaz (Dryer workbook) head
a-j@yas a-qn@
the-river its-at
at the river
(4) Tzutujil (Dryer workbook) head
ruu-majk jar aachi
3SG-because.of the man
because of the man
(5) Turkish (Dryer workbook) double
Mehmed-in el-i
Mehmed-POSS hand-his
Mehmeds hand(6) Tiwi (Dryer workbook) zero
j@r@k@pai tuwaia
crocodile tail
crocodiles tail
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Generalizations across languages (Nichols 1986)
1. Head/dependent marking and level
If a language has head-marking morphology anywhere, it will have it at the
clause level.
2. Word order and head/dependent marking
Head-marking morphology favours verb-initial order, while dependent-
marking morphology disfavours it.
3. Occurrence of arguments and head/dependent marking
If a language has head-marking at the clause level, arguments can usually
be omitted.