Cuban Missile Speech

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    Good evening, my fellow citizens. ThisGovernment, as promised, has

    maintained the closest surveillance ofthe Soviet military build-up on theisland of Cuba. Within the past weekunmistakable evidence has establishedthe fact that a series of offensive missilesites is now in preparation on thatimprisoned island. The purposes ofthese bases can be none other than toprovide a nuclear strike capability

    against the Western Hemisphere.Upon receiving the first preliminaryhard information of this nature lastTuesday morning (October 16) at 9:00

    A.M., I directed that our surveillance bestepped up. And having now confirmedand completed our evaluation of the

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    evidence and our decision on a course ofaction, this Government feels obliged to

    report this new crisis to You in fullestdetail.

    The characteristics of these new missilesites indicate two distinct types of

    installations. Several of them includemedium-range ballistic missiles capableof carrying a nuclear warhead for adistance of more than 1,000 nauticalmiles. Each of these missiles, in short, iscapable of striking Washington, D.C.,the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral,Mexico City, or any other city in thesoutheastern part of the United States,

    in Central America, or in the Caribbeanarea.

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    Additional sites not yet completedappear to be designed for intermediate-

    range ballistic missiles capable oftraveling more than twice as far-andthus capable of striking most of themajor cities in the Western

    Hemisphere, ranging as far north asHudson Bay, Canada, and as far south asLima, Peru. In addition, jet bombers,capable of carrying nuclear weapons, arenow being uncrated and assembled inCuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared.

    This urgent transformation of Cuba intoan important strategic base-by thepresence of these large, longrange, andclearly offensive weapons of suddenmass destruction--constitutes an explicit

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    threat to the peace and security of all the Americas, in flagrant and deliberate

    defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, thetraditions of this nation andHemisphere, the joint Resolution of the87th Congress, the Charter of the UnitedNations, and my own public warnings tothe Soviets on September 4 and 13.

    This action also contradicts the repeatedassurances of Soviet spokesmen, bothpublicly and privately delivered, that thearms build-up in Cuba would retain itsoriginal defensive character and that theSoviet Union had no need or desire tostation strategic missiles on the territory

    of any other nation.The size of this undertaking makes clearthat it has been planned for some

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    months. Yet only last month, after I hadmade clear the distinction between any

    introduction of ground-to-groundmissiles and the existence of defensiveantiaircraft missiles, the SovietGovernment publicly stated onSeptember I I that, and I quote, "Thearmaments and military equipment sentto Cuba are designed exclusively fordefensive purposes," and, and I quotethe Soviet Government, "There is no

    need for the Soviet Government to shiftits weapons for a retaliatory blow to anyother country, for instance Cuba," andthat, and I quote the Government, "TheSoviet Union has so powerful rockets tocarry these nuclear warheads that thereis no need to search for sites for them

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    beyond the boundaries of the SovietUnion." That statement was false.

    Only last Thursday, as evidence of thisrapid offensive build-up was already inmy hand, Soviet Foreign MinisterGromyko told me in my office that he

    was instructed to make it clear onceagain, as he said his Government hadalready done, that Soviet assistance toCuba, and I quote, "pursued solely thepurpose of contributing to the defensecapabilities of Cuba," that, and I

    quote him, "training by Soviet specialistsof Cuban nationals in handlingdefensive armaments was by no meansoffensive," and that "if it wereotherwise," Mr. Gromyko went on, "theSoviet Government would never become

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    involved in rendering such assistance."That statement also was false.

    Neither the United States of Americanor the world community of nations cantolerate deliberate deception andoffensive threats on the part of any

    nation, large or small. We no longer livein a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficientchallenge to a nation's security toconstitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons are so destructive and ballisticmissiles are so swift that anysubstantially increased possibility oftheir use or any sudden change in their

    deployment may well be regarded as adefinite threat to peace.

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    For many years both the Soviet Unionand the United States, recognizing this

    fact, have deployed strategic nuclear weapons with great care, neverupsetting the precarious status quo which insured that these weapons wouldnot be used in the absence of some vitalchallenge. Our own strategic missileshave never been transferred to theterritory of any other nation under acloak of secrecy and deception; and our

    history, unlike that of the Soviets sincethe end of World War 11, demonstratesthat we have no desire to dominate orconquer any other nation or impose oursystem upon its people. Nevertheless, American citizens have become adjustedto living daily on the bull's eye of Soviet

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    missiles located inside the U.S.S.R. or insubmarines.

    In that sense missiles in Cuba add to analready clear and present danger-although it should be noted the nationsof Latin America have never previously

    been subjected to a potential nuclearthreat.

    But this secret, swift, and extraordinary build-up of Communist missiles-in an

    area well known to have a special andhistorical relationship to the UnitedStates and the nations of the WesternHemisphere, in violation of Sovietassurances, and in defiance of Americanand hemispheric policy-this sudden,clandestine decision to station strategic weapons for the first time outside of

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    Soviet soil-is a deliberately provocativeand unjustified change in the status quo

    which cannot be accepted by thiscountry if our courage and ourcommitments are ever to be trustedagain by either friend or foe.

    The 1930's taught us a clear lesson: Aggressive conduct, if allowed to growunchecked and unchallenged, ultimatelyleads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are also true to our word. Ourunswerving objective, therefore, must beto prevent the use of these missilesagainst this or any other country and tosecure their withdrawal or elimination

    from the Western Hemisphere.Our policy has been one of patience andrestraint, as befits a peaceful and

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    powerful nation, which leads a world- wide alliance. We have been determined

    not to be diverted from our centralconcerns by mere irritants and fanatics.But now further action is required-and itis underway; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will notprematurely or unnecessarily risk thecosts of worldwide nuclear war in whicheven the fruits of victory would be ashesin our mouth-but neither will we shrink

    from that risk at any time it must befaced.

    Acting, therefore, in the defense of ourown security and of the entire Western

    Hemisphere, and under the authorityentrusted to me by the Constitution asendorsed by the resolution of the

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    Congress, I have directed that thefollowing initial steps be taken

    immediately:First: To halt this offensive build-up, astrict quarantine on all offensivemilitary equipment under shipment to

    Cuba is being initiated. All ships of anykind bound for Cuba from whatevernation or port will, if found to containcargoes of offensive weapons, be turned back: This quarantine will be extended,if needed, to other types of cargo andcarriers. We are not at this time,however, denying the necessities of lifeas the Soviets attempted to do in their

    Berlin blockade of 1948.Second: I have directed the continuedand increased close surveillance of Cuba

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    and its military build-up. The ForeignMinisters of the Organization of

    American States in their communiqu6 ofOctober 3 rejected secrecy on suchmatters in this Hemisphere. Shouldthese offensive military preparationscontinue, thus increasing the threat tothe Hemisphere, further action will be justified. I have directed the ArmedForces to prepare for any eventualities;and I trust that in the interests of both

    the Cuban people and the Soviettechnicians at the sites, the hazards toall concerned of continuing this threat will be recognized.

    Third: It shall be the policy of thisnation to regard any nuclear missilelaunched from Cuba against any nation

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    in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United

    States, requiring a full retaliatoryresponse upon the Soviet Union.

    Fourth: As a necessary militaryprecaution I have reinforced our base at

    Guantanamo, evacuated today thedependents of our personnel there, andordered additional military units to beon a standby alert basis.

    Fifth: We are calling tonight for animmediate meeting of the Organ ofConsultation, under the Organization of American States, to consider this threatto hemispheric security and to invokearticles six and eight of the Rio Treaty insupport of all necessary action. TheUnited Nations Charter allows for

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    regional security arrangements-and thenations of this Hemisphere decided long

    ago against the military presence ofoutside powers. Our other allies aroundthe world have also been alerted.

    Sixth: Under the Charter of the UnitedNations, we are asking tonight that anemergency meeting of the SecurityCouncil be convoked without delay totake action against this latest Sovietthreat to world peace. Our resolution will call for the prompt dismantling and withdrawal of all offensive weapons in

    Cuba, under the supervision of UnitedNations observers, before thequarantine can be lifted.

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    Seventh and finally: I call uponChairman Khrushchev to halt and

    eliminate this clandestine, reckless, andprovocative threat to world peace and tostable relations between our twonations. I call upon him further toabandon this course of worlddomination and to join in an historiceffort to end the perilous arms race andtransform the history of man. He has anopportunity now to move the world back

    from the abyss of destruction-byreturning to his Government's own words that it had no need to stationmissiles outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba- by refraining from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis-and

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    then by participating in a search forpeaceful and permanent solutions.

    This nation is prepared to present itscase against the Soviet threat to peace,and our own proposals for a peaceful world, at. any time and in any forum in

    the Organization of American States, inthe United Nations, or in any othermeeting that could be useful-withoutlimiting our freedom of action.

    We have in the past made strenuousefforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We have proposed theelimination of all arms and military bases in a fair and effectivedisarmament treaty. We are prepared todiscuss new proposals for the removal oftensions on both sides-including the

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    possibilities of a genuinely independentCuba, free to detennine its own destiny.

    We have no wish to war with the SovietUnion, for we are a peaceful people whodesire to live in peace with all otherpeoples.

    But it is difficult to settle or even discussthese problems in an atmosphere ofintimidation. That is why this latestSoviet threat-or any other threat whichis made either independently or inresponse to our actions this week-mustand will be met with determination. Anyhostile move anywhere in the worldagainst the safety and freedom of

    peoples to whom we are committed-including in particular the brave people

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    of West Berlin-will be met by whateveraction is needed.

    Finally, I want to say a few words to thecaptive people of Cuba, to whom thisspeech is being directly carried byspecial radio facilities. I speak to you as

    a friend, as one who knows of your deepattachment to

    your fatherland, as one who shares youraspirations for liberty and justice for all.

    And I have watched and the Americanpeople have watched with deep sorrowhow your nationalist revolution was betrayed and how your fatherland fellunder foreign domination. Now yourleaders are no longer Cuban leadersinspired by Cuban ideals. They arepuppets and agents of an international

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    conspiracy which has turned Cubaagainst your friends and neighbors in

    the Americas-and turned it into the firstLatin American country to become atarget for nuclear war, the first Latin American country to have these weapons on its soil.

    These new weapons are not in yourinterest. They contribute nothing to yourpeace and well being. They can onlyundermine it. But this country has no wish to cause you to suffer or to imposeany system upon you. We know that your lives and land are being used aspawns by those who deny you freedom.

    Many times in the past Cuban peoplehave risen to throw out tyrants whodestroyed their liberty. And I have no

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    doubt that most Cubans today lookforward to the time when they will be

    truly free-free from foreign domination,free to choose their own leaders, free toselect their own system, free to owntheir own land, free to speak and writeand worship without fear ordegradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed back to the society of freenations and to the associations of thisHemisphere.

    My fellow citizens, let no one doubt thatthis is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out. No one canforesee precisely what course it will take

    or what costs or casualties will beincurred. Many months of sacrifice andself-discipline lie ahead-months in

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    which both our patience and our will will be tested, months in which many

    threats and denunciations will keep usaware of our dangers. But the greatestdanger of all would be to do nothing.

    The path we have chosen for the present

    is full of hazards, as all paths are; but itis the one most consistent with ourcharacter and courage as a nation andour commitments around the world. Thecost of freedom is always high-but Americans have always paid it. And onepath we shall never choose, and that isthe path of surrender or submission.

    Our goal is not the victory of might butthe vindication of right-not peace at theexpense of freedom, but both peace andfreedom, here in this Hemisphere and,

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    we hope, around the world. God willing,that goal will be achieved.