Crisis Prevention –Conflict Resolution –Peacekeeping

Contributions by theFriedrich-Ebert-Stiftung tocivil conflict transformation

C o n t e n t s

Preface 4

Introduction 6

Fields of activity for conflict transformation 11

Contributions towards civil conflict transformation in acute crises 11

Establishment of forums for dialogue and mediation in conflicts 14

Tackling the consequences of conflicts 27

Security-policy and economic co-operation 30

Education and information from media which report accurately

and sensitively about conflicts 40

Promoting the capacities of the state and civil society

to transform conflicts 43

Building democratic public institutions 44

Free and fair elections as a basis for democratically legitimised institutions 46

Safeguarding human rights and political rights:

an element of civil conflict transformation 49

Reform and democratisation of the security agencies 52

Decentralisation and self-administration 54

Policy of social justice and of balanced inclusion

of all groups of the population 58

Strengthening the competences of civil society in conflict transformation 61

Enabling society and the individual to manage conflicts constructively;

strengthening tolerance and pluralism 62

Strengthening the conflict transformation competences of multipliers 66

Support of strategic and disadvantaged groups of relevance to conflicts 68

Involvement of women in civil conflict transformation 70

Challenges and prospects for the future work of theFriedrich-Ebert-Stiftung 72

Crisis prevention and conflict transformation in the light of failed states 73

Raising the quality and efficiency of conflict transformation 77

Editor: Friedrich-Ebert-StiftungDivision for International Co-operationand International DialogueHiroshimastraße 17, D-10785 Berlin

© Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

Co-ordination andEditor in chief: Helmut van Edig

Editors: Armin Hasemann, Ulrich Storck, Almut Wieland-Karimi

Photos: AFP, Corbis, dpa, Reuters, van EdigLayout: Pellens Kommunikationsdesign GmbH, Bonn

Printed by: Toennes Satz + Druck GmbH, Erkrath

Printed in Germany 2003

ISBN: 3-89892-177-8

4 / Preface

It is a great pleasure to respond to the request by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung to

write a preface to the publication “Crisis Prevention – Conflict Resolution – Peacekeeping:

Contributions by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung to civil conflict transformation”. I am par-

ticularly proud to be asked to do this since this renowned political foundation has inva-

riably worked to promote peace, freedom and development all around the world. The

Foundation is giving intensive backing to my home country, Afghanistan, as it makes its

way towards lasting peace and reconstruction. And so I am happy to call the Foundation

a close friend of my country.

Following more than 20 years of war and civil war, Afghanistan has had a very painful

experience of what it is like to bear the brunt of international politics and of how des-

tructive a military conflict can be. The Petersberg Agreement on Afghanistan of Decem-

ber 2001 has given us a historic opportunity to bring permanent stability to my country.

More than two decades of war have created many lines of conflict in Afghan society.

Preface

by Hamid Karzai,

President of Afghanistan

Schi

cke

Preface / 5

For this reason, we now need to draw on every possibility for civil conflict resolution:

actors from government and society need to embark on a permanent dialogue, recon-

struction projects should be planned in a conflict-sensitive manner, so that all sections of

the population can share equally in the reconstruction, an independent media sector

must be established, and we wish to engage in trusting co-operation in the political and

economic field with our neighbours at regional level.

The peace conference on the Petersberg near Bonn was held under the aegis of the

United Nations. The Germans, to whom we Afghans are linked in close friendship, were

generous and trusting hosts. We regard the fact that Germany has never ceased to work

towards peace in our country as a demonstration of friendship. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

plays a special role in this relationship. We have not forgotten Willy Brandt’s initiatives for

peace in Afghanistan. And an Afghanistan Conference was organised by the Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung in Bonn in 1998, focusing on a possible peace accord and the holding of a

Loya Jirga (grand council). I myself was at that meeting in Bonn, and greatly valued this

exchange, since it helped to pave the way for today’s peace process.

Also, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung was one of the first foreign organisations to open an

office in Kabul at the end of February 2002, thus showing our country that the on-the-

spot support promised by the international community would actually be provided. The

holding of several further events relating to Afghanistan has also drawn public attention

to our country’s difficulties. And it was the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, in co-operation with

the Afghan Embassy in Berlin, which gave me the opportunity to speak to almost a thou-

sand of my compatriots in exile when I visited Germany in March 2002. I thank the Foun-

dation deeply for what it has done.

For the sake of Afghanistan and the many partner countries all around the world, I would

like to express the wish that the Foundation will continue to be such a resolute advocate

of democracy, peace and development. In today’s world, increasingly shaken by wars,

conflicts and crises, it is very important that one priority of international co-operation

should – as is the case with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung – be in the field of conflict trans-

formation.

It is impossible to overstate the value of this expertise for partners all around the world.

I would like to close by expressing the hope that more and more crises and conflicts can

be managed and resolved on a civilian basis. The incalculable pain and suffering inflicted

on the victims and their families in the course of violent conflicts can never be made

good. Peace is worth the effort, and the active dissemination of this message across the

world is another great service of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

Kabul, Summer 2002

6 / Introduction

Introduction

corb

is

In the twentieth century, political crises or conflicts

culminated in extreme cases in military clashes, in wars

between states. At the time of the East-West confron-

tation, this was the predominant type of conflict, and

the only way to prevent it was a strategy of military

deterrence to which both politics and the military were

geared. Since the end of this conflict between military

blocs, new forms of conflict have become increasingly

prominent: increasingly, these are ethnically or religiously

motivated disputes within society which do not neces-

sarily stop at state borders. Europe experienced these

new forms of crisis and conflict particularly painfully

and close to home in the Balkans in the 1990s. The

usual instruments of prevention have tended to fail in

these cases. The traditional blend of diplomatic nego-

tiations and sanctions proved unable to prevent mili-

tary clashes. However, in the course of the successive

Balkan crises, the international community has shown

an ability to learn and has developed increasingly

workable responses to regional and ethnic conflicts, as

witnessed by the successful prevention of civil war in

Macedonia. This process has gone hand in hand with a

re-orientation of foreign, development and security

policy in the national and international context.

The terrorist attacks of 11 September immediately put

these approaches to prevention and conflict transfor-

mation, which were just starting to evolve further, to

the test. We are confronted with a totally new dimen-

sion of challenge. The subsequent arguments about

the appropriateness of the term “war” with reference

to the operations following 11 September reflect all

too clearly the search for orientation when faced with

Introduction / 7

a form of conflict consisting of privately organised, pri-

vately funded, non-location-specific, and self-avowedly

religious violence (terror) directed against a nation state,

a superpower and ultimately against the entire interna-

tional community. There are signs of a need for a new

quality of prevention, for structural prevention on a global

scale. That this may include instances of police or milita-

ry intervention is not a matter of dispute. But it also

shows only too clearly that regional conflicts (Kashmir,

Middle East, etc.) will have to be resolved more quickly

and more sustainably in future. In particular, it is be-

coming clear that the international community needs a

long-term preventive perspective in the sense of a global

approach to attain greater justice, to humanise globa-

lisation. That is the only way to reduce the sympathies

for and the recruitment prospects of internationalised

terrorist networks, to lessen the acceptance of terrorist

activities.

However, two approaches of international politics have

become discredited: firstly, the neglect of the zones of

poverty and conflict in the hope that the widening reach

of the markets would solve all further problems auto-

matically. Instead, the combination of international

markets and local exploitative and war-based economies

has engendered lasting instability. Secondly, the at-

tempts, for purely power-political reasons, to manipu-

late local disputes and balances of power in a country’s

own interest: even where such attempts have been suc-

cessful, they have in the medium and long term left a

legacy of corrupt regimes and counter-elites willing to

use force, thus rendering the next conflicts inevitable.

The alternative to neglect and power-political manipu-

lation is a long-term crisis prevention policy or a forward-

looking peace policy. In those cases in which violent

clashes have already broken out, these policies do not

exclude the use of military means. However, military ope-

rations must be integrated into a comprehensive solution,

which particularly includes social, economic, humani-

tarian and cultural elements. But the emphasis is on crisis

prevention and conflict management based chiefly on

civil means, forming part of a co-ordinated approach by

international politics and development co-operation. Kofi

Annan, the Secretary-General of the United Nations,

memorably formulated this interrelationship in his speech

to the German Bundestag on 28 February 2002: “No

sustainable peace without sustainable development”.

Significance of civil conflict transformation forthe work of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

Against this background, the German Government has

made crisis prevention and conflict resolution a central

political objective of its international co-operation. The

citizens of the partner countries are to be supported in

their efforts to find independent and non-violent solu-

tions to conflicts and to pinpoint potential crises at an

early stage.

Here, Germany’s political foundations (Stiftungen) play a

special role, as their programmes to promote democratic

transformation, civil society and good governance can

contribute towards the establishment of a framework

for stability and lasting peace. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-

tung operates in more than 100 countries around the

world, many of which are affected by latent and acute

conflicts and are home to worsening domestic disputes.

For this reason, the field of crisis prevention and civil

conflict transformation is becoming an increasingly im-

portant aspect of the Foundation’s political co-operation:

alongside the long-term objectives of stability in social

development work, an increasing number of projects

with an explicit conflict perspective are being carried

out in the relevant countries.

There is no doubt that conflicts can only be resolved by

the societies themselves; however, international organi-

sations can play a significant role as external mediators

in crisis prevention and peaceful conflict transformation.

To this end, there is a need for a targeted development

of a variety of approaches in the field of civil conflict

transformation in order to strengthen the capacity with-

in societies to manage conflicts in a constructive manner.

Civil conflict transformation is a core issue requiring net-

worked and newly developing expertise.

8 / Introduction

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bis

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung understands civil conflict

transformation to comprise all measures taken before,

during or after violent conflicts in order to exert a targeted

influence on the roots of the conflict, the conflict parties

and their modes of dialogue, and to boost the potential

for peace within the respective society/societies in a tar-

geted manner. Expressed in model form, this implies a

sequence of possible points of approach and intervention

by civil conflict transformation: prevention of crises and

violence, de-escalation and dispute settlement, recon-

struction and reconciliation, enhancement of the capa-

city of disadvantaged groups to assert themselves in

conflicts, the promotion of democratic cultures of argu-

ment, and the development of an intercultural capacity

to take action where conflicts arise between groups.

In the broad field of civil conflict transformation, the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has focused its attention on pro-

grammes and projects of international co-operation

which particularly coincide with its mandate and skills

as a political foundation. A key part of this is the long-

term promotion of democracy and socially just develop-

ment via the influencing of society. Stable democracy

and domestic peace are conditional on each other. For

the Foundation, conflict prevention is not a by-product

of its social policy activities; rather, it is being pursued in

an increasingly proactive and targeted manner and forms

a major element of its mandate; in fact, in regions of con-

flict, it is the precondition for socio-political development

work.

Helping to reduce structural causes of conflictsand to transform latent conflicts

The work of the Foundation thus helps to reduce the

structural causes of conflicts. In view of the multifaceted

nature of conflict situations, and against the background

of limited resources, it is rarely possible to undertake

comprehensive approaches covering the entire field. The

Foundation therefore concentrates on priority projects

which are specific to a conflict and which correspond to

its particular competences. It tries to complement these

appropriately via co-operation and co-ordination with

national and international institutions active in other sec-

tors. Additional potential for the further development

of approaches to conflict transformation is to be found

in the Foundation’s world-wide network of offices via

which the exchange and transfer of lessons learnt and

of best practices in this field of activity is organised.

Beyond that, the specific instruments at the disposal of

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung offer various ways to directly

Introduction / 9

Dr. Ernst-J. Kerbusch Dr. Uwe OptenhögelHead of Division Head of Division

International Development Co-operation International Dialogue

influence latent conflicts. These range from the promotion

of the capacities of the stakeholders to engage in non-

violent conflict resolution, to mediation between conflict

parties prior to feared escalation, and to measures of

reconciliation and reintegration following a conflict.

Here, the focus is on establishing and maintaining a po-

litical dialogue and on a common search for potential

solutions, supplemented by the targeted transfer of the

necessary skills.

The particular involvement of the Foundation in the field

of civil conflict transformation is underlined by its work

in the FriEnt Working Group Development and Peace of

the Federal Ministry of Economic Co-operation and

Development, a joint project involving seven govern-

mental and non-governmental organisations and asso-

ciations from the fields of peace promotion and develop-

ment co-operation. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is thus

a major player in the exchange of information and ex-

perience between the organisations, in the co-ordina-

tion of activities, and in the conceptual planning and

(further) development of strategies of civil conflict trans-

formation and crisis prevention, and it is also networ-

ked at European level.

The German public is kept informed about the need for

targeted prevention and conflict transformation via re-

gular events held by the Foundation in the context of its

political consultancy and dialogue programme.

This publication aims to provide an overview of the va-

rious approaches, programmes and instruments used

by the world-wide network of the Foundation’s offices.

The emphasis is less on a full listing of all of the Foun-

dation’s projects in the field of conflict transformation,

and more on the citing of examples to illustrate the ap-

proaches taken. The Foundation’s increasing involve-

ment in this field in the form of new projects is pre-

sented in the last chapter. More detailed information is

available on the websites of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

(www.fes.de) and of the offices of the Friedrich-Ebert-

Stiftung abroad.

10 / Introduction

Contributions towards civil conflicttransformation in acute crises

The long-term aim of the civil conflict transformation work of the Friedrich-Ebert-

Stiftung is to build up a culture of peace by means of sustainable changes in society. But

in the short term, it also covers the response to acute crises. The following examples show

that the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung can make useful contributions towards conflict transfor-

mation even when conflicts have turned violent, when violence is about to break out, or

when it is a question of stabilising peace following the end of a conflict.

Scope for action in “hot” conflicts:Complementarity to classical diplomacy

In a “hot” conflict, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung can utilise scope for action which differs

fundamentally from traditional diplomacy. Diplomacy generally endeavours to influence

the conflict parties from the outside, and uses civil and possibly military means ranging

from diplomatic initiatives to sanctions and peace-enforcement measures. However, these

instruments are not overly suited to influencing the forces in society on whom the avoi-

dance or resolution of a conflict and a lasting peace ultimately depend. In such cases, the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung can take advantage of the stock of confidence and credibility

Fields of activityfor conflict transformation

Acute Crises / 11

Cor

bis

which it has accumulated in the course of its long-term work on social policy and draw on

it as it works with its partners in civil society to promote the restoration and consolidation

of peace from the inside. It has direct access to groups in society which are involved in the

development or avoidance of conflicts. It is less subject to political and economic cons-

traints than government actors, it can move with greater freedom, and it can enter into

unofficial contacts with all sorts of groups, often away from the critical gaze of the public.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and other non-governmental organisations try not to replace

traditional diplomacy, but rather to complement it in those areas in which they have

special competences.

Criteria for the selection of programmes and projectsof civil conflict transformation

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is scarcely in a position to promote peace in every conflict,

even if there are humanitarian reasons to do so. There are limits to its involvement. It

cannot and does not wish to take the place of government actors, and it does not have

the capacities to deal with all the aspects of conflict prevention, conflict resolution or the

consolidation of peace. Rather, there will be a particularly appropriate role for the Foundation

to play when development co-operation is already in place and there is a risk that its

objectives and results will be impaired or negated by violent conflicts. Simply as a result of

the structure of their programmes and projects and their choice of partners, organisa-

tions engaged in international co-operation automatically become actors in conflict situa-

tions, intentionally or unintentionally influencing the course of the conflict. This inter-

action must be taken into account wherever there is latent potential for conflict between

different groups in society – irrespective of whether or not violent escalation appears

imminent.

Detailed knowledge of the causes, actors and dynamics of the conflict, experience in the

country and a cautious approach are indispensable preconditions when it comes to im-

plementing such programmes and projects.

Who are the partners?

When selecting the partners with whom peace building is to be carried out, it is vital to be

particularly sensitive to and aware of their potential role in emergent conflicts.

It is generally necessary to include the political decision-makers, even if they have little

democratic legitimacy. In civil society, the main choices will be groups and individuals who

enjoy credibility and acceptance with those in authority and with the general public, and

who have a certain amount of clout and a tangible potential to transform or mediate in

conflicts. Success is most likely to derive from parallel co-operation both with the political

and administrative elite and with the grass roots of society. This co-operation should not

12 / Acute Crises

be restricted only to the “peace constituencies”, but should also include the most im-

portant partners. Here, it is important not to overlook the risk that social groups can also

be instruments of the conflict parties.

The timing of involvement

Equally sensitive is the decision on the point in time at which it is opportune to become

involved in civil conflict transformation. Ideally, the general political climate should offer a

favourable environment for the work. There should be a perceptible desire for co-opera-

tion and peace amongst the conflict parties and the various groups in society. They should

also be aware of their own responsibility, so that help from the outside can help them to

help themselves. However, there will be very few cases in which such an ideal situation

will pertain. In reality, civil conflict transformation tends to operate in an environment of

violence, prejudice and opposing interests which need to be overcome.

Can success be measured?

Only rarely will it be possible to make a clear statement about how successful a programme

run in the context of civil conflict transformation has been. Peace processes develop over

long periods of time, and sometimes it is more important to keep the process going than

to achieve results. Only rarely can progress at the macro-level be ascribed to specific

actions at the micro-level. Whether or not certain developments should be assessed as

progress often depends on the subjective points of view of the conflict parties and of

other actors. Conflict transformation measures primarily take effect in the background

and are not very headline-grabbing – but on the other hand they make a lasting contri-

bution to the development of peace.

Acute Crises / 13

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Establishment of forums for dialogue and mediation inconflicts

The Nioro region is part of the Sahel. Situated to the

north-west of the capital, Bamako, it is one of the typical

frontier landscapes which are easily forgotten by those

in key positions of responsibility. Only 700,000 people

live in an area the size of Bavaria in a harsh and hostile

environment which, apart from a few acacia trees, has

only one thing to offer: almost complete monotony.

Water is an invaluable asset. Here at the border with

Senegal and Mauritania, Soninké, Peulh, Bambara, Kas-

sonke and Moors have co-existed peacefully for centuries.

Mali was always a transit point, particularly during the

age of the great salt caravans moving northwards. Mutual

tolerance and openness to the unfamiliar created a com-

plex social structure. Forms of communication were

developed which alleviated conflicts, and a shared, en-

lightened Islam was able to bridge various differences.

Dialogue groups to reduce tensions in Nioro du Sahel in Mali

M A L I

14 / Acute Crises

The possibility to exert external influence on domes-

tic conflicts is often overestimated. After all, solutions

cannot be forced on the parties. The conflict parties

themselves ultimately bear the responsibility for the

prevention or resolution of crises and conflicts. How-

ever, third parties can help to restore the balance or

can act as facilitators and possibly as mediators in a

balancing of interests. With these constraints, poli-

tical dialogue can be used as an instrument of civil con-

flict transformation. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has

in numerous cases organised dialogue processes or

made itself available as a platform for an exchange

of views and dialogue. These measures aim to reduce

tensions, to create a climate of trust and to promote

mutual understanding and tolerance, in order ulti-

mately to achieve an understanding between the con-

flict parties. It can also be useful to bring together

experts from the various parties to collaborate on spe-

cific projects of general interest, such as water mana-

gement, regional planning, health, etc. Such projects

can impact beyond their technical aspects, helping to

build trust and serving to identify mutual interests.

Cor

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Roots of the crisis

Despite this fundamentally peaceful co-existence, vio-

lent conflicts broke out in the early 1990s, in the course

of which the village of Tooro became a synonym for

one of the most terrible massacres that could have been

imagined until then in Mali. People described it as the

“banalisation” of murder.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung worked together with ADG,

a Malian non-governmental organisation, to pinpoint

the causes, and it soon became apparent that the clas-

sic checklist of crisis roots was behind the “Nioro case”.

External and internal causes could be held responsible

for the outbreak of violence, but this was less true of

the often overhastily cited “ethnic motives”. Conflicts

between other countries in the region, such as the one

between Senegal and Mauritania, had produced a stream

of refugees from which Nioro suffered more than any-

where else. One of the early side-effects was a flourish-

ing illegal trade in arms. Almost simultaneously, there

was a natural disaster which heightened the competi-

tion for what were already scarce resources and which

devastated the region. 70␣ % of the people in Nioro still

live below the poverty line. In a situation which called

for a strong, fast-acting state, something happened in

common with events in many other countries at the be-

ginning of the 1990s: there was a revolution. The military

regime of Moussa Traoré was deposed, and a democra-

tically elected government installed. But a vacuum arose

in Nioro du Sahel. Decentralisation existed only on pa-

per, the allocation of responsibilities was totally unclear

– instead, a corrupt justice system held sway. In July 1999,

the region was on the verge of civil war.

Dialogue forums in civil society

At this point, an initiative from civil society started a de-

escalation programme. Talks between deputies from the

enemy camps were initiated under the direction of a

trained moderator; with the help of the Friedrich-Ebert-

Stiftung, a peace conference was convened in summer

2000 for more than 200 participants. On the basis of

the crisis analysis provided by ADG, government repre-

sentatives, mayors, traditional authorities, development

aid workers and the farmers affected started talking.

The key to the success of the negotiations was the ap-

peal to recall the traditional values of the community

and to focus on the real causes of the violence. An emer-

gency programme was set in motion to tackle the incre-

dible lack of development in the region, and all parties

agreed on its unconditional implementation.

The implementation of the results of thedialogue

In April 2002, the non-governmental organisation ADG

made a return visit to the Nioro region. What had hap-

pened since the conference? What was the situation

one year on? In small dialogue groups at district level,

trained moderators directed talks between the relevant

government representatives and the affected population,

who repeated their desire for peace. However, the pro-

mised wells, the necessary new roads, the health centres

and the primary schools are taking their time to arrive.

“We would begin straight away,” says the relevant go-

vernment representative, “but we lack the necessary

funding.” The dialogue groups of the Friedrich-Ebert-

Stiftung are being continued. “Only if the dialogue con-

tinues,” says one of the moderators, “do we have a

chance of peace.”

Acute Crises / 15

In Nigeria, the young are to be won over to the idea that conflictscan be handled peacefully

16 / Acute Crises

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N I G E R I A

The conflicts between the various ethnic groups in

the Niger delta and the multinational oil companies are

repeatedly the focus of much attention – particularly in

the international media. There are spectacular instances

of pipelines being cut, drilling platforms or pumping sta-

tions occupied, transport ships hijacked and even oil

workers taken hostage. The calls made by the angry groups

are always the same: they are about money and jobs.

The private security units of the oil companies sometimes

respond with extreme violence, often causing injury and

even death.

For more than 40 years, onshore oil was extracted in-

tensively in the Niger delta – without any consideration

for the indigenous population, and with disastrous eco-

logical consequences. The natural sources of income

from fishing and agriculture were largely destroyed, and

were not replaced by new ones in the oil industry. It is

only in the last few years that the oil firms have begun

to involve the traditional leaders and to finance com-

munity projects in the villages. However, since there are a

large number of ethnic groups in the Niger delta, the

disbursement of development funding results in new

conflicts over the distribution of the money both amongst

the various clans and with the multinational oil com-

panies.

In co-operation with Nigerian partner organisations, the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has promoted peaceful dialogue

amongst the various youth organisations of the various

ethnic groups. This is because the youth organisations

tend to be instrumentalised by the traditional leaders

as action troops to carry out violent attacks. The Foun-

dation’s project work is focused mainly on interethnic

violence. The medium-term aim is for it to be possible

to take a joint peaceful stance in relations with the multi-

national oil firms.

At the same time, in co-operation with deputies from

the Niger delta, a pilot project of self-employment for

young people is being tested. With support from pro-

fessional business consultants, business plans are being

developed for micro-companies. The deputies have com-

mitted themselves to ensuring that financing can come

not least from the oil firms.

In view of the significance of oil extraction for the Nigerian

state, which obtains about 90␣ % of its revenues from

the oil industry, and in view of the plans to expand the

liquified gas sector, it can be expected that the conflicts

may increase. This implies a continuing need to examine

various approaches to preventing outbreaks of violence.

Parties to the civil war in Sudan are encouraged to enter into dialogue

S U D A N

Acute Crises / 17

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Civil war as a permanent condition

The civil war in Sudan between the government and the

opposition in southern Sudan has been ongoing since

1955, with only brief interruptions. It is the longest con-

flict in black Africa. There is an interplay of ethnic, re-

ligious, economic and political lines of conflict – ulti-

mately, the north is trying to gain power over the south

of the country.

The humanitarian, economic and environmental conse-

quences of the dispute are disastrous. For this reason,

conflict transformation and peace building are core areas

of the activities of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Sudan.

Conflict parties and forces from civil societyaround one table

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung aims to promote a country-

wide dialogue on the most important problems and thus

to undermine the structural causes of the conflict: the

focus is on participation in government, distribution of

wealth, the relationship between state and religion, and

on overcoming the cultural, ethnic and religious differenc-

es. In this context, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung was, along

with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)

and the European Union, one of the organisers of two

Round Table encounters in Münstereifel (July 1997) and

Città di Castello (September 1997) attended by the go-

vernment and the SPLM.

The organisation of neutral forums and platforms is in-

tended to make a contribution towards national recon-

ciliation and towards a comprehensive consensus on

fundamental issues, particularly on the form of govern-

ment, mutual recognition and the rejection of violence.

The target groups are politicians and academics from

the ranks of the conflict parties, and activists from civil

society.

The political will for negotiated solutions

Despite a positive response from the participants and

the media, experience shows that simply maintaining a

dialogue is not enough. A dialogue can only be success-

ful if the conflict parties themselves have a recognisable

interest in a peaceful settlement of the conflict. Peace

must be worthwhile for the parties. So it is important to

back up dialogue measures and to take account of the

economic components of the conflict. Those are the

challenges which the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and other

facilitators will have to face up to in future in order to

have a perceptible impact on the avoidance of violent

means in the long term.

Peace building in the form of permanent dialogue

M I D D L E E A S T

18 / Acute Crises

corbis

The outbreak of the second (al-Aqsa) Intifada in Sep-

tember 2000 sent the Middle East conflict into a new

spiral of violence. It proved impossible to take advan-

tage of the seven years of relative calm between the

signing of the Oslo agreement in 1993 and the failure of

the Camp David Summit in July 2000 to secure peace –

a prime example of the failure of conflict prevention

and conflict transformation? The question is directed both

to the governmental/international level with its diversity

of mediation and intervention bodies (UN resolutions, US

mediation, etc.) but also to the numerous non-govern-

mental organisations of civil society working towards

the establishment of lasting (“people to people”) dia-

logue structures in the interest of conflict prevention

and transformation. The same goes for the divide within

society between the Jewish majority and the Arab mino-

rity, which is linked to the “external” conflict and which

is unleashing its virulent potential for conflict in truly

dramatic fashion in the wake of the second Intifada.

The office of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Israel has

for years been supporting activities in both fields aimed

at active conflict prevention and peace development,

and has itself initiated such activities, including the

Economic Cooperation Foundation (ECF), a thinktank

founded in 1991, and practical crisis management. The

ECF has gained a reputation as a thinktank for the de-

velopment of strategies to shape Israeli-Palestinian/

Arab relations in a peaceful way. The findings of the

ECF’s academic analyses are chiefly aimed at political

decisionmakers and offer possible ways to end the

Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In addition to this, the ECF is

also involved in practical regional initiatives which pro-

mote co-operation and thus peaceful co-existence be-

tween Israelis and Palestinians/Arabs. These measures

embrace the sectors of society which, beyond the poli-

tical arena, contain substantial potential for conflict, such

as security, commerce, medical care and the environ-

ment, but also science and education, and in which fu-

I S R A E L / P A L E S T I N I A N T E R R I T O R I E S

“Co-operation North” – an example of peace policy in practice

Acute Crises / 19

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ture-looking conflict-sensitive and conflict-preventive

strategies are to be jointly developed.

The maintenance of a minimalIsraeli-Jordanian exchange

To a large extent, this also applies to Jordan, where the

euphoria over the potential dividends of a “new Middle

East” evaporated just two years after the signing of the

peace treaty between Jordan and Israel in October 1994.

The policies of the then Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin

Netanyahu, which impeded the peace process, resulted

in a campaign in which the influential leaders of the

Jordanian business associations in particular endeavou-

red to prevent a normalisation of relations between Is-

rael and Jordan. Against this background, the Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung is promoting a dialogue between the

Amman Center for Peace and Development and the

Peres Center for Peace in Tel Aviv, involving the partici-

pation of Jordanian and Israeli multipliers (journalists,

academics, policy advisers and former military officers).

Confidence-building measures make a constructive con-

tribution towards a better understanding of the other

side’s position. Since, due to the ongoing crisis, the of-

ficial relations between the two countries have been re-

duced to a minimum, this informal exchange is of fun-

damental importance for relations between Jordan and

Israel.

“International co-operation is far too important to be

left to governments alone.” This sentence of Willy

Brandt’s encapsulates the way in which the offices of

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Israel and in the Pales-

tinian territories understand their work. They operate pro-

grammes to promote cross-border co-operation beneath

government level. The most important example of this

is the “Co-operation North” project, which is support-

ed with funding from the European Union.

On 15 February 1999, an agreement was signed in the

city hall of Haifa which can be regarded as historic. “Co-

operation North” describes the cross-border co-opera-

tion between the Palestinian border region of Jenin on

the one hand and the Israeli border regions of Gilboa

and Bet Shean and the city of Haifa on the other. The

initiative for this came from the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

and its partners, the Israeli Economic Cooperation Foun-

dation and the Governor of the Palestinian autonomous

territory of Jenin.

It is the first agreement of its type and, in view of the

standstill in the peace process, its symbolic function as

practical peace policy should not be underestimated. The

fields of co-operation include on the one hand the ex-

pansion of regional and cross-border infrastructure like

water supply, effluent disposal and drainage, electricity

supply, waste management and transport. On the other

hand, co-operation is also to take place in the fields of

commercial development, local administration, health

and social affairs, education, scientific co-operation, and

the fight against crime.

Civil conflict resolution initiatives

C A U C A S U S

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bis The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung regards its role primarily as

that of mediator, both between the unequal partners

and between them and Europe. Here, it benefits from

its good relations in the Upper Rhine region, the border

area between France, Germany and Switzerland, where

a comprehensive system of cross-border co-operation

has emerged over the last 50 years which is recognised

and copied around the world.

The “RegioTriRhena” created a partnership in which

French, German and Swiss experts from the Upper Rhine

region advise the Palestinian and Israeli partners, agree

exchange programmes and provide internships in Ger-

man and French institutions. The first experts have spent

time in Israel and in the Palestinian territories for talks

with the representatives of the co-operating regions, and

have produced a timetable for further meetings. The pro-

ject has been so impeded by the virtual state of war bet-

ween Israel and the Palestinian territories since autumn

2000 that the time spent has to be written off as lost.

Nevertheless, the partners have not given up. “Co-ope-

ration North” is to continue as soon as both sides re-

cognise the senselessness of a “military solution” to the

conflict and find their way back to the negotiating table.

The southern Caucasus – an unstable regionof conflicts “on ice”

The foreign and domestic policies of the three inter-

nationally recognised republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan

and Georgia are dominated by secession conflicts, as

are the entire public affairs of the three non-recognised

secession territories of Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh and

South Ossetia. These conflicts not only block the eco-

nomic co-operation vital for the region’s economic de-

velopment, but are also sources of danger from which

renewed violence can break out. Since the end of the

civil wars between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia on

the one hand and Azerbaijan on the other, and bet-

ween Georgia and Abkhazia, the southern Caucasus has

been an unstable region of conflicts “on ice”:

Azerbaijan and Armenia are in dispute over the territory

of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is an autonomous territo-

ry subject to Azerbaijan, but whose population is most-

ly Armenian. Since 1994, the Minsk Group, acting un-

der the aegis of the OSCE and chaired by Russia, the

Acute Crises / 21

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United States and France, has been unsuccessfully me-

diating in this conflict, but the potential for negotiations

seems to have been exhausted. The will to make con-

cessions and compromises is lacking in the populations

of Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan – critical

observers regard the negotiations between the two pre-

sidents as a farce.

Abkhazia, which used to be an autonomous republic, is

striving to break away from Georgia and has enjoyed

de facto independence since 1994, but is still claimed

by Georgia. Under the aegis of the United Nations, the

“Council for the Resolution of the Georgia-Abkhazia

Conflict” and the “Group of Friends of the UN Secretary-

General” are mediating here – so far without the slightest

success. Work is currently taking place on the draft of a

document on the “Distribution of Competences between

Tbilisi and Sukhumi”.

The secession territory of South Ossetia, which is trying

to ward off integration into Georgia, is “waiting for Ab-

khazia”.

Peaceful resolution of the secession conflicts

The failures of international mediation so far do not mean

that other approaches to resolving the Karabakh con-

flict and the Abkhazia conflict must also remain fruitless in

the long term. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung believes there

are possibilities at several levels to make a contribution

towards the peaceful resolution of the secession conflicts,

or at least towards preventing new outbreaks of violence

in the region. The Foundation is supporting initiatives of

influential civil associations or “social organisations” which

endeavour to improve the capacity for communication

between politicians and leading representatives of “ci-

vil” society throughout the Caucasian region of conflict –

with the objective of winning over public opinion in the

region for a peaceful resolution of the conflicts. Amongst

others, the following Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung projects

form part of this process:

“Armenian-Azerbaijani Dialogue”(“Tsakhkadzor Process”)

Together with the Armenian “Study Centre of Law and

Politics”, Yerevan, and the Azerbaijani “Institute for Peace

and Democracy”, Baku, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or-

ganised a first symposium in Tsakhkadzor, Armenia in

July 2001 between academics and politicians from Arme-

nia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh, at which the

participants sat down together “without mediators” to

discuss possibilities for a peaceful resolution of the Ka-

rabakh conflict. They initiated a process which has been

named after the location of the first meeting: Tsakhkadzor.

This meeting was followed by a published exchange of

views between the directors of the two partner institu-

tions. On the margins of the Caucasus Conference of

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Berlin at the end of No-

vember 2001, the two directors met in person, and a

Political order and Islam

22 / Acute Crises

C E N T R A L A S I A

continuation of the dialogue was discussed with the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. For 2002, several symposia are

planned – alternating between Azerbaijan and Armenia,

and, in addition to the existing group of participants, other

parliamentarians and government representatives are

also to be invited.

“Southern Caucasian Network forUnderstanding between Civil Societies”

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is substantially involved in

this regional media project of the British East West Centre

which is funded via the TACIS Programme of the Euro-

pean Union. The publication of the results is the respons-

ibility of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

Dialogue between the forces in society in theAbkhazia conflict

In co-operation with the parliament of Georgia, a direc-

tion-defining event was held in 2001 at which the pos-

sible contribution of initiatives from civil society towards

the resolution of the Abkhazia conflict was defined.

“Southern Caucasian Institute for Security”

This project is an initiative of the Georgian Ministry of

Foreign Affairs and of the Georgian National Committee

of the Helsinki Citizens Assembly, i.e. of public and private

institutions, to promote “unofficial co-operation between

official persons” from Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The aim is a common search for ways to resolve the seces-

sion problems in the southern Caucasus without foreign

mediators. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is already working

with the Georgian initiators of the project; it will promote

the meetings with the Armenian and Azerbaijani sides in

2002 (Ministries for Foreign Affairs, Helsinki Committees).

Other initiatives supported by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-

tung are the Georgian-Abkhazian encounters in Gali

(Abkhazia) and the organisation of a regional youth

movement.

Precarious stability in Central Asia

The countries in transition of Central Asia have de-

veloped not into democracies, but into presidential,

authoritarian regimes. It is true that stability generally

prevails, but this is based on increasing repression by

the state. Following 11 September 2001, repressive mea-

sures against alleged Islamic fundamentalists are justi-

fied as a “bulwark function” in the international alliance

against terrorism. The increasing impoverishment of the

population, and particularly the systematic suppression

of Islamic groups, threatens to destabilise these countries.

Social problems and repression create a dangerous po-

tential for conflict escalation due to the exclusion and

radicalisation of Islamic groups.

Acute Crises / 23

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bisApproaches to conflict prevention

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung wishes to give these coun-

tries a chance to “keep their word” in view of their stated

democratic objectives. International experts and acade-

mics are to make possible an open dialogue with part-

ners in Central Asia on the subject of “political order

and religion”.

The thinking behind this project is as follows: despite all

the differences in the traditions of the various countries

of Central Asia, Islam is a major factor in these societies.

Without the integration of Islamic-based community

structures into the state order, there will be no lasting

stability in the Central Asian countries. This implies a

need to move beyond the terminology of struggle, which

the authoritarian regimes use to label themselves as

bulwarks of secular democracy and their Islamic oppo-

nents as fundamentalist terrorists. The international dia-

logue between European experts on Islam from various

academic disciplines, and representatives of politics, reli-

gion and academia of the partner countries, aims to dis-

cuss in a series of consultation meetings the question of

how a political order can be built up in the Central Asian

states which is anchored in the religious, cultural and

shared values of the people.

The consultation programme on“political order and Islam in Central Asia”

The programme is oriented towards the long term and

consists of the following three main elements:

1. Participation in the international expert dialogue via

the translation into Uzbek of the book by Professor

Dr. U. Rudolph on the Sunni scholar Al Maturidi. This

has built a bridge across to Islamic academics in Uzbe-

kistan.

2. A nationwide representative survey regarding the “role

of Islam in the everyday life of the Uzbek population”.

The findings of this survey are intended to show the

political decision-makers how significant religion is in

the life of the population (2002).

3. International conference on “Islam and the secular

state” to establish a forum intended to help overcome

the tough “anti-Islamic” rhetoric. This was assisted by

the following results of the dialogue, which were largely

established in consensus:

● The historical development of Islamic countries shows

“secular tendencies” in the sense of an increasing se-

paration of political matters from the area governed by

Causes of the Tamil conflict androutes to a negotiated settlement

S R I L A N K A

24 / Acute Crises

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religious rules. There is thus no fundamental contra-dic-

tion between a secular state and Islam.

● There is substantial consensus between moderate

“Islamists” who call for an Islamic state and the appli-

cation of the Sharia as a comprehensive system of law

and values, and the Muslim advocates of a secular state:

● the Koran and Sunna prescribe not a particular form

of state, but general principles, guidelines and values,

which are certainly compatible with the principles of

good governance;

● the specific laws which are to apply in the state ac-

cording to the Sharia derive not from the texts of the

Koran and Sunna, but have to be established by inter-

pretation, taking account of the contemporary situation;

● the laws of a state must be based on a process of

agreement achieved by a majority within a representative

body, in which neither the religious scholars nor the

Muslims are privileged: “There is no compulsion in reli-

gion” (Koran).

This instrument of dialogue and consultation, which is

supported and protected by the presence of renowned

international experts, aims to gradually create scope for

an open debate on political, economic and social re-

forms in the Central Asian partner countries, involving

Islamic-minded experts.

So the process starts from the development of a system

based on the rule of law which is very much open to the

integration of Islamic community values and the basic

elements of Islamic legal culture. Furthermore, this pro-

gramme should also contribute towards overcoming the

gap between the state and the local, Islam-dominated

communities, and towards substantial participation by

the population in the political system. The Friedrich-Ebert-

Stiftung and its partners hope that this consultation pro-

gramme will produce political alternatives to the escala-

tion of repression and terrorism.

Never before has there been a better chance of peace

in civil-war-torn Sri Lanka than today. The signing of the

cease-fire agreement between the government and the

LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam), the “Tamil Tigers”,

in February 2002 is having very practical consequences.

After twelve years, the road between Colombo and Jaff-

na, the capital of the eponymous peninsula in the north

of Sri Lanka, is passable again. Flights between the two

cities have recommenced after an interruption of sever-

al years. Numerous internal refugees are making their

way back home to the northern part of the country.

Acute Crises / 25

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Decades of civil war

Following the decades of civil war between the Hinduist

Tamils of the north and east and the Singhalese majority,

these first signs of normalisation are a major advance.

After all, the struggle has cost more than 60,000 people

their lives, driven almost a million people from their

homes, brought the economy to a virtual standstill and

continually increased the distrust between Tamils and

Singhalese.

There is a long history to the conflict. Initially, the British

occupiers sowed discord. They gave preference to the

Tamil minority when appointing officials. After that, the

“Sinhala Only” policy of the well-known Prime Minister

Bandaranaike further fanned the flames of the ethnic

conflict. This turned the justified demands of the Tamils

for equality – and their rejection – initially into small vio-

lent conflicts, then into major pogroms, and ultimately

into an underground war conducted by the Tamil Tigers

for an independent state in the north and east of Sri

Lanka. The victims of the violence were not only Singha-

lese soldiers: innumerable Tamils who disapproved of

the guerrilla tactics of the Tamil Tigers and advocated a

political solution paid for this with their lives.

Strengthening the contribution of civil societytowards de-escalation

One of the most important aims of the work of the Fried-

rich-Ebert-Stiftung in Sri Lanka is therefore to bring about

a de-escalation of the ethno-nationalistic conflict. The

idea is to promote the willingness and capacity for peace

in the organisations and actors of civil society, and to

mobilise their constructively critical support for the peace

process. This is because a negotiated settlement agreed

only between the government and the LTTE – without

consultation with and support from civil society – runs

the risk of disregarding major social interests and thus

of lacking stability. In particular, it is important for de-

mocratic and pluralistic principles and human rights to

play a role.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung organises seminars, work-

shops and encounter programmes on conflict manage-

ment and prevention. These are particularly oriented

towards opinion-formers, i.e. teachers, staff of non-go-

vernmental organisations, local politicians and members

of self-help organisations from the various ethnic groups

(Singhalese, Sri Lanka Tamils, Up-Country Tamils, Mus-

lims). They are given fundamental information about the

causes and course of conflicts and methods and instru-

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ments of civil conflict transformation. The emphasis is

not only on background information, but also on how

to act in a conflict-preventive manner in practice. Simple

things play a central role here: listening to one another,

being aware of and recognising different interests. The

process is also being supported with publications.

Paving the way for political solutions

At political level, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is working

in two directions. Firstly, it advocates that the LTTE should

respect the island’s territorial integrity. Secondly, it calls

for the recognition by the government of the political

rights of the Tamils. To achieve these aims, the Fried-

rich-Ebert-Stiftung joins forces with its local partners to

offer educational measures on forms of “internal self-

determination”, such as federalism or autonomy.

Such programmes are urgently needed, particularly in

the north-eastern province, which has so far been very

isolated and dominated by the LTTE, in order to help

build up a civil society which is committed to the standards

of democracy. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has therefore

responded immediately to the new possibilities following

the cease-fire agreement, and has been active in this

area ever since.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung also directs its peace-pro-

moting work towards representatives of the religious

communities, and particularly the Buddhist priesthood,

whose approval is of great significance for a stable and

peaceful resolution.

Return and integration of refugees

Tackling the consequences of conflicts

Almost a million refugees in the territory ofthe former Yugoslavia

The collapse of Yugoslavia and the related wars in

1992-1995 brought about massive upheavals in the

structure of the population due to flight and expulsions;

the demographic structure was reformed on the basis

of ethnic criteria. The number of refugees and displaced

persons in the territory of the former Yugoslavia still

amounted to almost one million at the beginning of 2002,

with around 480,000 in Bosnia and Herzegovina and just

over 42,000 in Croatia. In 2001, some 90,000 refugees

returned to Bosnia and Hercegovina and around 23,000

to Croatia – the best figures since the Dayton Agree-

ment at the end of 1995. There is no doubt that this

success is partly due to the efforts in the context of the

Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, which particularly

supports regional, cross-border co-operation between

C R O A T I A A N D B O S N I A - H E R C E G O V I N A

It is only when the guns are silent that the full

consequences of armed conflicts become apparent.

The human victims and the material damage are

only part of the legacy. Just as serious are the

divides in society, the loss of confidence in the

institutions and in the possibilities for the conflict

parties to live in peaceful co-existence. However,

the collapse of previous structures also provides

an opportunity to make a fresh start and to build

the foundations for lasting peace and for sus-

tainable economic and social development. En-

suring public security and protection for the in-

dividual, as well as covering the basic needs, are

first steps towards stabilisation. Building on this,

work can take place on achieving gradual nor-

malisation. The catalogue of problems appears

inexhaustible. It is a question of rebuilding the

institutions whilst taking account of the prin-

ciples of the rule of law and good governance.

But it is also a question of reintegrating external

and internal refugees and displaced persons, or

former combatants. The promotion of tolerance

and reconciliation must go hand in hand with a

processing of the past. The traumatised victims

of the armed conflict need help. And last but not

least, the rebuilding of the economy and a just

social order must also create the material basis

for a lasting peace.

Acute Crises / 27

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28 / Acute Crises

the relevant countries. Bosnia and Hercegovina, Croatia

and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia have since signed

agreements on a common settlement of the refugee pro-

blem and have elaborated national action plans to this end.

Facilitating the integration of the refugeesfollowing their return

If the refugees are to be integrated following their return,

there is an immediate need for knowledge of the laws

and administrative rules governing their new situation.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has therefore operated various

programmes in recent years to impart the necessary infor-

mation: alongside Round Tables and public forums, par-

ticular use has been made of the media in order to achieve

the widest possible dissemination. Further measures of the

Foundation’s programme aimed at persuading local poli-

ticians to support the return of refugees and displaced

persons at local level. Here, live radio programmes in

which returnees describe their problems and talk with

local politicians have been especially effective.

In addition to the legal and administrative barriers, the

successful integration of refugees is also impeded by

the bad economic situation of the municipalities: due to

the high level of unemployment and the lack of econo-

mic growth, those returning find it difficult to make a

fresh start. Women, who account for a large proportion

of those returning, are particularly affected by this. In

order to support this group in particular, seminars on

vocational training and preparation for self-employment

have been held in co-operation with women’s groups.

A study on this issue, “Career prospects of women in Bos-

nia and Hercegovina”, has been published.

Increasing the social acceptance of returnees

In Bosnia and Hercegovina in particular, there is still a

high latent potential for conflict even six years after

Dayton, and the returning refugees of other ethnic

groups are exposed to this. In recent years, the Fried-

rich-Ebert-Stiftung has organised programmes of events

contributing towards reconciliation and peaceful co-exis-

tence between ethnic majorities and minorities, and has

thus supported the social integration of those returning.

The emphasis is particularly on overcoming distrust of

and stereotypical thinking about “others” which emer-

ged as a result of the barbarities of the war.

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Attempting to integrate those returning at thelevel of the municipalities

For several years, the Foundation has held workshops

at municipal level with refugee organisations, local poli-

ticians, the local administration and the media on the

subject of “integrating the refugees”. The Foundation’s

work is focused on contributions towards the establish-

ment of a non-violent culture of conflict via dialogue,

confidence-building and reconciliation between the for-

mer conflict parties. This includes projects to come to

terms with the past, to promote a multiethnic culture of

co-operation and to reduce ignorance, intolerance and

political oppression, and measures to develop conflict-

resolution models. Although all of the governments in

the region are working towards a sustainable solution to

the refugee problem and have agreed on initiatives, the

integration processes at local level are rather sluggish

and remain encumbered by prejudices and tensions be-

tween the various ethnic groups.

A refugee-policy initiative of politicalparties from Serbia/Vojvodina, Bosnia andHercegovina and Croatia

On the initiative of a partner political party from Serbia,

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung was able to organise a first

meeting with broad and high-level participation from

eight social democratic parties in the region. The regional

situation was analysed, and possible starting points for an

initiative by the relevant parties were discussed. A series

of agreements have made it possible to continue the

initiative. Together with the international organisations

active in the field, work has already begun on focusing

the instruments of refugee aid more clearly. The extent

to which co-operation between political parties proves

more successful than the official government measures

remains to be seen. However, the mere fact that the first

meeting actually happened and that a continuation of

the process was agreed must in itself be regarded as a

success.

Security-policy and economic co-operation

Regional co-operation is increasingly becoming an important instrument of conflict transformation. Oneoutstanding example is the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. It contributes towards the reduction oftensions between states and thus towards the prevention of conflicts. And the Pact also creates a frameworkin which the efforts of the Balkan states to tackle the legacy of the conflicts can be anchored. The Pact couldserve as a suggestion of how to approach problems of a similar nature, e.g. in Central Asia or the southernCaucasus. Of course, account must be taken of the local situation. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, which ismaking its contribution towards the implementation of the Stability Pact, has begun to introduce initiativesalong these lines in the aforementioned regions. The promotion of intergovernmental institutions of co-operation, as well as the cross-border interlinkage of forces of civil society, are approaches being support-ed in order to build confidence and thus to facilitate the resolution of other problems. If domestic conflictsthreaten stability in the region, on the other hand, regional co-operation is needed to limit or remove therisks to regional peace. In this context, it is helpful for states to orient themselves towards common principlesand rules, and these particularly include respect for human rights and the rule of law, but also the principleof good-neighbourliness. In a community of states which respect these principles, problems such as thereintegration of refugees or the reduction of discrimination are easier for the individual governments toresolve. Economic co-operation also contributes towards prosperity in the countries of the region, andthus improves the prospects for lasting peace, both within and between the states.

Promoting regional economic co-operation

In view of the dead end reached in the political nego-

tiations to settle the disputes about secession, an “econo-

mic approach” would appear to offer greater prospects

for success in the search for paths towards solutions in

the Caucasus. All of the government representatives

claim that the resolution of the secession conflicts is a

precondition for economic co-operation between the

conflicts parties in Azerbaijan – Armenia – Karabakh and

in Georgia – Abkhazia. It is, however, appropriate to

examine whether the economic benefit from (limited)

economic co-operation might not offer sufficient mo-

tivation to move closer together in the political field.

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Since there is no bilateral co-operation taking place be-

tween Armenia and Azerbaijan, co-operation between

Georgia and Armenia on the one hand and Georgia and

Azerbaijan on the other could pave the way for trila-

teral regional co-operation embracing all the republics.

Two sectors in which the benefits are obvious to all sides

appear to offer an appropriate way into regional eco-

nomic co-operation: transport and energy. Just as the

European Union emerged from the European Economic

Community and the European Coal and Steel Commu-

nity, the desired (southern) Caucasian economic com-

munity could grow out of initial co-operation in these

two sectors.

In 2002, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung will on its own in-

itiative bring together for trilateral talks those politici-

ans in government and parliament and those academics

who see regional economic co-operation not only as a

precondition for economic development, but also as a

way to resolve the secession conflicts.

Integration in supraregionalco-operation structures

The most promising way to arrive at a peaceful solution

of the regional conflicts would appear to be the inte-

gration of the entire region in supraregional structures

of co-operation. A particularly significant role is there-

fore played by the Black Sea Economic Cooperation

(BSEC) organisation, of which all three southern Cau-

casian republics are members, i.e. also Armenia and

Azerbaijan, even though these two countries maintain

no diplomatic relations with each other. Other members

include Russia and Turkey, which both exert influence in

the southern Caucasian region. The BSEC restricts itself

to purely economic co-operation – i.e. it provides pre-

cisely the platform on which the conflict parties can come

closer together. In 2002, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung will

enter into co-operation with the BSEC in the economic

field – and will particularly promote the active participa-

tion of the three southern Caucasian countries.

Constitutional design of a system of“confederative structures” in the southernCaucasian region

A system of “confederative structures” can serve as a

possible instrument for the long-term solution of the

acute and latent secession problems. The system could

embrace the three republics and, as direct members,

also the three secession territories, with their relations

with the respective republics being of a special nature

(“not foreign territory for each other”). For areas with

ethnic minorities, a graduated regional (in the narrower

sense) autonomy would be introduced. In this structure,

the rights of the minorities have to be anchored in the

constitutions. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung will embark

on this project in 2002. Constitutional lawyers from Ger-

many and Switzerland are to be recruited to work in

this project on the design of a system.

Acute Crises / 31

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Regional economic and environmental co-operation

The generally complementary economic potential of

the Central Asian states could be utilised via regional

co-operation which could contribute towards economic

development and prevent conflicts. In contrast, the cur-

rent “nationalisation” of the economy in the five “newly

independent states” (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkme-

nistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan) impedes the development

of their productive forces and endangers political stabi-

lity because, far from resolving the economic and social

problems of the majority of the population, it exacerbates

them.

Cross-border environmental damage

The cross-border environmental damage – a legacy of

the Soviet Union – can only be tackled via regional co-

operation. At present, there are arguments about who

is responsible for what, and these disagreements are

blocking any practical solution to the problems. The

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has already addressed cross-

border ecological problems on various occasions with

its Uzbek partner, the “Ökosan” environmental found-

ation (Tajikistan: aluminium; Kyrgyzstan: uranium).

The problem of desertification, particularly in the area

of the Aral Sea, also requires regional and international

co-operation. In 2001, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, in co-

operation with the Uzbek Embassy in Berlin, held a con-

ference on this problem, which was attended by more

than 150 representatives of scientific institutes and com-

panies from the field of environmental technology.

Water as a potential for conflict

In 2002, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung will consider the

pollution and poisoning of the Caspian Sea; the aim is

to include not only Kazakhstan but also Turkmenistan

in the regional ecological debate. Water – the natural

resource par excellence – brings with it a high degree of

potential for conflict in Central Asia. The sources and

upper reaches of the great rivers which irrigate Uzbe-

kistan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan (and the north of

Afghanistan) are located in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan

(and China). In 2002, which has been declared by the

UN to be the “International Year of Mountains”, the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is focusing on this issue.

32 / Acute Crises

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Regional effects of the civil war

Interests of the neighbouring states

The violent conflict in Sudan also affects essential in-

terests of the Arab and African neighbours in the region.

A joint peace initiative supported by Libya and other

Arab states indicates their concern that the granting of

the right of self-determination could result in an inde-

pendent southern Sudan. In this way, extra-regional

powers such as Israel could gain influence in the region

and thus endanger vital interests of Arab states and of

Egypt in particular. A key aspect: use of the water of the

Nile. Secession could also be taken as a precedent for

similar cases in other Arab states.

Sensitising the Arab and African neighboursto the complexity of the conflict in Sudan

With the assistance of its comprehensive network of

offices abroad, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung organises re-

gional workshops for non-governmental organisations

from the Arab world in order to discuss the problems of

Sudan. The Arab world is in many cases unaware of the

complexity of the conflict in Sudan, 60␣ % of whose po-

pulation consists of non-Arabs, and of the country’s

cultural, ethnic and religious diversity. Other topics include

the social and economic repercussions of the conflict,

and particularly the impoverishment of the population,

flight and expulsion, as well as the damage to the envi-

ronment.

The regional activities of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung are

a contribution towards improved preconditions for a

peaceful solution to the conflict in Sudan and towards

peaceful co-existence in the region.

S U D A N

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Regional stability and consolidation of peace in the Balkans

The role of Bosnia and Hercegovina in thestabilisation process of south eastern Europe

A regional conference held together with the Bosnian

Foreign Ministry on this issue at the end of 2001 gave

high-ranking members of the Croatian, Bosnian and

Yugoslav foreign ministries an opportunity for a joint

exchange of experience on questions of regional inte-

gration and stability. The participants included the EU

ambassadors in Sarajevo, the ambassadors of all neigh-

bouring states, and leading representatives of the pan-

state institutions of Bosnia. This conference also hosted

discussions by representatives of non-governmental or-

ganisations on the role of civil society in questions of

regional integration and stability and in international po-

litics.

Parliamentarians discuss possibilities for actionand the results of the Stability Pact

The stabilisation of south eastern Europe via regional

conflict transformation and prevention was the subject

of an international conference of parliamentarians from

all the countries of south eastern Europe, which was

held for the third time in co-operation with the “Sta-

bility Pact Task Force” of the German Bundestag in Du-

brovnik, Croatia. The conference was entitled “The

Stability Pact after Two Years: A Critical View by Parlia-

mentarians and National Co-ordinators” and analysed

the question of how crises in the region can in future be

recognised and mitigated in good time in the context of

the Stability Pact. The conference, which began in 1999,

In the context of the regional orientation of its activi-

ties, and in co-operation with the Stability Pact for South

Eastern Europe, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung conducts

individual projects in all of the countries of south eastern

Europe with a view to consolidating regional stability

and peace.

Regional conference on “Regional security andnational minorities” in Bosnia

Whilst there are still many sources of conflict within the

country, Bosnia’s foreign relations in the region are be-

coming more significant. In co-operation with the city

of Sarajevo and the People’s Chamber of Peoples of the

Bosnian Federation Parliament, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-

tung put on a regional conference in spring 2001 on “re-

gional security and questions of the national minorities”

with speakers from throughout the former Yugoslavia.

In addition to the exchange of experience regarding the

respective national situation, conflict resolution models

were discussed, and further projects to boost regional

security were developed, with the solving of the problem

of minorities in the region being regarded as an im-

portant element of regional security.

T H E B A L K A N S

34 / Acute Crises

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aims to achieve a greater networking of parliamenta-

rians of the Stability Pact countries, to establish a regular

dialogue between them on mutual issues relating to the

Stability Pact, and thus to enhance stability in the re-

gion.

The future of Serbian-Montenegrin relations

During the Milosevic regime, Montenegro and its go-

vernment began increasingly to separate itself off from

the Serbian partner in the Yugoslav Federation and to

stress its own, independent statehood, with a view to

achieving full independence as soon as possible. Mutual

prejudice and suspicion dominated the public disputes

about this issue, which increasingly became a serious

impediment to political and economic reforms on both

sides. The dialogue ceased, there was a standstill, and

Podgorica and Belgrade each accused the other of en-

gaging in blocking tactics.

Against this background, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s

project aimed at overcoming the failure in the dialogue

and at placing the arguments on a rational basis. To this

end, the project included five dialogue events – each

involving representatives and experts from commerce,

politics and the law, as well as international experts from

the EU, security experts and media representatives. The

work was based on a comprehensive survey under-

taken to analyse public opinion in Montenegro and Ser-

bia. Podium discussions held by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-

tung with politicians from both states in Belgrade, and

an international conference in Montenegro, considered

the options and presented the respective arguments.

Also, three expertises by international specialists were

printed in Serbian and English, and made available to a

wider public. On the basis of the experience made in

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s first dialogue events, the

DOS governing alliance in Belgrade organised various

rounds of experts involving input from the Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung in terms of staff and conceptual work.

These discussion rounds in turn formed the basis of the

rounds of negotiation designed by the EU at the end of

2001 (Solana), which also included participation by an

expert from the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

In parallel to this, there were political debates intended to

permit the participation of a wider public in the search

for a consensus. A forum was held in collaboration with

the magazine “Vreme” in Belgrade in October. A further

international conference in Montenegro took place on

the day following the signing of the declaration on the

establishment of a new Federal Republic consisting of

Serbia and Montenegro, and this event permitted an

initial evaluation of the new agreement.

The measures of the project helped to make the debate

more objective and in particular to include a larger num-

ber of experts and a wider public in the search for a

rational solution to the conflict-laden situation in the

Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In the initial phase, the-

se measures played a major role in showing the DOS

reformist alliance a way to enter into negotiations with

Montenegro and the EU.

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AFP

German-Russian dialogue

The establishment and consolidation of confidence-

building measures in the foreign and security-policy

dialogue between German and Russian politicians and

experts via annual conferences, congresses and seminars

are a major part of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s acti-

vities in Russia. In this context, special mention should

be made of two series of measures which have proved

very popular for several years and have helped to make

the discussion more objective and to inform the decision-

making elites on both sides:

● The “Schlangenbad Talks”, which have been held for

many years, are a discussion forum which has proved its

worth not least and particularly during the difficult con-

flict situations in the Balkans. In the forum, conceptual

thinking is developed looking beyond the issues of day-

to-day politics, for example on how the peace enforce-

ment agencies can work together even before they go

operational; the forum is attended by military officers,

politicians, members of the governments, academics and

journalists; the discussion forum is held together with

the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt.

● Analyses and studies provide insights into the under-

lying attitudes of elites and society in Russia, into the

formation of a post-socialist identity, the establishment

of new social strata like the Russian middle class, and

the impact of economic transition on the change in orien-

tation towards Europe and the western world. These

analyses and studies serve not only to inform German

politics and academia, but have also become an import-

ant element in the process of identity-forming and orien-

tation in parts of the Russian elites. They underpin the

process of normalisation and confidence-building be-

tween German and Russian elites, and thus help to reduce

prejudices and to correct misinformation. Their long-term

impact on the objectification of the political dialogue

and political decision-making processes can only be im-

agined.

Co-operation in the Baltic region

In the Baltic region, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has

worked for years towards the consolidation and sustain-

ability of economic and political co-operation, pointing

towards the relevance of transport and other integrat-

ed projects, introducing European and German expe-

Contribution towards confidence-building

36 / Acute Crises

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Development via peace: in West Africa, ECOWAS is grasping the initiative

rience of cross-border co-operation between regions,

and promoting co-operation in the Baltic region based

on a division of labour between the ports (Baltic bridge).

One key aspect has been the early work with the Russi-

an enclave of Kaliningrad, which is becoming a test case

of European-Russian relations. It can be assumed that

the Russian side is scarcely likely to have engaged in

long-term thinking about the enclave’s future. But this

political immobility itself harbours the danger of ten-

sions and conflicts which can only be handled on the

European side in the form of a long-term dialogue and

specific programmes oriented towards the social and

material needs of the population.

The West African regional organisation ECOWAS

(Economic Community of West African States) aims to

achieve greater peace and stability and thus better deve-

lopment prospects for the region via greater integration.

The past decade has destroyed the slim results of 40

years of development work in West Africa. One factor

behind this was the violent conflicts taking place in the

various ECOWAS member states. And support from

abroad also declined, since the OECD countries, the most

important donors, focused their attention more on other

regions in Europe and Asia, to the detriment of West

Africa.

Africa and the particularly affected region of West Africa

therefore need to take their fate into their own hands.

In order to make development possible again, a path

back to stability and peace needs to be found. The con-

ference on “security and co-operation: prospects of re-

gional integration in the fields of security and defence”

(5 to 9 August 2002 in Côte d’Ivoire) served this aim: it

was organised by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in co-ope-

ration with the Côte d’Ivoire Ministry of Defence and

Civil Protection.

The objectives

ECOWAS has included the topics of security and stabi-

lity in its programme. It therefore offers the best level at

which to handle these issues and acted as patron of the

conference. The event began with a four-day meeting

of experts at which the following objectives were dis-

cussed and recommendations made:

W E S T A F R I C A

Acute Crises / 37

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● The establishment of mechanisms for regional inte-

gration in the fields of security and defence should be

made possible by a joint policy and security council in

West Africa. A commissioner for foreign, security and

defence policy should co-ordinate the common West

African foreign policy. Joint diplomatic missions of the

ECOWAS states should underline the integration. And

the co-operation and compatibility of the armed forces

should contribute towards the integration of security

and defence.

● Various measures should be taken towards a common

strategy to prevent violent conflicts and to maintain

peace. Ratification processes for those conflict settle-

ment mechanisms which have been adopted must be

accelerated. Legal, political and military gaps impeding

a collective defence must be closed. To support this, an

African Academy for Strategic Affairs aimed at civilian

and military elites and a unit for peace and conflict re-

search should be established. In order to increase the

involvement of civil society, existing texts will be revised

at all ECOWAS levels. Co-operation with civilian forces

is particularly aimed at in the field of the spread of small

arms. Special programmes at schools and universities

should promote a culture of peace.

● Improved early-warning systems and an increased

exchange of information should underpin the structural

stability and thus prevent coups d’état.

● Civil society should participate in the consolidation

of the relations between the armed forces, the nations

and the development authorities at ECOWAS level. An

ECOWAS liaison agency should be set up for these or-

ganisations which can implement confidence-building

measures, for example with the armed forces. This creates

scope for increased co-operation between the various

state forces – not least on a regional basis in the form of

joint exercises by the army, fire and technical services.

The priority here is on an enhanced deployment capacity

of these institutions, i.e. there is also a development

aim. Another objective is the expansion of civil and parlia-

mentary control over the army. Improved co-ordination be-

tween the existing regional training centres in Nigeria,

Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire will also help to ensure that

the concept of “army-nation development” can be imple-

mented successfully.

Outlook

The findings of the experts have been adopted as a

working basis and presented to the member states for a

decision. All of the member states will submit their com-

ments to the Executive Secretariat of ECOWAS by the

end of September. The resulting document will be pre-

sented to the next ECOWAS summit for review.

After the conference, Dr. Ibn Mohamed Chambas, the

Executive Secretary of ECOWAS, stressed that peace and

security were central to the development of the region.

This can only be achieved via a further integration of

ECOWAS. This issue is of relevance to the entire African

continent. For this reason, increased efforts should also

be made in the context of the “New Partnership for

Africa’s Development” (NEPAD) to establish this stabi-

lity and at the same time to increase development co-

operation. Here, ECOWAS is counting on continued sup-

port from the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

38 / Acute Crises

Security-policy dialogue with experts from Asia and Germany

More than 50 politicians, academics and military of-

ficers from eight Asian states and the Federal Republic

of Germany met in Berlin in October 2001 to discuss com-

mon issues of security policy. The dialogue in Berlin was

intended to give them an opportunity to:

● exchange their past experience,

● further expand the international and regional security-

policy dialogue between Asia and Europe, and

● jointly discuss European and Asian concepts for a

peaceful settlement of conflicts and the prevention of

crises.

11 September 2001

Unexpectedly, 11 September became a common thread

running through all of the presentations and discus-

sions. There was agreement that terror is not a new

type of threat. Most of the participants ultimately viewed

terrorism as a mere symptom whose roots lie in poverty,

the misuse of natural resources and the global structural

imbalance.

Orientations for security policy in Asia andEurope

In order to be able to tackle the new challenges, it is

necessary to take an all-embracing view of the concept

of security. Regional co-operation and stability must be

promoted even more strongly. Progress in the peace

efforts in the Middle East is urgently needed. Regional

associations are becoming more and more important.

Positive examples in Asia are the Association of South-

east Asian Nations, the Shanghai Cooperation Organi-

sation and Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC).

Europe can feed its experience of regional co-operation

into this debate. International security organisations need

to be reinforced and co-operation amongst these organi-

sations encouraged. In order to link up long-term visions

and short-term needs for action, a “dialogue between

the civilisations” could be helpful.

The Asian participants felt that the differences in Asia

are too great for a common security arrangement to be

possible. Some people advocated an attempt to “try out”

at least a few of the concepts of the CSCE process in

Asia and to examine the rules and principles of the pro-

cess more closely. Non-intervention in internal affairs

remains at the core of inter-state relations in Asia, but

here too there are cautious changes and concepts like

“flexible engagement” or “enhanced mutual influence”.

The interests of Germany (and Europe) in Asia are con-

centrated on three core areas: stability, development,

and respect for human rights.

From the point of view of the European participants,

some of the existing Asian conflicts, which are currently

still locally or subregionally limited, could easily affect

regional and global security. The Europeans therefore

called for strong, multi-layered security structures.

Acute Crises / 39

A S I A A N D E U R O P E

Journalistic ethics and the political responsibility of journalists

Instrumentalisation of the media

In Bosnia and Hercegovina, the media were instrumen-

talised by nationalist politicians during and after the war.

Numerous media used their reports to prevent an aware-

ness of ethnic diversity and participated in the nationa-

listic propaganda. The production of prejudices and ste-

reotypes was part of the daily media work. In view of the

fragility of the democratic culture, the media played a fun-

damental role in the consolidation of intolerant natio-

nal ideologies. The creation of a new media policy and

culture is therefore vital for the reconciliation of the three

ethnic groups.

Education in the field of journalistic ethics

The Foundation supports educational work in the field

of journalistic ethics and the interpretation of conflicts.

A number of workshops were put on in co-operation

with the Media Plan School from Sarajevo and a further

training centre for journalists in Opatija with the goal of

familiarising the participants with international standards

of journalistic ethics and methods of conflict manage-

ment. Regular Round Table talks in Banja Luka, Bosnia,

on the political responsibility of journalists are intended

to strengthen the establishment of a new media culture

in Bosnia.

“Media and war” in Croatia

In Croatia, too, it became apparent during the war that

the media have a great influence on the population’s

moods and attitudes during times of crisis and conflict.

In a seminar on “media and war”, which was organised

in April 2002 together with the Croatian Helsinki Com-

mittee and the Centre for Research into the Transition

and Civil Society, journalists, human rights activists, lawyers

and media analysts from all the states of the former Yu-

Education and information from media which reportaccurately and sensitively about conflicts

B O S N I A A N D H E R C E G O V I N A A N D C R O A T I A

40 / Acute Crises

Fair, accurate and full reporting can contributeconsiderably towards reducing the potential forconflicts and towards reconciliation following aconflict. Distorted or one-sided information canheighten tensions and accelerate an outbreak ofviolence. Media controlled by the state or by in-terest groups often spread hatred and propagandain a particular manner in order to strengthen theposition of one party to the conflict. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung advocates freedom of the press andof information and supports the establishment ofa media structure which is based on the rule oflaw and oriented towards democracy, and it hasincluded in its activities the particular significanceof the media in conflict situations. It tries to en-sure that the media recognise their role and theirresponsibilities in civil conflict transformation andengage in the peace-building process.

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goslavia debated the role and responsibility of the media

and journalists in the war on the territory of the former

Yugoslavia. For the first time since the war, the confe-

rence made it possible for participants from various fields

in all of the countries involved in the war to debate the

role of the media. In particular, the discussion focused

on the extent to which “hate talk” could be eliminated

from the media of the states of the former Yugoslavia.

Reporting about war and peace

In Colombia, the reporting on armed conflicts is often

characterised by unclear terminology, sensationalism,

and a lack of objectivity and conceptual clarity. The re-

porting of the armed conflict has a substantial impact

on the population’s view of it and thus on the popula-

tion’s willingness to support or reject the process of ne-

gotiation. This impacts on the prospects of success of

the peace process. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Co-

lombia has therefore been active in this field.

Together with journalists and journalism schools and with

financial support from the German Church and the Ger-

man Embassy, the Foundation co-ordinated the pro-

duction of a manual on reporting on war and peace. It

contains guidelines on reporting and, in particular, clari-

fications of terminology, e.g. in the field of internatio-

nal humanitarian law and human rights, as well as basic

rules on avoiding interest-led, non-objective journalism.

The manual was explained to various groups of “war

reporters” in a series of workshops.

C O L O M B I A

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Influence of reporting on the course of conflicts

The role of the media in conflict situations

The role and function of the media in conflict situations

was the subject of a series of events held by the Fried-

rich-Ebert-Stiftung in Berlin from 2000. The series includ-

ed an international conference in co-operation with the

specialist agency Eine Welt Medien/Gemeinschaftswerk

Evangelische Publizistik and the German UNESCO Com-

mission, at which the subject was the responsibility of

the media in reporting from and about crisis areas.

The media are often used by the warring parties to pre-

sent their respective standpoints as legitimate and their

implementation by force as the only alternative. In this

way, the civilian population increasingly frequently be-

comes part of the war strategy. Reporting on crises there-

fore has a considerable influence on the course of con-

flicts.

The danger of the much-practised “disaster journalism”

lies in ill-considered use of language, simplified presenta-

tions of complex interrelationships, or the use of clichés.

A superficial consideration of political and social disputes

runs the risk of overlooking the causes, having a ten-

dentious effect and thus further exacerbating the con-

flict. Unfortunately, the more a journalist quotes sources

which he cannot check himself, the more difficult it is

to for him to remain impartial. Particularly in crisis situa-

tions, therefore, journalists should report about proces-

ses, and not about individual events. However, this does

to some extent run counter to the commercial dyna-

mics to which the journalistic ethos is frequently subject

– audience shares come before quality reporting.

Peace journalism

This contrasts with so-called peace journalism, which

avoids victim/aggressor labels, illuminates all sides of the

conflict equally and assumes that media communica-

tion can have a de-escalatory effect if journalists make

possible and promote communication between the con-

flict parties and with a broad public, in other words if

they function as mediators.

Independent media in crisis zones

A good example of this is the Fondation Hirondelle – an

international institution which promotes independent

media in crisis zones. The foundation was set up in 1995

and now runs various radio stations in areas of conflict

in Africa and Europe as well as an independent press

agency at the International Tribunal in Arusha, Tanzania. It

organises training for journalists. The promotion of peace

and the prevention of conflicts world-wide is the stated

aim of the Fondation Hirondelle. It provides professional

and independent information for the population which

is cut off from such information by a conflict or a natural

disaster. The Foundation basically employs local journa-

lists of various ethnic groups and languages who re-

strict themselves to simply describing the facts and refrain

from any personal judgements.

Within its “media in conflict” conference, the Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung provided a forum for a debate on the chal-

lenges and dangers of reporting on crises by the media,

and used de-escalation initiatives from various countries

to show specific approaches to and possibilities for

“peace journalism”.

42 / Acute Crises

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Enhancing the competencesof the state and civil societyto transform conflicts

Domestic peace can only be secured on a long-term and sustainable basis if the state

and civil society have the competence to transform conflicts peacefully and to develop a

culture of peace. Both the public institutions and the organisations of civil society are

therefore necessary partners in the peace building of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. One of

the Foundation’s core tasks is to strengthen and support them. This goes beyond conflict

transformation in the narrower sense hereby laying the foundations for non-violent con-

flict transformation. Beyond reactions to acute conflicts, it is important to implement a

long-term objective by means of persistent efforts, the effect of which often only be-

comes visible in the future. Here, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung can build on its core com-

petences, since it is an independent and internationally operating organisation and is

therefore particularly suited to starting a dialogue between all the relevant governmental

and non-governmental actors.

Promotion of Competence / 43

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Democracy as a catalyst for different interests

Democracy serves as a catalyst for the balancing of different interests. Where it is

treated with contempt, violent conflicts are not far off. In authoritarian regimes, there are

hardly any mechanisms for the non-violent solution of conflicts. They are therefore burdened

with a particularly high risk of escalation, even if they appear stable over a lengthy period.

In democratic states, this risk is much smaller. However, young democracies and states in

transition to democracy often lack the skills for peaceful conflict transformation, as their

institutions are still insufficiently developed. The growing number of democracies since

1991 has gone hand in hand with a rise in the number of conflicts which have been

resolved or at least put on ice, compared with the pre-1990 period, whilst at the same

time the overall number of domestic conflicts finding violent expression has risen further.

Legitimisation of state institutions by good governance

The creation and strengthening of democratically legitimised and functioning state struc-

tures is therefore of vital significance. They are indispensable in order to regulate in a

peaceful manner the tensions and conflicts engendered by development and the trans-

Building democratic public institutions

44 / Promotion of Competence

formation of society. Here, the legislature, executive and independent judiciary can only

give binding orientations and steer developments into peaceful channels if they enjoy the

trust of the citizens. So the institutionalisation and promotion of what is generally termed

“good governance” is vital. Good governance embraces respect for the division of powers,

respect for fundamental rights and democratic rights, transparency and efficiency of go-

vernment, preservation of security, free and fair elections, but also social justice and equal

opportunities for all, including the fight against corruption, and a development-oriented

policy, with the citizens participating actively in the formulation of that policy. Good go-

vernance should be the guiding light for all state activity – from central government to

the smallest municipality.

Significance of stable institutions for orderly co-existence in thecommunity of nations

Stable and functioning state institutions are also an indispensable precondition for orderly

co-existence within the community of nations. Weak state structures cannot be permitted to

produce areas free of the rule of law which endanger the security of other states and of

the international community.

Promotion of Competence / 45

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Free and fair elections as a basis for democraticallylegitimised institutions

Activities regarding the 2001 presidential election in Benin

The third, correctly managed presidential election in

Benin on 4 March 2001 saw the young West African de-

mocracy pass another key test in its tenth year. One factor

behind the peaceful conduct of voting was the creative

and diverse activities of Beninese civil society, which were

supported by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and others.

Efforts to ensure a proper election

There is a great danger of “fraude électorale” (electoral

fraud) and of violence between adherents to hostile poli-

tical parties in one of the world’s poorest countries (ranked

157 out of 174 according to the World Development

Index), which after decades of dictatorship has not had

long to develop a democratic culture. For this reason,

the efforts undertaken by all involved to ensure that the

election and the 14-day election campaign by the 17 can-

didates were conducted properly were all the greater:

one single voting slip – rather than several in the past

corresponding to the number of candidates – was in-

tended to prevent the buying of votes; a special coat of

arms on the voting slip which was kept secret until the

last day and a special stamp rather than the usual “cross”

were intended to stop copying of the voting slip. Moni-

tors spread out around the polling stations, and the votes

were counted in public – all citizens had the chance to

see it for themselves and to convince themselves of the

correctness of the results.

Campaign to mobilise the voters againstelectoral corruption

But the efforts to achieve transparency and correctness

did not only come from the official side. Two weeks be-

fore the first round of voting, in which the “old” Presi-

dent, Mathieu Kerekou, emerged as the provisional win-

B E N I N

46 / Promotion of Competence

The political institutions in a democracy

are legitimised by free and fair elections.

Elections which are dominated by vio-

lence, intimidation of political opponents

and persecution of the free press not only

destroy the credibility of the institutions

but lead increasingly to sanctions by the

international community, as can be seen

from the example of the recent presiden-

tial elections in Zimbabwe. The Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung therefore supports efforts

aimed at enabling the citizens to make

unimpeded and responsible use of this

most important of the rights of democratic

participation, without having to fear elec-

toral fraud or other impediments to the vot-

ing process.

ner with around 44␣ %, non-governmental organisations

and journalists sent electoral observers all around the

country to monitor the campaign. In the run-up to the

elections, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung supported semi-

nars for journalists on election coverage, at the end of

which the participants adopted a press code of conduct

for the duration of the election. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-

tung also promoted activities against the buying of votes

and in favour of a peaceful election. For example, the

theatre group “Orisha” produced two television advertise-

ments, and the Beninese singer Eric Harlem recorded a

rap song against the buying of votes on a CD which was

distributed to the radio stations (“Achat de Conscience”:

“Snake, keep your apple”). Together with the “Centre

Afrika Obota”, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung relaunched

a campaign which had met with a great response during

the 1999 parliamentary election: “Opération Zémidjan”.

Thousands of moped riders dominate the scene in all of

Benin’s larger towns. As two-wheeled taxis, the “Zems”

transport not just customers along with their goats, te-

levisions and all sorts of large purchases: with hundreds

of passengers every day, they also act as the towns’ infor-

mation service and their yellow and purple shirts are like

a living advertising board. In Bohicon and Parakou, the

taxi-moto drivers were equipped with a total of 1500

brand-new shirts for the election campaign, bearing the

message: “Dear sisters, dear brothers, don’t give your

voting slip away” – “Let us all work for peace” – “Let the

corrupters fail” and “Get mobilised for a peaceful and

transparent election. Let’s all go and vote on 4 March”.

These messages went down well with the Beninese.

Similar efforts to achieve free and fair elections are also

being supported by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Kenya

and Tanzania.

Interethnic relations are the key issue in Kosovo. With-

out a form of co-existence which permits a dignified life

for all ethnic groups in Kosovo, but particularly for the

Albanians and Serbs, the province will have no future. All

the central issues (self-administration, status, return of

refugees, property ownership, etc.) must be approached

on this basis.

The international organisations need to face up to this

challenge, as do the groups in society and the actors of

the various ethnic groups in Kosovo itself. “Dialogue”

and “understanding” have been the key words for pro-

ject proposals and calls for sociopolitical action.

Interethnic relations in the work of theparliament and the municipalities

For this reason, interethnic relations soon came to be

regarded as a cross-sectoral task in the project work of

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, with as many measures as

possible contributing towards their improvement. In two

areas, the Foundation was involved in targeted attempts

to resolve specific everyday problems by joint efforts in

Local dialogue and parliamentary advice

K O S O V O

Promotion of Competence / 47

AFP

the political institutions created for this purpose: at local

level, a dialogue on local political management in five

carefully selected municipalities, and, in the Kosovan

parliament elected at the end of 2001, the provision of

parliamentary advice.

The first local elections took place in 2001. The newly

elected local politicians of all parties and ethnic groups

needed to find their feet in their new tasks and responsi-

bilities. The dialogue on local policy is an advisory pro-

gramme accompanying specific issues of local politics,

and has so far embraced measures relating to municipal

social policy, municipal budget policy, municipal security,

and education and the municipality. The programme be-

gan with a group of local politicians coming to Germany

on an informative and motivating visit. The programme

is aimed at local politicians of various ethnic origins with

joint events being held. In the course of these, more si-

milarities than differences are discovered as the partici-

pants attempt to resolve specific problems. Just talking

about them together is itself a major step forward in the

conditions prevailing in Kosovo.

The parliament which was elected in November and its

office-holders are faced with a similar task. If the institu-

tion of the parliament is to function, there is a need for

certain skills and working structures which permit co-

operation between different ethnic groups to be fostered.

The project also supports the initiative of female deput-

ies from various political parties and ethnic groups to

discuss common problems across party lines. A group of

ten deputies was invited by the German Government to

visit Berlin and Brandenburg. The Serb Return Coalition

has been the first group in parliament since to take up

the project's offer to promote the viability and func-

tioning of the parliamentary groups. In two non-public

meetings of the parliamentary group, agreements were

made on methods of work, the internal division of la-

bour, and political priorities.

48 / Promotion of Competence

Raising awareness of human rights

Angola’s civil war is one of the longest-running con-

flicts on the African continent. With brief interruptions,

it has lasted for 26 years, and it was preceded by 14

years of struggle for liberation. The cease-fire agreed in

spring 2002 has not been able to prevent the existing

culture of violence from continuing to dominate all areas

of political, economic and social life.

Precarious human rights situation

One of the main causes of people’s willingness to use

violence and of the conflict dynamics in Angola is the

precarious human rights situation there. Particularly out-

side the capital city, the human rights situation in Ango-

la is very difficult. The catalogue of human rights viola-

tions extends from illegal arrest, deprivation of freedom,

and the use of violence and torture to restrictions on

freedom of movement, assembly and opinion. The totally

overburdened and scarcely functioning legal system and

Safeguarding human rights and political rights:an element of civil conflict transformation

A N G O L A

Promotion of Competence / 49

Human and fundamental rights, as well as civil rights, are indispensable elements of a democraticsystem. Human and fundamental rights are of particular significance for minorities and for disadvan-taged and vulnerable groups in society. However, these rights can only determine political realities ifthe legislature is oriented and sensitised to them, and the same goes for the executive and the judiciarywhen they apply and interpret the laws. The three pillars of government are thus the most importantpoints of contact in the efforts to enforce human, fundamental and civil rights.

Cor

bis

Cor

bis

the population’s ignorance about its rights impede any ra-

pid improvement in the human rights situation. Despite

some efforts by the Justice Ministry to reinstate local

courts and to build up a database for the registration of

those in custody, Angola’s prisons are full of people held

under investigation, many of whom have not been for-

mally charged, and who have been languishing in cus-

tody for years.

Forces of civil society

In view of this complex mesh of problems and the rather

limited capacities of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung to res-

pond, the focus of the project has been on training and

enabling actors from civil society to lobby relevant state

institutions (Human Rights Committee of the Parliament,

provincial committees of the Justice Ministry, etc.). An

example of the sensitivity of state agencies to the dif-

ficult human rights situation is provided by a seminar

on “the justice administration and the prison system”,

(AJPD) in mid-October 2001 – after several postpone-

ments and without the originally envisaged involvement

of the relevant state bodies. Despite the obstruction by

the government, the seminar was very well attended,

with about 200 participants, and its discussions were

characterised by a constructive atmosphere; a number

of important recommendations, particularly on the reform

of the outdated code of criminal law, were adopted.

Human rights work in provincial Angola

Together with the delegation of ADRA, an Angolan non-

governmental organisation based in Huambo, a three-

day workshop was held at the end of November on the

experience with and the prospects for human rights work.

The aim of the event was the formation of a network of

co-ordination and the drafting of a joint programme of

action for the province. The programme elaborated dur-

ing the workshop provides, among other things, for the

establishment of a documentation centre for human

rights, the production of radio programmes and the

holding of lectures. Also, in the view of the participants,

the network should act as a civil society partner of the

provincial human rights committee. As a first follow-up

measure, just a week after the workshop, a lecture was

organised on “constitutional reform and a catalogue of

fundamental rights”, attended by 36 representatives of

non-governmental organisations.

In the course of this work, it proved possible both to

pass on methodological expertise and to stimulate a

debate on best practices. Also, the Angolan conflict was

discussed in depth from the point of view of the civilian

population and particularly of affected women. Mate-

rial on civil conflict transformation and the promotion

of human rights is being exchanged with the Center for

Common Ground (CCG) and the human rights section

of the United Nations. The manuals of the CCG are being

used, sometimes in an adapted form, in projects of the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Important national partners

which are deeply involved in this field of work include

the Angolan churches, and organisations of the churches

and of other parts of civil society (women and young

people).

which was jointly funded by the human rights section

of the United Nations and was eventually held in the

context of a longer-term project of the non-governmen-

tal organisation Associação Justiça Paz e Democracia

50 / Promotion of Competence

AFP

Sensitising local politicians to human rights issues

Even six years after Dayton, there is still a great latent

potential for conflict in Bosnia and Hercegovina: for

years, nationalist parties blocked important pieces of

legislation designed to ensure the functioning and sur-

vival of pan-state institutions. State institutions as un-

derstood by western democracies, which exist to serve

the national interest and not just the interest of one

ethnic group, are only developing slowly and under pres-

sure from international organisations.

Integration in multiethnic state structures

Despite all the efforts to build up a functioning multi-

ethnic state in Bosnia, the integration of the three ethnic

groups is still proving difficult at all state levels. A lack

of implementation of the constitutional requirements is

impeding the desired integration and the political and

economic participation of the various ethnic groups. The

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is endeavouring to make a contri-

bution in its programmes. In seminars on minority issues

in the constitution, attention is drawn to the ongoing

discrimination between the ethnic groups within the

public-law bodies of Bosnia and Hercegovina which is

occurring because the legal basis has not been changed

appropriately.

Minorities and ethnic co-existence at locallevel

With a view to presenting practice-related data on hu-

man rights violations of national ethnic minorities in five

municipalities to a circle of experts and to illustrate the

policies of the two Bosnian territorial authorities in prac-

tice, a specialist conference was held in 2001 in co-ope-

ration with the institution of the ombudsmen of the

Bosnian Federation on “mechanisms to protect the na-

tional minorities and ethnic co-existence in the context

of local self-administration in Bosnia and Hercegovina”.

The event was attended by representatives of the ethnic

minority organisations and of refugee organisations from

the various regions of Bosnia, and by local politicians

and ministers from the cantons. The contributions to

the discussion were published in the newsletter on the

website of the institution of the ombudsmen.

Promotion of Competence / 51

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B O S N I A A N D H E R C E G O V I N A

Establishment of a multiethnic police force

In the interest of public security and the rule of law,

the further development of civil institutions and the local

police is of great significance in Bosnia and Hercego-

vina. There have been substantial improvements in the

training and equipment of the police in recent years.

With regard to the return and integration of displaced

persons in particular, which frequently results in conflict

situations, the ongoing expansion of multiethnic police

forces is a confidence-building and conflict-reducing

factor. In co-operation with the police trade unions of

both entities, a series of seminars was held on this issue

from 1999 to 2001. The seminars aimed to include the

police forces in the process of democratisation and to

Reform and democratisation of the security agencies

strengthen the dialogue and co-operation between the

police forces of the two entities. Here, seminars and ra-

dio programmes with “Kontakt Radio” from Banja Luka

on “the police and civil society” met with great interest.

The programmes offered members of non-government-

al organisations, representatives of the police forces,

politicians and citizens the possibility to debate the role

of the police in the process of democratisation and to

include the citizens in the discussion. The programmes

also aimed to increase the level of acceptance of the

multiethnic police in the population. The content of the

discussions was also made available to a wider public in

the form of a publication produced together with the

“Centre for Geostrategic Research”.

B O S N I A

52 / Promotion of Competence

Ensuring domestic and external security is one of the key tasks

of the state. It has a monopoly of force to achieve this, and

exerts this via its security agencies. The military, police, customs

and border authorities, as well as the justice and prison autho-

rities, are entrusted with security functions. In weak states or

in crisis situations, the security agencies frequently assume such

a degree of power that this results in substantial risks for the

rule of law and democracy. Abuse of power can easily happen

in such cases, either with the military undertaking a coup d’état

or acquiring material and other privileges, or with the police,

for example, being used as an instrument for certain interest

groups. Especially after conflicts, the prominent position taken

by the security agencies as a consequence of the conflict im-

pedes a normalisation of the situation and confidence-building

between groups in society and the state. If such undesirable

developments are to be prevented or corrected, the security

agencies must be integrated into the democratic structures.

The government and the parliament must be in a position to

exert civil control over the armed forces and the police, and to

define their respective tasks clearly. The internal constitution

of the security agencies needs to correspond to the require-

ments of the rule of law. Expenditure must remain within the

limits of what is needed to meet the security needs, and it must

be transparent.

dpa

The role of the security agencies in a democracy

Until the fall of the Suharto government, Indonesia

was considered to be largely free of conflict. Sporadic con-

flicts, mostly away from Java, were violently suppressed

by drastic military operations. In such cases, violence was

mostly used against groups aiming to break away from

the Republic, but also against active advocates of an

Islamic state or general critics of the regime.

Indonesia increasingly confronted withinternal conflicts

The current conflicts are occurring in various forms, in

various regions and in very different degrees of intensity.

The causes also vary: some conflicts can be explained

by the attempts by entire parts of the country to secede

(Aceh and Papua provinces); others are based on disputes

between ethnic groups deriving from population move-

ments from the Suharto era (Central Kalimantan, Central

Sulawesi). A third category is religious differences (Islam-

Christianity, e.g. in the case of the clashes in Ambon,

Moluccas).

The causes for the outbreak of the conflicts also vary: a

deterioration in the economic and social situation in the

context of an ongoing economic crisis, the interest of

those formerly in power to regain power and influence

as a result of instability in the country – people who are

therefore trying to blame democracy for producing the

conflicts – and not least the military itself, which has a

power of veto over democracy. It hopes for a return to

power once the social conflicts in the country can no

longer be contained by the civilian government and the

military has to be called on to help.

All of these conflicts have involved brutal violence. The-

re are tens of thousands of victims, and at least one

million internal refugees.

Impartiality and professionalism as objectivesof security agency reform

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is concentrating its work not

least on the security agencies as key actors in the con-

flicts and on their role in democracy.

Often, police forces not only take sides, but are respons-

ible for causing an intensification of conflicts, their lack

of training leading them to act unprofessionally and

sometimes even to provoke an escalation. The Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung therefore supports a training module for

the police on how to deal with young protestors, and it

includes senior police officers in its events on the re-

form of the armed forces.

The civil-military dialogue which the Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-

tung is backing aims primarily at the implementation of

reforms of the military and at the definition of its role in

democracy. This certainly includes strict religious and

ethnic neutrality when the military handles conflicts in

cases in which the overstretched police force seeks its

support. The taking of sides, as is occasionally observed,

should not be possible. This is also the aim behind the

dialogue between civil society and the military.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is continuing to try to set in

motion a process of truth and reconciliation (a Truth and

Reconciliation Commission along South African lines). To

help achieve this, a study trip to South Africa is in plan-

ning. Subsequently a corresponding process of truth and

reconciliation is to be introduced on the basis of a law

which has just been adopted, involving military officers,

representatives of civil society, and religious leaders.

I N D O N E S I A

Promotion of Competence / 53

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Decentralisation and self-administration

Promoting decentralisation

Hesitant start of decentralisation

The roots of Senegalese efforts towards regionalisa-

tion reach back into the colonial past, in which the cen-

tralist French administrative model had determined the

structure of the Senegalese state. Following indepen-

dence in 1960, almost 40 years passed before the state

decided to introduce genuine decentralisation. Senegal’s

reputation as the oldest democracy in Africa was still

lacking the decisive proof that it is a society oriented

towards the participation of a predominantly rural po-

pulation (1993: 59␣ %). Regionalisation initially involved

the shifting of administration out into the regions, but

lacked political participation in the broadest sense. There

were special factors which impeded far-reaching decen-

tralisation for many years, such as the commercial in-

In centrally governed countries, the citizens tend to have little say in regulating their regional or local affairs.

Central government only gives a certain degree of consideration to the specific interests of ethnic and

other social minorities or of certain regions. This leads to tensions which can result in violent conflicts. Cen-

trifugal forces arise which are frequently suppressed by means of violence. A carefully balanced decentrali-

sation can counteract such developments. Basically, decentralisation means the transfer of responsibilities and

resources from central government to regional and local authorities. The administrations in the regions

and municipalities are empowered to make decisions on their own responsibility. The population has an

opportunity to participate in decisions via direct elections to regional and local parliaments. Decentralisa-

tion involves far-reaching autonomy in the use of financial resources. However, decentralisation must also

compensate for the gap between regions with different levels of infrastructure and development. Decentra-

lisation is often a balancing act: if it goes too far, a state can break up. It is important for everyone involved to

make responsible use of the possibilities of decentralisation with a view to the common good.

S E N E G A L

54 / Promotion of Competence

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terests of the Muslim Brotherhoods and the general trend

towards a centralist-oriented development which the

socialist-minded governments in power following indep-

endence also followed. In addition, there were the

country’s land laws. But a lack of civil society structures

also lessened the pressure for decentralised self-admi-

nistration.

Fundamental decisions on decentralisation

The decision to undertake far-reaching decentralisation

in 1996 was arrived at in a consensus. Both external

and internal factors played a role in the move towards

the decision. It cannot be denied that, by opting for a

decentralised state, the political leadership wished to

make a proactive response to the separatist movement

in the Casamance region. The aim was to undermine the

Mouvement des Forces démocratiques de la Casamance

(MFDC) and its demands for autonomy, which were

backed up by violence, in the civil-war-torn southern

Senegalese region.

Focus on decentralisation

The co-operation between Senegalese partners and the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung began at a very early stage. A

far-reaching regionalisation and decentralisation was

viewed as an opportunity for a qualitative and quantita-

tive improvement in Senegalese development. It proved

possible not only to advance the discussion on decen-

tralisation in the country, but also to gain the confidence

of all the sides working unreservedly towards this ob-

jective. Quite a few of the laws and regulations were

elaborated in the meeting rooms of the Friedrich-Ebert-

Stiftung. The climate in which the discussions took place

ensured a debate which remained centred on the issue

at stake, which was certainly contentious but remained

focused on the objective. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

succeeded in mobilising public opinion and the political

authorities nation-wide for this undoubtedly decisive

reform. The process included experts from the relevant

ministries, particularly the Interior and Decentralisation

Ministry, from parliament, and from the staff of the Fried-

rich-Ebert-Stiftung itself. The fact that the Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung was initially the only institution to devo-

te itself to this task may derive both from its early invol-

vement and the flexible way it operates and can respond

rapidly and efficiently to developments and issues. In

Senegal, the input from the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung into

the decentralisation project has met with wholehearted

appreciation.

Training the municipal officers in local andregional self-administration

Special attention must be paid to improving the decision-

making skills of the regional office holders. Almost all

of them are taking up office in a regional parliament or

in a district or local authority for the first time. Many

know neither their tasks nor their duties. Quite a few of

them are illiterate. The basic texts on the tasks and nature

of their office are unknown to them. Some even have

to express themselves in the assemblies in a language

other than their native one. The demands were enormous.

Despite a commitment throughout the country, it was

possible only to address aspects of these, e.g. by addres-

sing particular target groups as multipliers, such as wo-

men as elected office holders. All of this was based clearly

on the view that “decentralisation can only be secured

if it proves possible to strengthen local self-administra-

tion”. Ultimately, progress in Senegal depends on de-

velopments outside the central government area and

on the nation-wide implementation of decentralisation.

Linking decentralisation and democratisation

In recent years, it has also proved possible to forge a

stronger link between the process of decentralisation

and elements of democratisation. The services of the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in this regard are differentiated

in line with specific target groups, e.g. by addressing

not only political parties or the youth association, but

all sorts of groups in society, such as women’s organisa-

tions or female office holders at the various parliamen-

tary levels.

Promotion of Competence / 55

The local level: economic promotion and localauthority management

Two areas are in the centre of the co-operation with

the local authorities in Nicaragua: promotion of the local

economy and local authority management. The concept

of “promoting the local economy” is understood very

broadly and includes all measures and efforts at local

level to promote socio-economic development, i.e. local

development policy.

During a pilot phase, a concept to promote economic

and social development at local level was to be de-

veloped in practical co-operation with four local autho-

rities in line with the national situation. The first step

was to define a concept for the development of the

local area in these pilot authorities. This concept forms

the basis for all further planning and covers questions

of the problems, resources and potential of the local

authorities and of the direction which the development

of the local authority should take.

Participation of the citizens

In order to arrive at the widest possible assessment of

the current situation and to shape a development vision

supported by a broad consensus, it is vital to include

much of the population in the discussion and planning

process. To this end, participation structures were built

up, initially in the urban centres of the local authorities,

consisting of development committees made up of re-

presentatives of a large number of local organisations

and institutions. In this context, it should be mentioned

that large sections of the population in Nicaragua dis-

play an extreme willingness to organise and participate,

something that can be regarded as a positive legacy of

the Sandinista government. There is a close relationship

in all four local authorities between the local government

and the development committee, which is chaired by

the mayor.

In a further step, local development committees were

set up in the rural areas of the local authorities and inte-

grated into the work. The development committees were

supported by experts giving advice on matters both of

substance and of method, and in the early stages these

advisers also usually moderated the meetings. In the

course of time a number of specialised sectoral commis-

sions were established under the umbrella of the com-

mittees. In order to render these structures capable of

working unaided, suitable interested members were sys-

tematically trained in planning and moderation techniques.

In a time-consuming process, a local development plan

was elaborated in all four local authorities, on the basis

of which specific projects are designed.

As in the field of promoting the local economy, the local

authorities were also supported on issues of local autho-

rity management. This is primarily a matter of giving

further training to councillors and mayors on local au-

thority law, on planning and negotiating techniques and

on shaping constructive co-operation between the ma-

yor, the council and the administration.

Local development and decentralisation

56 / Promotion of Competence

N I C A R A G U A AFP

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung also aims to contribute to-

wards the process of democratising South Africa and

thus towards the stability of the country’s new system.

The most important South African partner organisations

are the African National Congress (ANC) and its alliance

partner, the trade union congress COSATU. Furthermore,

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung works with parliamentary

structures at national and provincial level and with va-

rious non-governmental organisations. The field of local

politics and promoting the local economy has become a

major aspect of the work of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

in South Africa since the local elections in 1995/96.

The basic principle of the local reform in democratic

South Africa is to merge previously divided areas into

larger territorial authorities and to integrate the formerly

separate administrative units. The ultimate aim of this is

to align the extremely different levels of supply of local

services (water, effluent, public transport, waste disposal,

etc.) and thus to help to improve the quality of life of

the previously disadvantaged black majority.

Integration of traditional tribal leaders

In rural areas of South Africa, and particularly in the

former so-called homelands, the traditional tribal lea-

ders continue to play an important role in political, social

and commercial life. In places where these traditional

institutions still exist, the level of local politics frequently

has a dual structure. The question was therefore taken

up in the course of the project of whether and to what

extent the traditional tribal leaders can be integrated

into the new local authority system.

Various measures have helped the issue to be taken up

by the ANC as a relevant one in the debate on local

authority reform and have led to the development and

discussion of a specific proposal on the integration of

traditional tribal leaders.

Local politics and democratisation

The experience of the last few years has shown that,

despite extreme political polarisation, it is possible at

local level to achieve co-operation on matters of sub-

stance between the various forces across party lines. This

also helps to encourage tolerance and to reduce the

potential for conflicts. The strengthening of participation

in the local context also results in a deepening of demo-

cratic modes of behaviour and democratic awareness.

S O U T H A F R I C A

Promotion of Competence / 57

AFP

Extreme poverty, unfair distribution of

wealth, a lack of resources and inadequate

state institutions as instruments to steer

the balancing of economic and social in-

terests are factors which exacerbate the

tendency of a society to engage in con-

flicts. Their significance particularly tends

to increase during times of political, social

and economic upheaval. Long-term de-

velopment co-operation aims to remove

these structural causes of conflicts. The

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung makes substantial

contributions towards this via its work on

social policy.

Trade unions and non-governmentalorganisations

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had a great influence on the

comments made by the president of the Central Unitaria

de Trabajadores (CUT), Colombia’s largest trade union,

at the first public hearing on the issue of “labour mar-

ket/employment policy”, as well as on the contributions

by representatives of other organisations on the same

topic at later hearings. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung also

co-ordinated the work of various organisations of civil

society towards a coherent proposal for a package of

social policy measures to be presented at the hearings.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung set up the first working

group consisting of representatives of different schools

of economic thinking which otherwise do not commu-

nicate with one another, i.e. so-called post-Keynesians

and so-called neoliberals, in order to elaborate a co-

Policy of social justice and of balanced inclusion of allgroups of the population

Co-operation with the trade unions

Social injustice as a cause of conflict

Colombia is regarded as a state at risk of disintegration.

The state has lost its monopoly of force. The concentra-

tion of incomes and assets in a small upper class has

resulted in deep splits in society, and these stoke the

fires of the civil war which has been going on for years.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is trying to support the peace

process which has been launched by the present go-

vernment but which has yet to bear fruit. One major

issue is greater social justice, which has also been dis-

cussed at the public hearings of representatives of civil

society by the government and FARC, the rebel organisa-

tion. These public hearings, which have since been inter-

rupted by the renewed outbreak of hostilities, aimed to

encourage Colombia’s civil society to present its ideas

for reform of the state, commerce and society to the

conflict parties.

C O L O M B I A

58 / Promotion of Competence

Cor

bis

Agricultural reform

ordinated proposal on politically viable redistribution

policies on land, incomes and productive assets. “A fair

distribution of wealth” is the traditional, official, political

programme of the guerrillas. It must therefore be given

serious treatment even though the current image of the

guerrillas is that such political interests appear to be

outweighed by financial, military and territorial motives.

Political and social significance of landdistribution

In Zimbabwe, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung recognised

at an early stage that the unfair distribution of land is

one of the problems which can lead to conflicts in so-

ciety and trigger violent crises. Overcoming the unfair

property ownership situation created during the colonial

years was the raison d’être of the liberation struggle,

and it has continued to play a central role in the political

life of Zimbabwe since the country became independent.

The debate about land reform has now reached a vio-

lent climax, not least because it is being misused as an

argument in the political power struggle and the pro-

blem has been presented in a distorted fashion. There is

basically a consensus that social justice requires that

broader sections of the population be given access to

ownership of land. The appropriate methods to achieve

this goal have so far been contentious.

Promoting an objective dialogue

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has therefore tried to ga-

ther the main actors around one table in order to get an

objective dialogue going. Those involved have understood

that a compromise is needed and that it requires con-

cessions from all sides. It is a matter of shaping the land

reform in such a way that it benefits Zimbabwe’s eco-

nomic and social progress and takes equal account of

the rule of law and of social interests. Redistributed land

should continue to be used efficiently. If this is to hap-

pen, the new owners of the land need support, and the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung will contribute what it can.

Z I M B A B W E

Promotion of Competence / 59

Cor

bis

Reut

ers

On 1 January 1994, the day on which the North Ameri-

can Free Trade Agreement entered into force, the inter-

ethnic conflict in Chiapas, the most southerly state of

Mexico, flared up and has since smouldered without

resolution. Despite the march by the guerrilla organisa-

tion Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (ELZN) to

Mexico City in March 2001, despite the law to protect the

indigenous population (adopted against the resistance of

the states with indigenous majorities, and particularly

of the Chiapas government, in May 2001), and despite

the envisaged “Plan Puebla-Panama” economic develop-

ment plan (rejected by the ELZN as an attempt to roll

over indigenous desires for autonomy), the efforts at

peaceful conflict transformation have not been consoli-

dated. The interethnic contradictions are primarily con-

flicts between rich and poor. A peaceful solution would

appear possible only if there is genuine participation of

currently marginalised groups in the decisions on regio-

nal policy and an integration of the indigenous popula-

tion in the attempts to achieve economic and social

development by the central and regional governments.

The government of Chiapas, which emerged from an

alliance of opposition parties under Governor Pablo Sala-

zar Mendiguchia (elected for a term from December 2000

until November 2006) is therefore working towards a

participatory and conflict-transforming development of

what is – despite enormous and diverse natural resources

– one of Mexico’s least developed states. The centuries

of polarisation between the upper class consisting of

whites and mestizos and the indigenous lower class –

as manifested by the ELZN guerrilla movement – is still

over-shadowed by interethnic and religious conflicts

within communities. Breaking down the resistance of

previously established and privileged groups and the

distrust of many of the indigenous communities close

to the ELZN is difficult, and the differences which keep

emerging are serious impediments for an administra-

tion keen to strike a balance of interests.

One of the projects planned by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-

tung therefore has the long-term goal of reducing the

potential for conflict and introducing preventive political,

social and economic solutions – both at local and at

regional level. For this, the Chiapas government needs

actors from civil society who can build the bridges for a

dialogue and place the efforts to develop the region on

a foundation of (minimal) social consensus.

This primarily necessitates a dialogue between opposing

interest groups and between representative organisations

of civil society and the government. Moderators specially

trained in conflict prevention and resolution from go-

vernment institutions and non-governmental organisa-

tions are to be deployed here. It is to be ensured that

the debate takes place in public and that the results

remain capable of consensus in both the short and the

long term. Local, sectoral and regional events, studies,

and radio and television programmes are to contribute

towards this. Also, there are plans to produce a media-

based concept for conflict resolution. The events and

studies are being organised by regional non-governmen-

tal organisations together with target groups and are

being discussed publicly with government representati-

ves. At the end of 2002, an international forum on the

economic and social development of Chiapas is to be

held, with the participation of international experts and

solidarity groups with specific experience in the region.

Conflict transformation

60 / Promotion of Competence

Cor

bis

C H I A P A S / M E X I C O

Strengthening the competencesof civil societyin conflict transformation

Crisis prevention and the stabilisation of internal peace can only succeed if there is a

functioning, committed and educated civil society. The formation of social capacities there-

fore requires special support, not least in order to fill a vacuum if the state becomes less

able or unable to function. Frequently, it will initially be necessary to help civil society to

organise itself and to familiarise it with civil conflict transformation, and particularly with

the instruments of dialogue and mediation. Groups in society which advocate the objec-

tives of good governance and specific interests of the citizens are frequently composed of a

cross-section of the population not restricted by religion, ethnic group or other characteristics.

They are therefore particularly suited to making a contribution towards conflict prevention

and resolution and towards stabilising peace. At the same time, it is important to exert a

moderating influence on radical groups which exacerbate tensions. Experience shows

that women can make a particular contribution towards the avoidance and ending of

crises and towards reconciliation and reconstruction. Their capacities to do peace building

therefore merit strengthening and support.

Promotion of Competence / 61

AFP

Developing scenarios for the future

In Israel, due to the external Israeli-Palestinian con-

flict, the tensions and conflicts within the very hetero-

geneous Israeli society have been neglected for many

years. In addition to the conflict between the Jewish

majority and the Arab minority – which is directly relat-

ed to the Middle East conflict – there are numerous other

sources of conflict within Israeli society, such as the ar-

guments about the influence of religion on the policies

of the state, the assimilation of the many immigrants

from the former Soviet Union, the widening gap be-

tween rich and poor, the influx of guest workers, etc.,

arguments which are overshadowed by the tense poli-

tical situation and which do not contain the same poten-

tial for violence in the short term. The strategies pursued

in the programmes of the political parties to cope with the

conflicts are, in line with political habits, tailored rather

one-dimensionally to certain sections of the electorate

and thus offer rather incomplete analyses and approa-

ches. This makes it virtually impossible to undertake a

comprehensive analysis of society, of the conflicts within

society, and of the problematic trends. What is needed

is a joint debate involving all political orientations, with

a discussion of the future development of society and

of the ways in which certain trends can be supported or

impeded.

“Israel 2025” project

This is precisely the goal which was pursued by the “Is-

rael 2025” scenario project of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-

tung between 1999 and 2001 in Israel. This project was

developed on the basis of a planning game for the future

of South Africa, which had been designed at the initiative

of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung back in 1991/92. The aim

Enabling society and the individualto manage conflicts constructively;strengthening tolerance and pluralism

Israel 2025 – Social dialogue on the future

62 / Promotion of Competence

In a conflict situation, positively acting forces

of civil society can build bridges between the

polarised camps and contribute towards a non-

violent solution. Human rights networks, peace

groups, as well as leading individuals from reli-

gious communities, traditional authorities, trade

unions and professional associations can help

to create trust and an awareness of shared va-

lues and objectives, which are preconditions for

a lasting solution and sustainable development.

Thanks to its activities in the field of social po-

licy, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung helps in many

countries to promote tolerance and pluralism

and to highlight the causes and history of con-

flicts with a view to laying the foundations for

co-operation and understanding between the

various groups.

I S R A E L Corbis

is to utilise the various scenarios to point to potential

dangers and to develop in advance a plan to cope with

them. As demonstrated by the two scenario projects in

South Africa and Israel, this sort of planning game is

also useful in the political context.

Fresh approaches to the debate as a result ofscenarios

In a laborious and far from conflict-free process, the sce-

nario team eventually produced four scenarios. All of

them referred to the relationship between Israel’s Arab

minority and the Jewish majority, and the power strug-

gles between secular and religious Jews. During and

following the first major public presentation of the “Isra-

el 2025” scenario, it became clear just how sensitive

the issues it addresses are, and that far more attention

needs to be paid to them: the representatives of the

Knesset and political associations etc. attending the

event subsequently debated the questions raised about

the future of Israel in the country’s media. Further pre-

sentations of the scenarios to political decision-makers

and major institutions also helped to deepen the dis-

cussion process. This means that one objective of the

planning game has already been achieved.

Willingness to engage in dialogue

But mention must also be made of other “side effects”

of the scenario process: the participants in the scenario,

who themselves are either opinion-leaders in their poli-

tical spectrum or are closely linked to decision-makers,

actively crossed ideological frontiers for a lengthy period

by engaging in debates with their political opponents

on how to achieve common goals. They were able to

actively try out the possibilities of dialogue and co-ope-

ration. They learned to know and respect the positions

of the other side in a comprehensive manner and formed

informal networks.

It is perhaps possible to summarise the contribution of

such an exercise to prevent social conflicts in the follo-

wing points:

1. Comprehensive analysis of the state of society and its

inherent conflicts

2. Socialpolitical dialogue on dangers or conflicts, particu-

larly between opinion-leaders and decision-makers

3. Model of co-operation between antagonistic social

groups

4. Development of instruments to form a consensus

It is clear that this type of exercise will never be a fast-

acting cure to resolve acute conflicts. Viewed in the long

term, however, it can serve as an appropriate instru-

ment to develop conflict prevention and conflict trans-

formation strategies which are tailored to the society in

question.

Reducing the potential for social conflict inBosnia and Hercegovina

Enemy stereotypes still exist in Bosnia and Hercego-

vina, fostered by nationalist forces via the media and

religious communities, and by the massive movement

of refugees caused by the war. They make it harder to

develop a new culture of co-existence. It is thanks to

the presence of the international community and its mi-

litary potential that the outbreak of a new widespread

conflict has been prevented in Bosnia. In this context,

the work of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Bosnia and

Hercegovina is focused on contributing towards the crea-

tion of a non-violent culture of conflict by means of dia-

logue, of confidence-building measures, and of recon-

ciliation between parties to conflicts. The work includes

projects to come to terms with the past, to promote a

multiethnic culture of co-operation, and to reduce igno-

rance, intolerance and political oppression, as well as

measures to develop conflict resolution models.

Strengthening dialogue and tolerance

F O R M E R Y U G O S L A V I A / A L B A N I A

Promotion of Competence / 63

as a task for local policy, to indicate areas for work, and

to bring about specific agreements.

To this end, a co-ordination group was formed with ex-

perts from all three cities, to undertake a survey of the

existing and future fields of work. The discussions with

various institutions of local politics and the local poli-

ticians resulted in the “interethnic protocol”, which was

subsequently signed by the local parliaments and the

participating local non-governmental organisations.

The tasks of local policy which are covered by the pro-

tocol include state education and training, culture, the

organisation of society, the administration and public

services, communications and the media. The protocol

has now been signed in all three cities. The institutions

supporting the programme – including the Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung – are now trying to ensure that the agree-

ment is implemented. However, the process of creating

the agreement has itself helped to promote interethnic

tolerance, since a large number of politicians, social,

municipal and cultural organisations, as well as indivi-

duals, participated in the expert meetings, round tables

and public debates held under the programme in the

three cities. The intention now is not only to ensure the

follow-up, but also to encourage other towns and cities

in the region to join the initiative.

Tolerance as a national heritage in Albania

In contrast to the ethnically motivated clashes in its neigh-

bouring countries, in which the Albanians play a major

role, a climate of tolerance prevails in Albania itself.

Muslims and Christians traditionally co-exist in peace.

For some years, this situation has been under threat from

fundamentalist movements building mosques in Alba-

nia and training students at Middle Eastern universities.

For a number of years, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has

supported seminars and events intended to recall the

national heritage of tolerance in Albania. These events

are particularly held in the provinces, since these are

regions in which one-sided information prevails.

Interethnic relations at local level

A fresh impetus is being given to interethnic relations at

local level in the area of the former Yugoslavia by a “Pro-

tocol on interethnic tolerance” agreed between the cities

of Novi Sad (Vojvodina, Serbia), Ossiek (Croatia) and Tuzla

(Bosnia and Hercegovina). These cities have for many

years served as examples for the co-existence of people

from different ethnic origins. The project grew out of

this special feature. In co-operation with the local state

and non-state institutions of the three cities, it aims to

focus attention on the promotion of interethnic relations

Award of a peace prize in Colombia

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has instituted a national

peace prize in Colombia, and it was awarded for the first

time in 1999. The co-sponsors included leading Colom-

bian media. The prize serves to promote peace, a humane

society, and solidarity and understanding amongst the

Colombians. The prize is to be awarded to individuals,

organisations or institutions which have initiated peace

processes in a special way at local and regional level

and have thus made a contribution towards a resolution

of the violent conflict. These examples are brought to

the attention of the public and reported widely. In 1999,

out of three hundred proposals, a small municipality of

12,000 inhabitants was awarded the first prize in re-

cognition of the fact that the local authority and all of

its citizens had succeeded in reducing corruption and

managed to get both paramilitaries and guerilleros to

respect their integrity. The national peace prize became

established even in its first year as the most important

prize in this field and thus as a central focus for proposals

and enquiries about the peace process. On this basis, a

“map of hope” is being produced with examples of ac-

tive and successful peace initiatives in Colombia, and

thanks to their publication in the media, these may serve

as models for other attempts to bring about peace.

C O L O M B I A

64 / Promotion of Competence

Following the cease-fire in the civil war, Sri Lanka is

now just at the start of negotiations intended to result

in a lasting peace. The still fragile peace process needs

firm support from all the social groups, and particularly

from those which can influence society. The Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung therefore supported a conference in Colom-

bo in summer 2002 at which more than 150 academics

from universities in all parts of the country discussed how

to contribute to peace.

The conference involved members of all the ethnic

groups – Singhalese, Tamils and Muslims – which are

part of the laborious process of nation-building in Sri

Lanka. In contrast to similar events which have generally

been organised only for the representatives of one or other

grouping, the conference thus offered an opportunity

to build trust and to work towards a consensus on the

objectives of the peace process. Here, the participants

were aware of their social responsibility, which reaches

beyond their professional work and which imposes a

duty on them to make a specific contribution towards

understanding as a way of giving something back to

the state and society which provided them with educa-

tion and training.

Joint concept for peaceful co-existence

Individual academics had worked in the past to achieve

a peaceful settlement of the conflict between the go-

vernment and the Tamil Liberation Front. For the first

time, the academics joined forces to make their voice

heard and adopted a “declaration on lasting peace”.

The academics’ final declaration supported the peace

process, and particularly pointed to ways in which peace

can be secured on a lasting basis. They called for urgent

negotiations between the conflict parties, negotiations

which should be held transparently so that civil society

can also provide its input. It is remarkable that the body

calls for a correction of the discrimination against the

Tamils and other ethnic groups. No multiethnic forum had

previously addressed the deeper roots of the conflict so

clearly.

The strengthening of democracy and respect for human

rights are regarded as necessary foundations for lasting

peace. At the same time, in the view of the participants

at the conference, changes to the constitution and the

promotion of a positive socio-economic development

are key elements of the peace settlement.

Overall, the conference has consolidated the basis for

stronger co-operation between the academics of all eth-

nic groups in the interest of peace. This means that a

group of important opinion-leaders has become more

deeply involved in the peace process and that its contri-

bution to the transition from a precarious cease-fire to

a lasting peace can assume greater weight.

Academics in Sri Lanka call for peaceS R I L A N K A

Promotion of Competence / 65

AFP

Alongside measures oriented rather more towards so-

ciety as a whole, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has orga-

nised seminars in Croatia in recent years, particularly

with non-governmental organisations, which have tend-

ed to focus on behavioural strategies for conflict trans-

formation at individual level. The “Mali Korak” Centre

for the Culture of Peace held 18 sessions on the issue of

“non-violent communication” in 1996. A total of 315

people participated in this series, predominantly teachers,

social workers and students working with multiethnic

groups of the population. The aim of the events was to

provide the participants with techniques for the con-

structive resolution of conflicts via non-violent commu-

nication.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung also organises sessions with

students and intellectuals on “training for conflict trans-

formation and human rights in political parties and

NGOs”. Several seminars on non-violent conflict resolu-

tion were held with the Croatian Centre for Peace Stu-

dies. The participants – trade unionists, members of non-

governmental organisations and representatives of po-

litical parties – were provided with appropriate commu-

nication strategies in order to cope better with conflict

situations. At the beginning of December 2001, an in-

ternational seminar was organised with the same centre

with participants from the former Yugoslavia. The meet-

ing focused on “multiethnic co-existence in south eastern

Europe: opportunities for reconciliation after the war”.

This seminar aimed to enhance the participants’ com-

petences for specific local peace building.

Strengthening the conflict transformation competenceof multipliers

Conflict transformation at individual level

66 / Promotion of Competence

K R O A T I E N

Civil conflict transformation needs actors

who are capable of providing conciliation

and mediation and who can negotiate

peaceful solutions. The better qualified

such actors are for their tasks, the more

likely it is that their proposed solutions

and strategies will be accepted. For their

part, they act as multipliers propagating

the concept of civil conflict transforma-

tion. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung there-

fore helps to give training in the field

of civil conflict transformation to indi-

viduals and institutions who, in view of

their position in society, can act as mul-

tipliers.

AFP

By holding the seminar on “experience and activities

in the field of crisis prevention” in Berlin on 11 March 2002,

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung aimed to bring together senior

representatives of the German legislature and executive,

commerce, academia and practice, in order to

● provide an overview of the experience gained in crisis

prevention and to review fields of activity and concepts

on this basis,

● define further need for action in the field of crisis pre-

vention, and

● examine possibilities for the further development of

an efficient and flexible crisis prevention policy which

takes account of the experience and the changing na-

ture of the conflicts and their actors.

The discussions can be summarised as follows:

Crisis prevention and conflict transformation are long-

term processes which are not tied to legislative periods

and budgetary plans. The aim is to promote positive so-

cial change, and this occurs only slowly. One element of

German peace policy is a commitment to crisis prevention.

Limited resources mean that priorities have to be set, and

vital German interests need to be taken into account here.

Crisis prevention requires a transition from reactive to

preventive action. The problems lie less in the early re-

cognition of acute crises and more in the transforma-

tion of the available knowledge into policy decisions.

External interventions need to be able to rely on the sense

of responsibility of the conflict parties themselves. But “ro-

bust mediation” should not be excluded. Basically, crisis

prevention can involve the use of military and civil means.

The division between military and civil conflict transfor-

mation should be regarded as outmoded.

The deployment of military means can only be successful

if certain minimum conditions are met in terms of strength

and equipment. The question of whether the existing

military resources can achieve this must be examined

carefully.

Civil crisis prevention instruments embrace both influ-

ence from outside and co-operation with the forces in

society within the country. These instruments are being

increasingly refined (e.g. application of smart sanctions).

The formation of manpower resources is one of the pre-

conditions for effective involvement in crisis prevention.

There must be a concerted assessment of the conflict

situation and choice of crisis prevention instruments if the

approach is to be effective. In the interest of a coherent

strategy, all policy fields need to be brought together.

Co-ordination at international level requires effective

internal co-ordination. Experience shows that no great

expectations should be placed in international and na-

tional co-ordination. The extent to which international

organisations can be used for co-ordination depends on

their weight and their legitimacy. Co-ordination at in-

ternational level should result in a fair division of labour.

The public should be given greater and comprehensible

information about the crisis prevention efforts. Insuf-

ficient use was made of the situation after 11 September

2001 to make the public aware of the need for crisis

prevention. The preconditions at the time were favour-

able, since the public took a greater interest in foreign

policy issues following those events.

In the course of the seminar, it became clear that the

positions of the three federal ministries represented there

were coming together. This is also something that could

be explained to the public, in order to confirm that the

Federal Government is endeavouring to proceed in a

coherent manner.

The seminar proved to be a platform on which actors

from all sorts of fields were able to reflect together about

the phenomenon of “crises and conflicts”. The seminar

thus gave the existing expertise an additional channel

through to the political decision-making level and helped

to ensure that the political decision-makers have the

same level of knowledge and information as the execu-

tive, the non-governmental organisations and academia.

Experience and activities in the field of crisis prevention

G E R M A N P O L I C Y

Promotion of Competence / 67

AP

With a share of 15␣ % of the total population in Bulga-

ria, the Turks, Roma and Pomaks are minorities. Whilst

the political party of the Turks has now become part of

the governing coalition, the Roma are among the losers

of the transition process. Their economic situation has

worsened.

Support of strategic and disadvantaged groups ofrelevance to conflicts

Identifying peace-desiring, socially influ-

ential groups and providing support for

them are key elements of civil conflict trans-

formation. This is particularly the case

when the state does not have or has lost

the necessary authority to intervene and

settle or mediate. Peace groups and other

forces in society frequently turn out to be

points of stabilisation which – when linked

by a network – can influence a conflict si-

tuation in the interest of a peaceful solution.

Development co-operation should therefore

particularly promote women’s organisations

and non-governmental organisations, but

also groups representing a cross-section of

society, if they work actively towards non-

violent conflict resolution. Support for dis-

advantaged and marginalised groups can

also help to reduce tensions, if this enhanc-

es their capacity to represent their interests

in relations with state institutions and in

society.

Participation of the Roma in local self-administration

In Bulgaria, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is pursuing a

project line to strengthen the position of the Roma in

local self-administration. In 2001, a seminar was held

with the National Association of Local Authorities on

the problem of minorities in the local authorities, and here

the problem of the Roma poses particular difficulties, as it

does in all the Balkan countries. Co-operation with the

Roma and the local authorities therefore remains on the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s agenda.

B U L G A R I A

68 / Promotion of Competence

AFP

Consequences of the civil war in Lebanon

The civil war in Lebanon lasted fifteen years. Between

1975 and 1990, various religious denominations and

foreign troops battled each other on Lebanese soil. The

war resulted in an estimated 200,000 dead and 500,000

injured. Hundreds of thousands were displaced or fled

into various parts of the country; two million Lebanese

– around half of the population – left the country.

Work of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung withPalestinian refugees

In recent years, the work of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

in the field of peace development has focused on Pales-

tinian refugees in Lebanon. In view of the role played by

Palestinian groups in the civil war and of both internal

and external political considerations, the Palestinians in

Lebanon are in a desperate situation. With few exceptions,

the Palestinians have so far been refused citizenship.

The Palestinians in Lebanon thus have no claim to civil

rights. More than 300,000 Palestinians in Lebanon live

in refugee camps in indescribable conditions. They are

totally dependent on supplies from the United Nations.

The refugee camps are a time bomb, and thus also part

of Syrian politics in Lebanon. In the last few years, it has

become apparent that the Syrians have sought and

found an alternative to the radical Hizbollah group –

which has an uncertain future, particularly following the

events of 11␣ September 2001: if the Hizbollah is neutra-

lised, the Palestinians are to serve as a means of exerting

pressure on Israel in possible peace negotiations.

Work with Palestinian refugees in Lebanon

So the potential for violence and conflict in the refugee

camps is enormous. The Palestinians are – and this does

not imply any apportioning of blame – a security risk for

Lebanon.

For some years, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has been

working in Beirut to counteract this situation, and it holds

regular seminars with a Palestinian partner organisation

on conflict management and confidence-building mea-

sures for young Palestinians.

These events give the young people the technical ex-

pertise and the skills to develop peaceful, dialogue-based

concepts to resolve conflicts, and to turn emotions into

strategies for peace development.

Regional expansion of the project

In the context of the Meda Democracy Programme of

the European-Mediterranean Partnership, which the

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is administering and implement-

ing in Beirut for a period of two years, a workshop was

held in summer 2001 which for the first time brought

together Palestinian youths from the region and provid-

ed an opportunity to analyse the situation of the Pales-

tinians and to develop joint concepts.

The event was a great success. Its results are to be utilised

in the long term to promote joint regional approaches to

the development of peace and the management of con-

flicts.

L E B A N O N

Promotion of Competence / 69

AFP

As part of the democracy project in Angola, the First

International Conference on the Role of Women in Peace

Processes was held in co-operation with the partner or-

ganisation Mulheres Paz e Desenvolvimento (MPD). The

three-day conference, attended by some 320 people

from groups in society and political parties, including

30 or so from the various provinces of the country, was

part of a programme of action of the Angolan peace

movement. For the first time, the analysis gave a lot of

space to the effects of the Angolan conflict on women

and to the future role of women in conflict manage-

ment. Particularly positive factors were the presence

during the entire conference of the Minister for Wo-

men and Families, Cândida Celeste, and the closing

speech by the Interior Minister and Chairman of the In-

tersectoral Commission for Peace and Reconciliation,

Fernando Piedade dos Santos Nandó. The conference

met with a great response in all of the national and

some international media. The whole event was broad-

cast live by the Catholic radio station Radio Ecclesia. In

a final communiqué, both conflict parties were called

on to enter into peace negotiations involving civil society.

At the same time, a civil-society commission on wo-

men was set up to monitor the peace process, and it is

represented in international contacts and delegations

by the chairwoman of the MPD.

Involvement of women in civil conflict transformation

International Women’s Peace Conference

Women respond to conflicts in different

ways. It is sometimes said that they are al-

ways victims who have a natural interest in

acting in a mediating and peace-fostering

manner, and thus in contributing to the end

of violent clashes. However, this is not always

true. History, and particularly more recent

history, has numerous examples of women

being actively involved in violent conflicts.

This is particularly true when one party to

the conflict also advocates the right of wo-

men or when women wish to liberate them-

selves from their role as victims as a reaction

to violations of their human rights. Whether

or not women can play an effective role in

conflict transformation depends on the over-

all situation. If women are marginalised in so-

ciety, they lack the necessary clout to influence

a policy which leads to violent conflicts. The

empowerment of women is a necessary co-

rollary to the efforts to get them more in-

volved in civil conflict transformation. In par-

ticular, women therefore need to be more in-

volved in political decisions. Their capacities

to organise themselves and to represent their

interests effectively need to be strengthened.

70 / Promotion of Competence

AFP

A N G O L A

There is no denying the central role women play in

peace and development. The United Nations supports

the need to involve women in the resolution of armed

conflicts. But women also play an important role in the

course and escalation of conflicts. On 13 November 2000,

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, in co-operation with the

Marie Schlei Association, therefore held an expert con-

gress which focused on the role of women in war si-

tuations under the title “No war without women –

without women no peace?”.

Different roles of women in armed conflicts

In war, women are exposed to additional dangers in

the form of sexual violence; mass rapes are known from

many countries. Even the stationing of peace troops

can result in an increase in sexual exploitation and child

prostitution. Unlike in cases of torture and terrorism,

the people committing these crimes generally go un-

punished. Sexualised violence is regarded as a part of

war, as a sign of power over the opponent.

But women are not always victims. Their role in armed

conflicts can be active and can vary widely – but this

has so far gone virtually undocumented. They can have

a moderating effect, but can also foster escalation, as

in Rwanda, for example, where women played a major

role in the genocide. However, their lack of power ge-

nerally prevents them from being directly involved in

causing violence.

Inclusion of women in conflict transformation

The gender variable is frequently overlooked in peace

processes. A “gender analysis” which takes account

of the different forms of communication of women

and men, their approach to negotiation and the way

they deal with conflicts should be a firm component of

the planning and practice of external interventions in

conflict situations and in the reconstruction work fol-

lowing a conflict. In this way, it might be possible to

prevent women, who often play a central role in the

rebuilding of their society, from being marginalised.

For many years, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has held

expert meetings with the Marie Schlei Association

dealing with issues of relevance to human rights with

a focus on the situation of women and girls. Lively dis-

cussions with women from different world religions and

working and living environments show clearly that the

problem is much deeper than a rough categorisation

into offenders and victims. Conflict avoidance and reso-

lution can only succeed through fair and equal co-ope-

ration between all sides.

“No war without women – without women no peace?” –a series of events by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

G E R M A N Y

Promotion of Competence / 71

van

Edig

AFP

The changing global environment also necessitates new ideas on how to design

civil conflict transformation. The problem of failed states is becoming more of an

issue. Since the resources available to tackle growing tasks in the field of conflict

transformation will continue to be limited, the future work must aim at a higher qua-

lity and an increased efficiency of conflict transformation. Suitable instruments are

enhanced co-ordination and co-operation, and conflict-sensitive planning, monitoring and

evaluation. The distillation of transferable best practices can also help to boost efficiency.

Challenges and prospectsfor the future work ofthe Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

72 / Perspectives

AFP

The level of inequality within and between countries

and regions of the world has risen in the last two decades.

Globalisation has polarised the world, producing win-

ners and losers. At the same time, an ongoing lack of

order has emerged in many regions of the world. In the

course of the so-called “low intensity conflicts”, from

Colombia to Afghanistan, from Bosnia to Somalia, many

states have increasingly become shadows of their for-

mer selves, whilst rival parties to civil wars have by-

passed the state and networked themselves directly with

the global markets.

Economic misery and an ongoing lack of order at local

or regional level are not phenomena that can be isolat-

ed: rather, they have a negative impact on the world

order. The illegal trade in narcotics, diamonds, overex-

ploited raw materials, embargoed goods, hazardous

waste, arms and people frequently has its origins in the

shadow states and conflict zones. Global criminal net-

works, massive flight and migratory movements, and

environmental degradation often result from “low in-

tensity conflicts”. And no event has illustrated the threat

deriving from these conflicts for the industrial countries

as clearly as the terrorist attacks of 11 September: the

civil war in Afghanistan and the ongoing failure of the

state of the Taliban and their predecessor regimes pro-

vided an ideal breeding ground for terrorism. Unfor-

tunately, the eyes of the international community were

not opened until the dreadful attacks took place, even

though experts dealing with Central Asia had repeated-

ly pointed to the existence of the Islamist networks.

So in future it will be important to be as preventive as

possible. Here, it must be borne in mind that the large

majority of countries around the world are located nei-

ther in the gilded niche of the winners of globalisation,

nor in the zone of local civil wars, but in a grey area of

fragile stability and uncompleted processes of moderni-

sation. Many of these countries are at risk of relapsing

into regions of poverty and conflict.

Crisis prevention and conflict transformation in the light offailed states

Terms like failed state, collapsed state, shadow state,

etc. have come into use as a way of describing an

extreme and long-lasting form of state failure. These

terms imply the existence of a standard, since they

suggest the conditions pertaining to a “functioning”

state. They refer to the modern-era European state

which exerts an effective monopoly of force over its

territory and in which a distinction has emerged be-

tween a private (commercial) sphere and a public

sphere which is (in principle) free of private interests.

Failed states are states which a) exert no effective mo-

nopoly of force over their territory and in which b)

there is no distinction between public and private

spheres. In reality, however, it is not always possible to

draw a precise line between functioning and “failed”

states. Certainly a high level of corruption and orga-

nised crime is not in itself sufficient to characterise a

state as “failed”. Also, a state exposed to a civil war

or a secession movement has not necessarily failed as

long as the objectives of the parties to the civil war

are defined in political terms and are oriented to the

attainment of political power.

Failed states are characterised by a lack of congruence

between the state, the territory and the people. Sove-

reignty is exerted only in a precarious and incomplete

form, with the area in which the state is in control

being reduced to the capital city, key economic zones

and transport routes. Access to the local level is only

possible indirectly via “mediators” (tribal chiefs, etc.).

Failing states, which are characterised by the private

distribution of public goods or by arbitrarily generat-

ed externalities, motivate entrepreneurs of violence

to build their own area of business – particularly in

the security field. Many of the low intensity conflicts

in developing countries are the politically masked out-

come of the enrichment strategies of these entre-

preneurs of violence.

The failed state problem

Perspectives / 73

Changing approaches to development policyby the industrial countries

As long as they remained within the frame of refe-

rence of the Cold War, the development policies of the

industrial countries were unable to prevent the formation

of failed states and lasting post-nation state conflicts:

● Against the background of the bonus granted to

states gaining independence, they initially treated the de-

veloping countries as though they were already function-

ing states. In most cases, few conditionalities were im-

posed on help from outside (particularly humanitarian aid)

and – as it later transpired – the aid was not provided in

a very conflict-sensitive manner, even though such aid

can become a disputed resource in conflict situations. In

certain circumstances, it contributes to the funding of

parties to civil wars, or it is instrumentalised by the state

elites or warlords as a means of private enrichment and

is seized as an annuity.

● Subsequently, development policy became realistically

disappointed at the lack of ability or the lack of will on

the part of the governing elites to adopt good gover-

nance and equated this with a failure of the state. As a

reaction to this, development policy relied in a later phase

on “deregulation” and “liberalisation” – the allegedly

self-regulatory effect of the markets. In the 1990s, it be-

came apparent that, where this liberalisation does not

go hand in hand with a state regulatory framework and

the functioning rule of law, it does not produce a socially

balanced development. The call for the partial with-

drawal of the state did not automatically lead to free

and orderly markets, but produced structures in which

profits were made from (often violently engendered) dif-

ferences.

Failing states and low intensity conflicts are two sides

of the same coin: states which do not provide “security”

as a public good, but distribute it privately at a price,

undermine their own monopoly of force, by offering

entrepreneurs of violence incentives to provide security

themselves, to sell security and to make profits from

insecurity. In this way, lasting violent conflicts arise,

which can be termed “post-nation state”, since the

parties are not aiming to attain and utilise state power

and the disputed resources are realised in transnatio-

nal (regional, global) economic areas.

● Seeking another option, and once again out of dis-

appointment, development policy became directed to

the immediate beneficiaries of the aid at grass-roots le-

vel. This had two effects. Firstly, it produced numerous

non-governmental organisations, which could be regard-

ed as predecessors or elements of an emerging civil so-

ciety. Secondly, it also led to the existence of those local

“para-sovereign” actors which fill the gap between the

central state and the territory. But these tend to belong

more to the warring than the peaceful capacities of the

respective states/societies.

Willingness to “intervene in internal affairs”

Crisis prevention and conflict transformation have now

become a priority of development co-operation (or rat-

her of the foreign policies of the industrial countries in

general). A formally correct diplomatic policy which also

treated failed states as states, as fully recognised sub-

jects of international law, has yielded to a readiness to

“intervene in internal affairs” – including the use of mili-

tary means. This willingness is based on the perception

of the dangers to international order which derive from

failed states and low intensity conflicts. Against this

background, the significance of crisis prevention has

grown substantially. It primarily relies on the formation

of internal institutions of peaceful conflict resolution

within the state and on conflict-alleviating education

and training programmes. Here, pre-existing – e.g. eth-

nic – lines of conflict are often taken as a given fact. But

ethnic tensions tend to be the result rather than the

cause of post-nation state conflicts: they are deliberately

stirred up in order to produce the disputes from which

commercial profits can be made. It may be that specific

commercial interests and rational cost-benefit calcula-

“Lessons learned” lead to the development of options for aforward-looking peace policy

74 / Perspectives

tions underlie what are apparently atavistic hatreds be-

tween peoples, religions and cultures. A policy of pre-

vention which does not try to build the house from the

roof downwards or to permit external resources to go

to the conflict parties should recognise and take account

of these interrelationships, as well as systematically creat-

ing alternative incentives.

Promoting democracy in the context of conflict

The development work of political foundations is rooted

in the conviction that the development of democratic

structures leads to stability and peace. That is the rea-

son for the preference in each partner country for co-

operation with democratic forces, in order to promote

pluralism and participation, which form a precondition

for a differentiated social development. In this frame-

work, the holding of elections is just one factor, but is

itself not a sufficient indicator of a democratic society. Here,

the political foundations are operating between the

perspective of the democratic objective on the one

hand and the realities of power politics in the partner

countries on the other.

In view of the large number of states which are increas-

ingly unable to function and of the parallel power struc-

tures which often feed on “low intensity conflicts”, it is

necessary to seek an adequate approach to social-policy

work in such an environment. Should authoritarian po-

wer structures, many of which are rooted in violence, be

ignored and the co-operation be focused on support for

opposition groups in civil society? Does the isolation of

violence-based regimes weaken their power base and

lead to reforms initiated “bottom-up”, or even to the over-

throw of the regimes? A variety of examples show that

this hope is often disappointed because organisations

of civil society cannot and should not assume central

functions of the state. The real problem which is cropping

up more and more frequently in such contexts is not

too much, but too little state. In contrast, it appears

more useful in many cases to retain access to the rele-

vant decision-makers via a carefully selected degree of

co-operation, to keep interfaces open for political dia-

logue, and thus to obtain the possibility to strengthen

constructive actors and to support reforms from within.

In the face of undemocratic, corrupt and violent power

structures, it certainly appears natural for international

partnerships to bypass these and to co-operate with

partners from non-governmental organisations of civil

society. However, particularly in well-organised autho-

ritarian regimes, the “bottom-up” opposition tends to be

so weak that there is little prospect of a radical change

despite the help from abroad. The development of a

pluralist but functioning civil society also requires there

to be a functioning regulatory framework within which

civil involvement is possible. Without a functioning state

which guarantees security, the rule of law and stability,

there is no framework in which a civil society can develop.

There is therefore much to suggest that a range of ap-

proaches be combined in political co-operation: even with

undesired power structures, there should be as much con-

ditional co-operation as necessary, and as much partner-

based support for civil society organisations as possible.

Experience shows that dialogue processes within these

two fields of co-operation, but particularly through their

interlinkage, have a long-term impact.

In this context, in view of its limited range of instruments,

the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is primarily faced with the

question of choice of partner. In a co-operating country

with latent or even acute conflict developments, it

cannot be sufficient to relate only to the partner organi-

sations with which the Foundation traditionally has close

links. Rather, the conflict-relevance and the conflict-sen-

sitivity of the various actors must be borne explicitly in

mind in the strategy underlying the Foundation’s work.

The prevention and transformation of conflicts should

become a priority aim of the strategy, and when part-

ners are selected, their potential for conflict or their peace

agenda must be analysed and taken into account.

The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has therefore recently ela-

borated a series of lines of work which take account of

this aspect.

Perspectives / 75

AFP

Another important element of the project strategy isco-operation with a broad spectrum of peace-orientedAfghan capacities – reform-oriented forces in the go-vernment, democratic groups in civil society, represent-atives of the Afghan intellectuals and experts in exile.The work is intended to focus not least on the develop-ment of alternative strategies for the previously warringalliances which (so far) have clearly profited more fromwar than from peace. It is necessary to show them allthat peace is worthwhile. A peace and conflict impactassessment is taking place at the end of 2002 in co-operation with the FriEnt Working Group Developmentand Peace with a view to developing appropriate con-cepts for future project planning which are also be madeavailable to other actors of the development policy com-munity.

A problematic environment

In the current early phase following the Bonn Agreement,the fact that the efforts to undertake reconstruction arealmost exclusively restricted to the capital city, Kabul, isparticularly problematic in view of the precarious securitysituation out in the country. The mandate of ISAF, the in-ternational protection force, (still) applies only to Kabul.On the other hand, the operations of the anti-terror al-liance against members of al Qaida have caused nu-merous casualties in the civilian Afghan population andthus created more and more opposition. The opening ofnumerous offices of Afghan and international organi-sations within a few months has engendered furtherpotential for conflict. Firstly, it has already led to thepartial formation of a “UN economy”. Secondly, some ofthese organisations are fronts for Afghan groups workingto undermine the peace accord and seeking internatio-nal support. Since the international community madeAfghanistan a priority following the events of 11 Septem-ber 2001, the country has gained a historic opportunityfor peace. However, the question of whether this can beutilised effectively by Afghanistan and the internationalcommunity remains open.

In the last decade, and especially under the Taliban re-gime, Afghanistan clearly failed to fulfil the criteria of a“functioning” state. In particular, the lack of state ser-vices in areas like education or health, and the suppres-sion of women and of ethnic and religious minorities,underlined the severe lack of legitimacy of those in po-wer in Kabul. In parallel to this, a well-developed shadoweconomy emerged in trade in narcotics and arms and inthe form of training of Islamist forces willing to engagein violence. During the 1980s and 1990s, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung repeatedly tried to collaborate on solutionsto the conflict – for example, with a major conferencein summer 1998 at which more than 100 Afghan mul-tipliers debated the convening of a grand council as afirst step to peace. It is thanks to its good relations withAfghan project partners that the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftungwas one of the first international organisations to beable to open up an office in Kabul in February 2002 – di-rectly following the conclusion of the Bonn peace accordon Afghanistan in December 2001.

Conflict-oriented planning and peace andconflict impact assessment

In order to lessen the danger that the project work ofthe Foundation in Afghanistan might tend to exacerbaterather than alleviate the momentum of the conflict, theproject planning bore conflict-sensitive aspects in mindright from the start: building on an initial detailed con-flict analysis and the evaluation of experiences from otherconflict regions, particularly the Balkans, a diverse rangeof instruments was developed with an emphasis on thefollowing fields of action:

● training – particularly of women, NGO staff and publicofficials,● involvement in the establishment of social institutionsand a democratic media system,● formation of networks and platforms for democraticgroups and peace alliances,● advice for the administration and advice on planningmethods,● support for international contacts, and

● specific measures in the field of conflict transforma-

tion. The latter include a peace education programmerun by women for women, a workshop with artists andlecturers at Kabul University who work through their ex-periences of conflict in artistic form, and training in the

field of conflict transformation.

Afghanistan: development of a conflict-sensitive advisory programme

76 / Perspectives

AFP

Raising the quality and efficiency of conflict transformation

Co-ordination and co-operation – example: FriEnt

The FriEnt Working Group Development andPeace

Since January 2002, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has beenrepresented in the FriEnt Working Group Developmentand Peace by a seconded staff member. The group hasbeen set up as a joint working group by seven govern-mental and non-governmental organisations in the fieldof development policy and peace promotion. FriEnt isan innovative set-up. For the first time, the Federal Mi-nistry for Economic Co-operation and Development(BMZ) has become involved in a joint working contexttogether with organisers of technical co-operation,church-based development services, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung as the representative of all the political founda-tions, and umbrella organisations of non-governmentalorganisations and academic establishments focused onpeace policy. The objectives are to link up research andpractice, and to systematically process and exchangeexpertise and experience in the fields of crisis preventionand peace promotion. The aim is to make developmentco-operation more skilled, firmly anchored and focusedin this increasingly significant field. The comparative ad-vantages and strengths of the various organisations inthe instrumental field should be analysed and enhanced,in order to achieve greater coherence and effectivenessin the medium term as a result of improved co-ordination.

Central tasks

The central tasks taken up by the FriEnt Working GroupDevelopment and Peace are therefore:

● improved knowledge and information management(collation, evaluation and provision of information on

projects, best practices, lessons learned, particularly in theoperational field, and practice-related research findings);● the further development of methodological and con-ceptual foundations, and the identification of furtherneed for action;● the promotion of lobbying and networking at Ger-man, European and international level (exchange andco-operation with selected bilateral and multilateralgovernmental and non-governmental organisations ofpeace building in the field of development policy); and● the promotion of co-operation (country-specific andissue-specific forums to co-ordinate approaches and pro-jects of peace development amongst the various par-ties).

Priorities

In an initial phase, three priority projects were formula-ted, on the basis of which model solutions are beingelaborated and offered for a range of core problemsconfronting development co-operation in the contextof crises and conflicts. All of these issues are respondingto the specifically formulated needs of the group ofmember organisations:

● economic dimension of conflicts: consequences of theexistence of violence-related markets for the shaping ofpeace-oriented development co-operation;● possibilities to act under the conditions of failed states:ways to operate development co-operation in countrieswith largely informal clan and network structures; and● conflict-related aspects of development co-operation inIslam-dominated states: local concepts, structures,sources of financing and sponsors of international pro-jects; possible starting points and partners; risks.

Development of a “peace and conflict impact assessment”

If there is to be targeted influencing of latent or even

of acute conflict developments, the instruments must

be deployed as efficiently as possible, and the appro-

priate combination of instruments can only be selected

on the basis of a systematic analysis. Furthermore, the

active and passive role of potential partners in the con-

flict, their conflict potential and their peace agenda must

also be analysed and taken into consideration, as must

the way they are perceived by other groups and actors

in society. However, there is so far little empirical know-

ledge about the effectiveness of certain instruments in

different conflict phases and different conflict situati-

ons. This is due not least to the difficulty in ascertaining

the gradual shifts in what tend to be long-term social

changes and in relating these to short-term and medium-

term projects. The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is therefore

Perspectives / 77

working in the methodological field to develop a rangeof instruments for peace and conflict impact assessment(PCIA) which is specifically tailored to the needs of pro-grammes of co-operation on social policy.

Conflict analysis and evaluation of experience

In a first step, a systematic conflict analysis was carriedout in Macedonia in autumn 2002 which presents thecurrent dynamics of the conflict, its deeper rooted struc-tures, actors and dimensions. The analysis includes theevaluation of experiences which the various organisersof programmes of socio-political co-operation havegained from their projects. It also offers a basis for stra-tegic thinking aimed at identifying possible fields of

action for conflict transformation using the instrumentsof political foundations and at pinpointing suitable part-ners and strategically important target groups. Further-more, hypotheses can be derived about the impact ofprogrammes of socio-political co-operation and indica-tions of their possible conflict-exacerbating effects and(any lack of) donor co-ordination (the do-no-harmperspective).

Recommendations and proposals

The first interim results are a range of recommendationson the applicability of the traditional instruments ofpolitical programmes, and proposals for innovativemeasures in various conflict situations and phases. Theseare to be reviewed in a second phase on the basis of

further conflict analyses in Uzbekistan and Afghanistanand are to be taken into consideration in the planningof programmes for these countries. The elaborated me-thodology of conflict analysis, including the identifica-tion of appropriate partners and fields of action to de-velop conflict-sensitive projects, is also to become afixed element of the international project planning workof the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.

Empirical review

In parallel to the development of methodologies andprogrammes, work is underway in the three pilot stateson a system for the systematic and ongoing collationof the necessary information to monitor the future de-velopment of the conflicts. The spectrum ranges herefrom the networking of existing institutions (e.g. opinionpoll institutes or human rights organisations) throughto the establishment or promotion of such appropriatestructures. Beyond the development of conflict-relat-ed indicators and the integration of appropriate testpoints into the programmes, an attempt is to be madeto review the formulated impact hypotheses over a pro-ject period of three to five years and thus to arrive atfindings which can be generalised in the sense of an im-pact assessment. The methodological elements select-ed and adapted for this are integrated into the eva-luation system of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and aremade available together with the planning instruments,not least in the form of a set of methodological guide-lines.

Elaboration of best practices in the field of international intervention

Initiatives in the United Nations

The New York office of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftungwas involved in 1994 in the establishment of a “Les-sons Learned and Best Practices Unit” designed to pro-cess the experiences made under various UN mandatesand proposed by Kofi Annan, who at the time was thehead of the Department for Peace Keeping Operations(DPKO) of the UN. Comprehensive experience with theimplementation of civilian components of such man-dates has been gathered, particularly in south easternEurope since the second half of the 1990s, where theFriedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is involved under the StabilityPact in reconstruction work and in ensuring peace inthe successor states of the former Yugoslavia.

Against this background, an initial exchange took placeat the end of 2001 which is to lead to a process of sys-tematic evaluation of experience and the formulationof recommendations for the design of future manda-tes. The focus was on the question of the correct blendof civilian and military components in a given situationand the possible contribution of programmes of socio-political co-operation – and thus of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung – in such a process.

Possibilities to transfer experiences

In the same context, the question was examined ofwhat lessons can be learnt by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stif-tung from the experiences in south eastern Europe and

78 / Perspectives

of the extent to which these can be transferred to newchallenges, e.g. in Afghanistan, in order to achieve themost efficient use of the available instruments. Forexample, central elements of the various mandates wereanalysed, taking Macedonia, Bosnia and Kosovo asexamples, and their effectiveness was scrutinised in thelight of different environments and initial situations.Particular attention was given to the potential for sta-bilisation and the opportunities of the Stability Pact forSouth Eastern Europe.

Supraregional exchange and networkformation – example: transferability ofexperience from Macedonia and Kosovoto the Middle East

In view of the apparent insolubility of the conflict be-tween Israelis and Palestinians, which is assuming everbloodier dimensions, the probability of (and need for)international intervention is increasing. Neither partyto the conflict seems able on its own at present to breakout of the cycle in which violence is responded to withfurther violence. Most of the numerous peace planson the table provide for some sort of intervention fromoutside. Here, the stance taken by the two conflictparties is totally different: the Palestinians are in favourof such an intervention, because they not only believeit will end the bloody conflict, but also hope that it willfinally give them statehood on a democratic basis. TheIsraelis have so far categorically rejected this in view oftheir bad experiences, particularly with the UNIFIL UNforce on their border with Lebanon.

The office of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Israel hastherefore launched a programme aimed at drawing onthe various experiences made with international inter-ventions, peace-keeping and peace-building. Here, too,despite all the differences in the conflict situation andin the form of the international interventions, it is neces-sary to seek out elements which might be transferable tothe shaping of a mandate for Israel and the PalestinianAutonomous Territories. Against this background, theFriedrich-Ebert-Stiftung started by organising a pro-gramme of information in spring 2002 for a group ofIsraeli military and security experts in Macedonia and Ko-sovo. Here, the discussions with representatives of NATO,the EU, the OECD and UNMIK (the UN administration inKosovo) were concentrated on the military and securityaspects of an international intervention. In a second step,in summer 2002 the same group visited institutions inGermany with experience in crisis prevention and civil

conflict transformation, and the change in perspectivehere resulted in new options for the Israeli participants.

In a further step, a sizeable delegation from civil socie-ty, consisting of representatives of non-governmentalorganisations, think tanks and academia, will make afact-finding trip to Macedonia and Kosovo – and, de-pending on the political situation, there may also bePalestinian participants. Building on these specific ex-periences from other crisis regions, the conclusions forthe Middle East conflict are to be drawn at a majorpublic event to be held in Israel in 2003 – and to beattended also by Macedonian and Kosovan representa-tives, and the results might also influence the decision-making process at the highest political level.

Perspectives / 79

AFP

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