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s s s s s 9 Cultural influences on equity and sports participation BEFORE YOU START Have you considered how society has affected your opportunities to participate in sport? How has Australia’s sporting success shaped Australian culture? What sporting stereotypes exist and how do they affect participation? Is there equality between the sexes in the sporting arena? How does sport give identity to groups from different ethnic backgrounds within our society? In this chapter, we will examine how the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework can be used to understand how socialisation has shaped the role of sport in Australia. The idealistic notion that every Australian has the same opportunity to pursue the physical activity of their choice is unrealistic because society puts up barriers. These barriers can be strengthened by cultural attitudes that reinforce existing practices, limiting equal opportunities. As more people become aware of the barriers that exist and how they have been created, opportunities can be developed to bring about change. This chapter will look at a range of factors that have shaped the opportunities to participate in sport in Australian society. CHAPTER OVERVIEW A brief history of sport in Australia 307 Australia’s sporting identity 313 Socialisation 313 • Gender roles and stereotypes 314 • Ethnic identity 324 9001 have 2 with this number … pls confirm RUS_QSPE_3pp.indb 306 28/09/10 9:43 AM

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9Cultural influences on equity and sports participation

BEFORE YOU START

Have you considered how society has affected your opportunities to participate

in sport? How has Australia’s sporting success shaped Australian culture? What

sporting stereotypes exist and how do they affect participation? Is there equality

between the sexes in the sporting arena? How does sport give identity to groups

from different ethnic backgrounds within our society?

In this chapter, we will examine how the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework can

be used to understand how socialisation has shaped the role of sport in Australia.

The idealistic notion that every Australian has the same opportunity to pursue the

physical activity of their choice is unrealistic because society puts up barriers. These

barriers can be strengthened by cultural attitudes that reinforce existing practices,

limiting equal opportunities. As more people become aware of the barriers that

exist and how they have been created, opportunities can be developed to bring

about change. This chapter will look at a range of factors that have shaped the

opportunities to participate in sport in Australian society.

CHAPTER OVERVIEW

A brief history of sport

in Australia 307

Australia’s sporting

identity 313

Socialisation 313

• Gender roles and

stereotypes 314

• Ethnic identity 324

9001

have 2 with this

number … pls

confi rm

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A brief history of sport in Australia

Australia’s sporting culture is heavily infl uenced by our history as a former British colony. Early settlers from

Britain and Ireland brought with them attitudes and beliefs about sport, and they also brought with them the

games that were popular in Britain.

Building manliness and character

In nineteenth-century Britain, sport was viewed as a manly pursuit. It was believed that participating in

physical activity fostered the ideals of the English gentleman. British public schools (which are the equivalent

of private schools in Australia) encouraged boys to play team games to learn the masculine qualities of

leadership and courage. Schoolmasters viewed games as a way to distract pupils from youthful sexual

experimentation and rebellion against school authority.

Games were incorporated into boys’ public schools because it was believed that participating in sport

built social character and provided discipline. These attributes and skills were prerequisites for upper-class

social life, which the sons of the socially privileged must acquire. In contrast, physical activity for girls was

promoted largely for health reasons.

It was also accepted that playing games, particularly cricket, could develop Christian values. Cricket

provided a social education for its participants—a concept that became known as ‘muscular Christianity’.

Anglican priests of the Christian socialist movement encouraged working-class boys to participate in sport

as a means of moral and physical salvation. The concept of the body as the temple of the Holy Spirit was

important and, as such, young boys were encouraged to remain fi t and healthy.

Figure 9.1 Australia’s sporting culture originates in our colonial history.

<start new page>

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308 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society

Colonial sportsmanship

Most of Australia’s early settlers were neither gentlemen nor public schoolboys; they were convicts and

working-class people seeking opportunity in a new country. Even in the early days of European settlement,

however, sport was a popular pastime in colonial Australia.

Sport in nineteenth-century Australia was organised by publicans around public houses—places reserved

for males. As a result, gambling, drinking and violent behaviour became associated with sport. The typical

Australian in the colonies was male, heterosexual and Anglo-Saxon, and a sporting version of mateship

developed. Mateship included loyalty to teammates and playing hard but within the rules.

The colonists were believed to be, and often proved themselves to be, more physically robust than

their British counterparts. This could be attributed to the rugged physical environment they were forced to

deal with in Australia, the hardships they endured and the courage they showed to survive. Consequently

Australian working-class sportsmen became admired for their physical strength, and the qualities associated

with this image—physical toughness and resilience—were highly valued.

Being successful at sport was very important to the colonies. International cricket matches, which were

fi rst held in 1877, were considered ‘tests’ between nations—long before Australia was an independent

nation—and the outcome signifi cantly infl uenced Australia’s developing national identity. The emerging

nation’s success was often measured by the result of a sporting match.

International victories in cricket, football, rowing and foot-racing were infl uential in rectifying the

colonists’ feelings of inferiority to Britain. The victories fostered national pride and brought Australia

increased recognition and status.

EXTENSIONResearch a variety of sports that were played in Australia during the colonial years. For each

sport you research, identify who the sport was played by (age, gender and social class) and

describe its purpose.

Amateurs and professionals

Sport has historically meant different things to different social groups. The British class system was mirrored

in Australia’s colonies; people who had social and economic power were the dominant class. Sports pursued

by those with a private school education, a respectable profession and an established family reputation

included cricket, tennis, golf, rowing, yachting, hunting and horse racing. Such sports were ruled by

appropriate codes of behaviour and were the pastimes of the upper class, who had time for leisure.

Until the middle of the nineteenth century, working-class people worked six days a week and were

expected to attend church on Sundays, leaving little time for sport or other leisure activities.

Athletes were also divided according to amateur or professional status, reinforcing the class divide.

Professional athletes were paid for their participation. Amateurs were those who participated as a hobby and

who did not seek or need payment. An amateur athlete was defi ned as a person:

who has never competed for a money prize, staked bet, or declared wager, or who has not

knowingly and without protest competed with or against a professional for a prize of any description

or for public exhibition, or who has never taught, pursued or assisted in the practice of any athletic

exercise as a means of livelihood or for pecuniary [monetary] gain.

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Working-class athletes did not have the leisure time of the wealthy and were only able to take time off

work if their sport offered a prize or payment. These payments compensated them for the wages lost while

away from their jobs.

The concept of amateurism was developed to protect the middle and upper classes from a working-class

‘invasion’ of their leisure activities. Many sporting clubs restricted membership to amateurs to exclude the

working classes from the clubs and games of the upper classes. Those who used their athletic skill for profi t,

or as a source of income, were considered unfi t for membership and undesirable by the pillars of society.

Sport was not seen as an appropriate way to earn a living; it was not a ‘proper’ job. Excluding professionals

was also believed to guarantee the codes of conduct and playing conventions associated with gentlemanly

behaviour. Amateurism was associated with moral superiority.

For example, in cricket matches, players were labelled ‘gentlemen’ or ‘players’, depending on their social

status. Players were those who had poorer social origins and who used their physical skills to gain a prize;

gentlemen were amateurs who played as a hobby. On tour, the two groups lived in separate accommodation

and entered the fi eld from separate gates. In England, clubs employed players to bowl—a task considered to

be manual labour—whereas the gentlemen batted.

It is important to note that loopholes existed so that gentlemen could receive some payment for their

participation but still maintain their amateur status. It is clear, then, that the term ‘amateur’ was related

more to a person’s social status than to a strict interpretation of whether or not the person was paid.

Another method often used to exclude the lower classes was to increase ticket prices for spectators. For

example, the Western Australian Turf Club raised the gate fee during the depression of the 1890s. The leisure

pursuits that called for wealth, time and space became the possession of the upper and middle classes.

Membership of the ruling bodies of clubs or associations (such as the amateur athletics clubs) was also

socially restricted. Without suffi cient social standing it was impossible to become a member of a club board.

The social stigma associated with professionalism and sport lingered until late in the twentieth century.

For example, the International Olympics Committee only relaxed its rules barring professional athletes from

competing in the 1970s.

Figure 9.2 The working classes were excluded from amateur athletic association competitions.

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ACQUIRE1 Compare the meanings of ‘amateur’ and ‘professional’ in the nineteenth century with their

meanings today.

2 Describe how the upper class manipulated the term ‘amateur’ to protect their games from

working-class intrusion.

EXTENSIONA puritan sporting ethos claimed that a gentleman played only for the love of the game.

1 Conduct a class debate on the topic ‘Athletes today should play purely for the love of the

game’.

2 After your debate, construct a PMI (positives, minuses and interesting points) chart to

summarise your thoughts on the discussion.

Women’s sporting history

In the nineteenth century, women’s participation in sport was based on social class, as it was for men. Upper-

class women, who had the luxury of time for sport, still had to adhere to appropriate codes of conduct and

maintain their femininity. They participated in physical activity as a source of recreation and relaxation,

rather than for competition and performance.

It was not until the middle

of the nineteenth century

that women were allowed to

accompany their male relatives

to watch some sporting events

such as horse races and baseball

games. Late in the nineteenth

century, women were given the

opportunity to participate in

organised sports. Golf, archery,

and croquet were the fi rst sports

to gain acceptance among

women because they did not

involve physical contact or strain.

In the nineteenth and early

twentieth centuries, golf was one

of the few sports that women

undertook competitively. Clubs

were established throughout the

colonies by 1895. Ladies could

only be associate members,

however, because club members

believed that women were

supposed to be socially minded,

not competitive. As they were

associate members, not full Figure 9.3 Lawn tennis was a social activity that was seen to

encourage grace.

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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 311

members, women had little power in club politics

and few club privileges. Women’s play was limited

to certain days, and women were often excluded

from the clubhouse. This practice still continues at

some golf clubs today.

Women participated in sport for the social

contact. Activities such as tennis, golf, croquet,

archery, rowing and sailing were undertaken by

those with suffi cient time for recreation, access to

the necessary equipment and the social contacts

for participation. For example, tennis courts

were privately owned and located at homes in

fashionable suburbs, so women played tennis by

invitation only.

Although physical activity was seen as a

masculine pursuit, women did participate in a

range of sports. If they did play, however, they

did so without any displays of exertion. Because

perspiring, physical contact and competition were

not socially acceptable or ladylike behaviour,

women’s physical recreation activities and

opportunities were limited. Gentle exercise was

seen to benefi t women’s health and help them to

develop other feminine qualities such as graceful

movement. Women’s restrictive clothing, such as

long dresses and ornamental hats, also limited their

participation in strenuous activity.

The all-male medical profession of the time

fostered the belief that strenuous exercise would

be detrimental to the health and reproductive

organs of women. In contrast, light exercise was

considered to be healthy and assist in childbirth.

Unlike men, women were not believed to be strong

enough to withstand vigorous activity.

Baron Pierre de Coubertin, the founder of the modern Olympics, was a proponent of this notion and

strongly campaigned against women participating in the Olympic Games. The fi rst time Australian women

competed at the Olympic Games was in 1912. At the 1912 Stockholm Olympics, Australians Fanny Durack

and Mina Wylie won gold and silver medals respectively in the 100-metre freestyle swimming event.

Bathing was seen as an acceptable sporting pastime for women because men and women were

segregated. Beginning in 1839, community baths were established throughout the colonies, and women

were able to attend swimming classes. A fee of sixpence was charged to visit the baths, so women from the

lower classes were less likely to attend. Even with the conservative swimming costumes of the nineteenth

century, at the beach both men and women could use bathing machines to ensure privacy from observers.

Bathing machines were covered carriages that were towed into deeper water, allowing swimmers to remain

concealed from onlookers as they descended a ladder into the water.

Figure 9.4 Fanny Durack was a pioneering

Australian sportswoman.

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312 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society

Physical activity for working-class women was often athletics, because it involved no fi nancial outlay. On

public holidays, picnic races were common, and ‘pedestrianism’ (walking races) was contested for fi nancial

gain. In 1881, the Bulletin journal reported that for a ‘women’s tournament, prizes of £50, £25 and £10, as

well as a gold locket to the neatest and best-dressed, were offered’. Working-class women also competed in

boxing for prizes.

Girls in government schools were taught drills and callisthenics, which aimed to improve their ability to

follow instructions and become compliant workers. For daughters of the socially elite, participation in team

games at school was meant to teach the modest qualities required of young women. Dancing was considered

an appropriate activity because it was a social skill required for later life.

The rise of competitive female sports trespassed on the previously male domain of sport. The media

trivialised women’s sport by reporting on the fashion and social aspects of the event, rather than on the

women’s performance and results. Moralists also preached about the evils of women who concentrated on

sport instead of devoting themselves to their homes and families.

ACQUIRE1 Outline how participation in sport in the nineteenth century differed for women and men.

2 Compare the opportunities for nineteenth-century women to participate in sport with the

opportunities available to women today.

APPLY AND EVALUATE1 Set up the class in a carousel formation by making two circles (an inner and an outer

circle) of students facing each other. One circle assumes the negative viewpoint and the

other circle assumes the positive viewpoint. Begin a debate on the topics below. After one

minute, the circles rotate three places in opposite directions, the viewpoints change and

the debate continues.

a Sporting opportunities for women have not changed in the past century.

b Women who play sport neglect their family duties.

c Sport is a male domain.

2 a Discuss the barriers that exist to discourage women from participating in sport in

today’s society.

b Propose a variety of strategies to overcome these barriers to participation.

EXTENSION1 Do some research to answer the following questions about sport in Australia in the

nineteenth century. Share your findings with the class. Present it in a format that would be

suitable for use as revision or summary notes, such as a mind map or a podcast.

a Identify the sports in which women participated.

b Explain the purpose of physical activity for women.

c Discuss the ways in which sport and physical activity were different for the different

social classes, and different for men and women.

d Identify the strategies used to discourage women from participating in sport.

2 Create a timeline outlining women’s participation in the modern Olympic Games.

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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 313

Australia’s sporting identity

Australians are proud when Australia is identifi ed as a sporting nation. Sport has long been a central feature

of Australian culture—so much so that enthusiasm for sport has been widely described as a characteristic of

Australians.

The Australian public has a culture of recognising and supporting winners. Our achievements in sport

have helped shape the value that Australians now place on sport. Australians identify with national sporting

successes, including wins in Davis Cup tennis, medals at Commonwealth and Olympic Games, qualifi cation

for World Cup soccer and wins in the Ashes tests. Australia II’s victory in the America’s Cup in 1983 united

the nation with a sense of pride; the US team was defeated for the fi rst time in the event’s history. Success in

such competitions is particularly outstanding as Australia’s population is considerably lower than many of its

competitors’.

Australia celebrates ongoing success and continues to upgrade and reinforce its international standing

by hosting events such as the Olympics in Sydney in 2000 and the Commonwealth Games in Melbourne in

2006.

Australia’s pride in sporting achievement and sporting identity also explains the priority that Australian

governments place on funding and promoting sport. Governments have directed billions of taxpayers’ dollars

to support the place of sport in Australian society. Schools have government-funded compulsory sport and

physical activity for all children.

Australia’s sporting identity is closely linked to the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework. Our social and

cultural attitudes and beliefs affect the sports we choose to play. For example, Australia’s sporting history

and culture has led to the high status of sports in which we excel, such as swimming, cricket, Australian

rules football and rugby league, while other sports such as orienteering, squash and badminton have been

marginalised.

Socialisation

Has Australians’ belief that we

are a sporting nation increased

equity and access to sport and

physical activity for all members

of our society? To determine the

effects of our culture on equity

and access, we need to look at

how socialisation builds and

reinforces cultural barriers to

some individuals participating

in sport, while encouraging

participation by others.

Socialisation is the process by

which individual beliefs, opinions

and values are shaped by

society. The factors infl uencing

socialisation are known as social

determinants and can include Figure 9.5 Australians love winners and identify with the success of

sporting heroes.

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314 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society

family, peers, schools, governments, media, religion, ethnic background, gender, socioeconomic status and

age. At the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework, the main socialising infl uences are society’s beliefs about

gender roles and ethnic identity. These social determinants can infl uence whether individuals participate in

sport, their choice of sport and their level of achievement.

Gender roles and stereotypes

An individual’s gender is determined biologically; however, there is far more to being a male or female than

reproductive organs. From birth, boys and girls are treated differently. Girls are dressed in pink, given dolls

and soft animals to play with, and are described using words such as ‘soft’ and ‘delicate’. Boys, on the other

hand, are dressed in blue, given soldiers and trucks and referred to as strong and alert. Society expects males

and females to adopt, believe in, and fulfi l specifi c gender roles and conform to established stereotypes.

Stereotypes are oversimplifi ed characterisations of groups of people. Stereotypes are opinions about a

person’s race, nationality or gender that assume that all people who belong to a particular category or type

of person will think and behave in the same way. One example of a stereotype is ‘Americans are loud, fat and

obnoxious’. Stereotypes are often used to foster discrimination.

Gender stereotypes in sport

Gender stereotypes have long been a contentious issue in sport. Sport requires participants to be

competitive, courageous, determined, muscular, powerful and strong. These qualities are largely associated

with male gender stereotypes. Men have been expected to show these characteristics to be truly masculine.

On the other hand, female gender stereotypes expect women to be quiet, passive and nurturing; these

are not qualities ideally suited to sport. Traditionally, women were encouraged to participate in physical

activity for the benefi t of their health only when the activity required minimal exertion, did not prevent them

from maintaining their feminine body shape and did not interfere with their motherly duties.

Historically, the medical profession reinforced female gender roles by promoting the myth that females

had fi nite physical and mental energy. It was falsely believed that women had only enough energy for daily

activities and childbirth, and not for extraneous activities such as sport. Women were commonly described

as ‘permanently weak’. Doctors discouraged women from participating in strenuous physical activity because

it was believed that it would damage their reproductive organs.

Although our society no longer accepts these beliefs, some lingering prejudices about women in sport

remain. Women who actively participated in sport have often been regarded as masculine and unattractive

as their bodies became more muscular and lost their femininity. To be attractive, women were meant to be

dainty, graceful and elegant, not active and muscular.

Because of these traditional and cultural gender roles, sport has been primarily a male domain with

women as supporters.

Gender stereotypes and roles are reinforced at all levels of society. For example, experiences during

school physical education classes—which are part of the institutional level of Figueroa’s framework—can

contribute to traditional notions of masculinity and femininity. Boys and girls at school are offered different

sports. Boys will be offered more vigorous sports such as rugby league and Australian rules football; they are

unlikely to be offered netball or dance. Girls’ choices, on the other hand, are often limited to traditionally

female sports or physical activities, such as netball and dance. Both boys and girls have limited access to

sport based on their gender.

Gender stereotypes and appropriate behaviour can also be reinforced by teachers assuming stereotypical

roles: a female physical education teacher might teach dance and a male physical education teacher might

teach rugby league.

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The cultural infl uence of socialisation

also has fl ow-on effects in the individual

level of Figueroa’s framework. Because

of the socialisation process and desire to

fi t in, both males and females are more

likely to choose activities that are seen

to be appropriate for their gender.

As attitudes to gender roles and

stereotypes change, there has been an

increase in the variety of sports offered

to girls and boys that would previously

have been reserved for the opposite

sex. It is becoming more common, for

example, for girls to participate in rugby

league and Australian rules football and

for boys to play netball.

Does your school offer you an

opportunity to play sports that

have traditionally been considered

appropriate for the opposite sex? If so,

why have you or have you not taken up

the opportunity?

Gender stereotypes are unlikely to

disappear completely, but challenging

the notions of what it means to be

masculine and feminine allows a new set

of less restrictive stereotypes and roles

to emerge. This will allow both boys and

girls greater access to sports that have

previously been seen as off limits.

It is important to remember that

gender stereotypes—in all aspects of

society, including sport—have been

formed over many centuries. The process

of changing gender stereotypes and roles

has begun only relatively recently. Even

in today’s more equal society, many of the lingering assumptions about how men and women should behave

still restrict the types of activities that are acceptable for men and form barriers to women’s participation in

sport.

Men who participate in sports that require more feminine qualities, such as gracefulness or the ability

to express emotions, are subjected to scrutiny and criticism. Men who do not uphold society’s ideals of

masculinity in sport have also been marginalised. For example, this is evident in the sport of dancing. Dancing

is an athletic and powerful sport that requires incredible physical fi tness. Within Australian culture, however,

men who dance can be labelled ‘sissy’, ‘wussy’ or ‘gay’. Boys and young men are dissuaded from taking up the

sport for fear of being considered feminine or homosexual.

Figure 9.6 Playing sports traditionally reserved for the

opposite sex challenges the notions of gender stereotyping.

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Pls comfi rm

Male netball or

similar <sports

gender swtich>

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Case study

Ballet, me and the world

I started dancing at the age of thirteen.

It was not a personal choice, but a decision made on my behalf by my mother because I had shown some

talent at playing the drums and a young man (who had made a commercial and was thus considered to be an

expert in the fi eld of the arts) said, ‘If you want to make it in show business, you need to be able to sing and

dance.’

Strangely, I found that I could do ballet really well. I was not only able to do the steps required, but I could

also remember them. This meant that I was the recipient of praise from my dance teacher. For once in my

life, I was able to be good at something. I had found my calling. Unfortunately, also at this stage of my life,

students at my school had found out about my hitherto unknown ability.

I had started dancing at the age of thirteen—grade eight. By grade nine, I was found out. A ballet dancer?!

What the hell was ballet, and why is it in a language we don’t understand? So, who suffered because of my

now well-known ability? Me. Then my friends and family—the people who mattered most to me. For over a

year I was the guy who was bashed on the oval. I would go to the teachers on parade ground duty, and they

would say between sips of coffee, ‘Well? You do ballet, Weatherby. What do you expect?’

I would go to the principal and he would say, ‘You have a few options, Shane. Honestly? I suggest leaving

school. This is not a career option the school can help you with.’

I would then go to the only people I thought could help, my brothers, only to fi nd out that they were

getting picked on too because of me.

Figure 9.7 Ballet dancers are some of the fittest athletes in the world.

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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 317

• Faggot: a bunch of sticks tied together, but to the typical guy on the oval, obviously a guy who likes guys.

• Poofter: same again (but without the sticks).

• Gay: once meant to mean happy and carefree, now same as above.

I can keep going. Anyone reading this could add a dozen more terms. It doesn’t take intelligence, simply

ignorance. My choice is to let you decide.

My father said to me, ‘You can fi ght back, Shane, or not. It’s your choice. I am not worried that you like to

dance. Once you hit someone though, you can’t take it back.’

It all turned sour when my mind spoke before logic could save me.

It was a typical sunny day—lunch time (to set the scene). I was the target of more than ten boys near ‘B’

block. Several boys had pushed me too far and were calling me every homosexual word their small minds

coiuld think of. They were very good rugby league players so I said, ‘I dance with really cute girls. There’s only

one of me and twelve girls, and they all like me! You chase after other guys, with other guys, grabbing at hairy

legs trying to grab a little ball! Who’s probably more gay?!’

That’s when the fi ght started.

Unfortunately for everyone, including me, I had no idea of how strong the dance training had made me.

Somehow, I picked up and threw a few guys through a door and hurt a few more. I was very angry and upset,

and anger and adrenaline was certainly fuelling my body. I had never before known how strong I was. Later,

in my dancing career, this strength was a singular skill and ability that helped me to become a principal

dancer and create moves that defi ed most other professional dancers. Then and there, it only helped me to be

expelled the very next day from high school. Grade ten. No senior certifi cate.

In retrospect, I wish I could have been smarter and found a way to overcome my anger, avoid the pain I

caused the fi ve boys I hurt, and be a better person. But that is what happened. As dad had said, ‘You can’t take

it back.’

From then I worked at a shopping centre, shelving stock. I also worked as a milk boy. I paid my way

through dancing. Then, at fi fteen, I received a scholarship to the Queensland Dance School. I joined the

Queensland Ballet Company in 1987 as a dancer in training, and by 1991 I was the youngest principal dancer in

Australia. In 1991 I was awarded the Young Queenslander of the Year award in the Arts. I have travelled quite a

lot of the world and done it doing a career that offers only pain, truth and the need to be honest with yourself.

I trained from 7.30 am to 6 pm six days a week, and I loved every moment.

Shane W eatherby

Ballet, me and the world (cont …)

EXTENSION1 Read the case study ‘Ballet, me and the world’. The events that Shane Weatherby

experienced in high school happened in 1983. Would he receive the same treatment

if he were at school today? Do the stereotypical views about dance and dancers still

exist?

2 Consider Jason Akermanis’s advice to gay players in the AFL in 2010 to ‘stay in the closet’.

Why did Akermanis make these statements? Should players ‘stay in the closet’?

Click for more information on the ‘stay in the closet’ controversy in AFL.

inside activity?

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Although a stigma is attached to some types of sports participation for men, as men have far more

opportunities to participate in sport without being subjected to stereotyping, studies on this topic focus

primarily on women. Women participating in most sports require aggression, strength and muscular

physiques—traditionally masculine characteristics. Women who play sport and show masculine traits often

have their sexuality questioned; they can be labelled as ‘butch’ or ‘lesbians’. The lesbian stereotype exerts

pressure on athletes to demonstrate their femininity and heterosexuality.

Society’s perception of gender norms is that men should be more muscular and powerful and that

women be smaller, weaker and beautiful. The perceived unattractiveness of muscular women can deter

heterosexual female athletes from continuing in some sports and cause them to question their body image.

Some female athletes attempt to display their femininity through the use of make-up, pretty hair, and

uniforms.

Some people may think that men who fi nd big, muscular women attractive could be gay because

they are attracted to a trait that is typically masculine. To enable men to continue to fi nd sportswomen

attractive without their manhood being questioned, athletic women will often be portrayed in the media

using photos that show feminine, passive poses, and accompanying stories and captions that reinforce their

femininity.

Figure 9.8 Some female athletes emphasise

their feminine qualities with hair, make-up and

fashionable outfits.

Figure 9.9 Female athletes who possess the

skills of power, strength and speed can be seen as

unladylike because of gender stereotypes.

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APPLY AND EVALUATE1 Explain why it is difficult to identify one level of Figueroa’s framework that is responsible

for society’s construction of gender stereotypes and roles.

2 a Brainstorm ways that each of the following could act to reduce the effects of gender-

role socialisation and overcome gender barriers in sport.

• parents

• peers

• schools

• media.

b Who or what has the greatest potential to overcome gender barriers? Justify why.

3 Only cultural change will see the removal of barriers caused by stereotypical views. Do you

agree or disagree? Justify your position.

4 What cultural beliefs would need to change so that dancing could become a more socially

acceptable sport for men?

5 a What effect does the success of television programs such as So You Think You Can Dance

and Dancing with the Stars have on the cultural stereotyping of dancers?

b How has featuring typically masculine men—such as professional Australian rules

football and rugby league stars, and television’s home-renovation tradesmen—on

Dancing with the Stars changed society’s views about men who dance?

6 Are some types of dance more socially acceptable for males? What are they? Justify why.

7 Consider dancing classes you have taken at school.

a Did you:

• offer token resistance (that is, pretend a lack of interest while secretly enjoying the

experience)?

• think it was a great way to meet and get close to your peers?

• hate every minute because you think you cannot dance well?

• put up with the single line dancing (such as to ‘Nutbush’) because you were on your

own?

• enjoy having an activity that was not competitive?

• like the idea that dancing allowed more creativity?

b Would your responses have been the same in primary school? If not, what socialisation

processes occurred between primary school and high school?

8 Australian dance will always struggle to enlist male participants based on the dominance

of more rugged sports. Do you agree or disagree with this statement?

Justify your response in 400 words or less, referring to relevant levels of Figueroa’s

framework.

9 Female dancers are incredibly athletic but are still also seen as incredibly feminine. Why

do they not suffer the social stigma of being called butch or lesbian that some other female

athletes do?

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Hegemonic masculinity

Before we discuss hegemonic

masculinity, it is important to

understand the meaning of the terms

hegemonic and hegemony. Simply

put, hegemonic means ‘ruling’, and

hegemony means ‘leadership’.

Our society—both inside and outside

the sporting arena—has traditionally

been one of hegemonic masculinity. In

other words, men have held the power

and authority to infl uence society and

set the rules that govern behaviour,

including the behaviour of women.

Stereotypically masculine qualities of competitiveness, courage, determination, power and aggression have

been seen as those to aspire to and necessary to gain respect in our society.

Hegemony is often studied and discussed when discussing how one group maintains its authority over

another; for example, how a ruling class maintains power. The group in power uses a variety of tactics to keep

their authority, including manipulating social attitudes to encourage those without authority that the current

order is the natural and best way.

In our history and culture, gender roles in everyday life have reinforced male power in society. For

example, women were educated differently; they were discouraged from working outside the home and

becoming fi nancially independent; and until 1896, they were not allowed to vote.

Sport is another area of our society that has been dominated by men. Sport reinforces hegemonic

masculinity by celebrating stereotypically masculine activities and attributes, and restricting the behaviour

of women. Women have been fi ghting for equality, and we have certainly seen improvements, but the

subordinate role of women in sport continues to be reinforced by practices such as:

• giving women’s activities less government funding than men’s

• providing less media coverage for women’s sports than for men’s

• offering less prize money for women’s sports than for men’s

• identifying women’s competition by their gender to differentiate them from the men’s (for example,

WNBL and NBL)

• restricting women’s membership of sporting clubs and associations, such as golf clubs.

Hegemonic masculinity has been reinforced at all levels of Figueroa’s framework. For example, at

the institutional level, individual sporting institutions have set rules and regulations restricting women’s

participation. Men maintain control through their positions of power within the organisations that make the

rules. It is common, for example, for the chief executive offi cers of sporting associations to be male.

Today, the most visible tool used to maintain hegemonic masculinity in sport is the media. Media

coverage of sport continues to reinforce gender stereotypes and marginalise women and their sporting

activities. For example, television stations and newspapers have limited coverage of women’s sport. Media

coverage targets a mostly male audience. When female athletes are featured, they are treated differently:

they are often sexualised and their achievements are trivialised. Women athletes sometimes feel they need

to resort to sexploitation—promoting their sports through sexy calendars and underwear sponsorships—to

gain a portion of market share.

Figure 9.10 Women’s sports, including netball, receive less

media coverage and less funding than men’s sports.

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Bringing about change

Although women have come a long way

in their bid for fair recognition in sport,

restrictions on women’s participation

in sport still exist. For cultural change

to occur, historical barriers and

assumptions need to be breached.

In 1999, the Australian Sports

Commission prepared a document with

the title ‘National Policy on Women and

Girls in Sport, Recreation and Physical

Activity 1999–2002’. The document

outlined the government’s policy to

change the culture so that women

and girls would be encouraged and

supported in all sports and physical

activities.

The policy document advocated

removing participation barriers and developing greater opportunities for women to participate in sport.

Its recommendations included having more women in policy-making positions in sporting and media

organisations, and using media promotion of infl uential role models to increase opportunities for women.

Furthermore, a government committee was formed to redistribute funding and resources.

It is hoped that an increase in women’s participation in sport at a grassroots level will have a knock-on

effect, and open more doors for women to move into positions of power. It is also hoped that increased

government funding will improve community facilities and women’s sporting options in the community.

With greater access, more opportunities and better support, it is hoped that more women and girls will

appreciate the role that physical activity can play in their lives.

Although changes are taking place in government (structural level), and the media (institutional level)

has begun to gradually alter its portrayal of women during the last ten years, hegemonic masculinity is still

evident, and the portrayal of female sport through the media is still inequitable. Changes to the cultural

perception of sport in Australia will dictate the rate of change. The process of social change will be slow,

however, as changing the long-held cultural beliefs and attitudes of more than 22 million Australians will take

time.

Click to read more articles about women in sport.

EXTENSIONRead the article ‘Call for Funding Link to Equality’ on page xx. In small groups, discuss the

following questions.

1 Why are women under-represented in positions of authority in sport and business?

2 How do you think having more women in positions of influence in sporting organisations

would influence women’s participation in sport?

Click for information on Australia’s Olymic history.

Figure 9.11 It is hoped that an increase in women’s

participation in sport at a grassroots level will have a knock-on

effect.

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NEWSCall for funding link to equality

Figure 9.12 Although only 21 per cent of the board

members of national sporting organisations funded

by the Australian Sports Commission are women,

outside of sport the figures are even worse—in all

business across Australia, women account for less

than 9 per cent of board directors.

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Taxpayer funding of national sporting bodies should

be linked to increasing the representation of women

on their boards, according to Elizabeth Broderick, the

Sex Discrimination Commissioner.

Broderick, who will speak at an international

conference on women in sport that starts in Sydney

today, argues the failure of sporting organisations

to have adequate numbers of women at the top

means they miss out on female participation at the

grassroots level because the stereotype of women as

sporting inferiors gets perpetuated.

‘You can’t be what you can’t see,’ Broderick said.

‘Young women need to be able to see sportswomen

at every level of amateur and elite sports—from

the best and fairest and most valuable player, right

through to sport management and governance.

[Sports] bodies are failing to use the expertise and

experience of more than half of the population.’

She believes the lack of women in the senior

levels of sports administration also exacerbates the

problems that have been seen in the attitudes some

sportsmen have towards women.

The four-day event is the fi fth conference of

the International Working Group on Women and

Sport, and its chairwoman is Johanna Adriaanse,

who lectures in human movement and sports

management at Sydney’s University of Technology.

Increasing the number of women in sport

governance is critical for advancing women’s sport

because ‘it is at this level that important decisions

are made for hundreds of thousands of physically

active Australians and those that want to be active’,

Adriaanse says on the conference’s website.

‘National sports bodies … receive signifi cant

funding from the public purse, and while women

make up more than half of the population they

continue to be underrepresented on sports boards.’

Adriaanse says only 21 per cent of the board

members of national sporting organisations funded

by the Australian Sports Commission are women, and

‘little progress has been made over the past decade

in advancing gender diversity on sporting boards’.

Only two of the 15 members of the executive

board of the Australian Olympic Committee are

women ‘despite an IOC recommendation of 1997

that national Olympic committees achieve a 20 per

cent target for women’s representation by the end of

2005’.

Olympic sports receive the vast majority of

federal sports funding. Mike Tancred, a spokesman

for the AOC, said the organisation was acutely aware

of the need to increase female representation on

its board and on the boards and among the senior

management of its member sports.

At the AOC’s executive board meeting last week,

president John Coates demanded sports ‘get their act

together and get more women in senior positions’.

Broderick also called on the federal government

to be transparent and show how much sports

funding went to males and how much to females.

Source: Daniel Lewis, The Sydney Morning Herald,

20 May 2010

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PRACTICALHegemonic masculinityOrganise a game of touch football with mixed teams of boys and girls.

1 For each gender, collect data on factors such as:

• the total ball time

• who plays in which position

• selection order.

2 Discuss the results. Compare assumed outcomes with the actual data.

• Were there any surprises?

• Which gender dominated the games?

• Were there any exceptions? What enabled them to overcome gender barriers?

3 Use your findings to predict possible outcomes for a game of netball, volleyball or

soccer.

• Discuss the similarities and differences.

• What changes could be made to allow equal involvement of everyone in the class?

APPLY AND EVALUATE1 As a class, discuss how the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework affected sports

participation in your physical education class.

2 Develop a set of guidelines to remove some of the barriers to participation. You may like to

consider aspects such as:

• the game’s rules

• the method of team selection

• who is in positions of authority and team leadership roles, such as coach, referee,

selector, manager and trainer.

EXTENSION1 Do some research into Australia’s Olympic history. Before you begin your research, use

your general knowledge to ‘guess’ the answers to the following questions. Then, compare

your guesses with your research.

a List five gold medal winners (individual and team).

b List Australia’s top five most successful Olympic medal winners—the individuals and

teams who have won the most medals.

c For each of the following eras, which gender had greater success?

• 1896–1936

• 1948–1976

• 1980–present

Were you surprised by any of your findings?

2 Which gender has had the greater Olympic success? Why?

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Ethnic identity

In earlier sections, we looked at how Australia’s sporting culture has been strongly infl uenced by the

country’s British and colonial heritage. However, Australia is an incredibly multicultural society. Our sporting

culture has been infl uenced by Indigenous Australians and by the many migrants that have come to Australia

from all parts of the world.

Click for more information on the influences that different ethnic groups have on Australia’s

sporting culture.

Australia’s Indigenous sporting culture

We now take a particular look at the Australian Indigenous culture, investigating Indigenous sporting history

and the way in which sport helps to promote Indigenous identity.

Indigenous sporting history

Before European colonisation, Indigenous Australians participated in a variety of games, dances and physical

activities that mirrored their daily activities of hunting and fi shing, and their affi liation with the land.

Physical activities often included elements of play and rehearsed skills that were needed in everyday

life. Games included throwing spears and boomerangs at targets, and movement activities, such as running,

jumping and climbing. Elders organised competitions to test these skills, such as tree-climbing races and

throwing spears for distance. Physical skills were essential for the people’s survival and, as such, were highly

valued and encouraged. Tracking was another necessary skill learned by all children, and games centred on

identifying the correct track or noise. As a means of solving intertribal disputes, wrestling competitions were

organised. Young boys participated in practice fi ghts to improve their wrestling skills.

Dance was both a form of entertainment and a teaching tool. It played a major part in the initiation of

young boys, and tribal corroborees were performed to celebrate good fortune through dance, music and

song. Dancers replicated the movements of people and animals to tell stories, both of the past and of daily

activities.

Figure 9.13

Sport and physical

activity has

always been a

part of Indigenous

Australian culture.

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Figure 9.14 Adam Goodes is a role

model for young athletes.

Figure 9.15 Cathy Freeman draped

herself in the Aboriginal flag after

winning the 400 metres.

Games involving catching, throwing and kicking using

various types of balls were played. Balls were constructed of

materials such as possum hair, kangaroo intestine, beeswax and

seeds. Games were informal, often lasting many hours or days,

with few rules and no need for umpires or referees. Both males

and females played these games, which promoted interaction

between tribal members and encouraged participation.

Indigenous Australians living close to lakes or beaches

took part in water activities, such as fi shing, canoeing and

swimming. Indigenous Australian children were encouraged to

learn to swim from an early age.

Indigenous Australian games and activities were closely

linked to teaching survival skills and respect for tribal elders.

The major focus of organised games was enjoyment rather than

a result, and Indigenous Australians developed pastimes that

demonstrated clear links with their family, tribe and land.

Click for more information about traditional

Indigenous Australian games that you can try.

Sport and Indigenous cultural identity

In 1962 a sporting event for Indigenous Australians was created:

the Yuendumu Games. The Yuendumu Games are a mixture

of cultural events and sports, providing remote Indigenous

Australian communities with the opportunity to participate

in contests such as boomerang throwing and Australian

rules football. These games refl ect the cultural identity of

participants, and assist in unifying communities.

Boxing has provided an avenue for a number of Aboriginal

men to fi nd fame. One notable Indigenous Australian boxer

is Lionel Rose, who became World Bantamweight Champion

in 1968. In the same year, Rose was awarded the honour of

Australian of the Year, becoming the fi rst Indigenous Australian

to receive this award.

Australian rules football is very important to Indigenous Australians and their communities. The

successes of teams in the regional competition and having local boys targeted by AFL teams assist in bonding

local communities and establishing an identity for Indigenous Australians and their regions. Players such

as dual Brownlow medallist Adam Goodes and premiership player Michael O’Loughlin from the Sydney

Swans are seen as positive role models for young Indigenous children. The AFL recognises the signifi cant

contribution of Indigenous athletes to its sport, and since 2002 it has commemorated their contributions

with the annual Marn Grook Trophy game between the Sydney Swans and Essendon Bombers. Marn Grook

was a game played by Indigenous Australians in western Victoria that is believed to have inspired Australian

rules football.

Indigenous Australian track and fi eld athletes include Kyle van der Kuyp, Nova Peris-Kneebone, Cathy

Freeman, Patrick Johnson and Joshua Ross. These athletes have been positive sporting role models for

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326 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society

Indigenous Australian communities. At the 1994 Commonwealth Games and the 2000 Olympics in Sydney,

Cathy Freeman draped herself in the Aboriginal fl ag after winning the 400 metres. This demonstrated her

identifi cation with her community and culture. Her Aboriginal heritage is an important aspect of her identity,

and her achievements in sport have assisted in establishing an identity for Indigenous Australian people.

The Australian Sports Commission, through its Indigenous Sport Program, is aiming to improve the

participation rates of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in sport and recreation. The focus of this program

is on community development.

EXTENSIONRead the article ‘All Stars Instigator Within Sight of Proudest Moment’ and answer the

following questions.

1 Predict the effects this event will have on young Indigenous Australians and their

involvement in sport.

2 Will sporting events that recognise and embrace a culture increase sporting opportunities

for more people?

NEWS

All Stars instigator within sight of proudest moment

Preston Campbell came up with

the All Stars concept in the hope

it would encourage Indigenous

Australians to learn more about

their identity. What he didn’t

expect was to discover so much

about his own.

‘I’ll be honest and say I

didn’t know anything about

my [Aboriginal] background,’

Campbell told The Sun-Herald.

‘It’s great to catch up and learn

what tribe you’re from, know

what areas your family come

from.

‘I always thought I came

from the Kamilaroi tribe from

the north-west of NSW. Actually,

the clan—the nation that I come

from—is a big area with tribes

within it. I always thought I

was the Kamilaroi clan but I’m

actually from the Nucoorilma

tribe from within that nation.

That’s something I was happy to

fi nd out.’

Titans teammate Scott Prince

is another learning about his

heritage.

‘A lot of blokes don’t know

where they come from,’ Campbell

continued. ‘You’ve got Princey,

who knows he’s from Mt Isa, but

he’s actually from the same tribe

as [former Panther] Sid Domic,

the designer of our jerseys.

‘It was pretty interesting to

know that. He’s excited about

Figure 9.16 Proud ... Preston Campbell believes leading the

Indigenous All Stars on Friday will be the high point of a glittering

career.

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knowing a bit more about his

background.’

It is appropriate that

Campbell will captain the

Indigenous All Stars in next

weekend’s inaugural clash

against the NRL All Stars on the

Gold Coast. The concept was

Campbell’s brainchild and, with a

bit of help from Gold Coast CEO

Michael Searle, his dream is about

to become a reality.

Campbell has won a

premiership and a Dally M medal

but has no doubt that next

weekend’s fi xture will be his

career highlight. The pint-sized

playmaker is less sure about how

he’ll cope with the emotion of

representing his people when he

leads his side onto Skilled Park.

Will he shed a tear?

‘If I shed a tear, I won’t be

angry at myself,’ Campbell

said. ‘I won’t think any less of

myself. I won’t think less of my

teammates.

‘If they shed a tear, it’s good.

It just shows it’s from the heart—

that they are passionate about

playing for their people.’

Some of Campbell’s All

Stars teammates have called

for an Indigenous side to be

represented at the next World

Cup. However, Campbell didn’t

want the likes of Greg Inglis,

Johnathan Thurston and Sam

Thaiday to be torn between

representing their country and

their people.

‘It would be great but I don’t

see it happening,’ Campbell said.

‘The superstars in our team are

very highly respected. You’ve got

a few of those players that are

Indigenous and it would be hard

to take them out of the Australian

team.

‘I don’t think we’d want to

see the people in the Australian

team lose some of those

superstars.’

The Skilled Park clash is a sell-

out. More than 30 of those seats

will be taken up by Campbell’s

extended family.

‘This has got some more

signifi cance for myself; I’m feeling

like I’m playing for a bit more than

two points,’ he said. ‘I’m pretty

much playing for my family so it’s

pretty important.

‘There will be all of my

immediate family … and a few

cousins there. I haven’t really sat

down to take it all in and it’s only

a week away.

‘This is the fi rst time anything

like this has ever happened. It’s

coming around so quick, I don’t

know what to think or feel. I just

know I’m excited.’

The match has created

unprecedented interest from

footy fans, who helped to

assemble the NRL All Stars side.

The game will also double as the

farewell for cult hero Wendell

Sailor, while NRL All Stars coach

Wayne Bennett has agreed to be

wired for sound.

The Indigenous side’s

preparations were disrupted by

the loss of Golden Boot holder

Inglis (injured hip) on Friday.

South Sydney’s Beau Champion

and the Titans’ Greg Bird have

been rushed into the squad.

For Cronulla forward Anthony

Tupou, his selection in the NRL

team is signifi cant for other

reasons. The former NSW and

Australian back-rower hopes his

selection will be a springboard

back into the representative

arena.

‘It makes me feel pretty

good after missing out on those

teams last year—it was a bad year

for me in terms of rep footy,’ he

said.

‘When you have something

and you don’t have it, you miss it

so much more.’

Campbell said he was

confi dent the All Stars game

would be a permanent fi xture in

the calendar.

‘People are excited about this.

We’ve had the cricket, the tennis,

all the sports, but people are

itching to watch football now. This

being the fi rst game of the rugby

league calendar, being televised,

it’s great,’ he said.

‘It’s going to hang around for

a while hopefully. If you’ve got

the calibre of players in this game

available for every game, you’ll

get plenty of interest.’

Asked for his fi nal words

before the game, the 32-year-old

replied: ‘I haven’t really thought

about it. I just hope they really

enjoy themselves.’

Source: Adrian Proszenko, The Sydney

Morning Herald, 7 February 2010

All Stars instigator within sight of proudest moment (cont …)

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Multicultural

influences

Almost one-quarter of

Australians were born overseas,

and more than 40 per cent of

Australians have at least one

parent who was born overseas.

Approximately 16 per cent of

Australians speak a language

other than English at home.

Sport and physical activity

can be an extremely effective

vehicle to break down cultural

barriers and strengthen

community multiculturalism.

Physical activity can provide

an excellent way for new

migrants to build friendships and

assimilate more easily into new

communities.

Cultural groups within the

community organise activities

that enable people to meet other

members of their culture. They also provide people with the opportunity to participate in activities that

are traditional or popular in their country of origin. Examples of such activities are cultural dance (such as

fl amenco), bocce, table tennis and badminton.

Migrants have introduced activities such as tai chi and yoga that have helped Australians gain an insight

into other cultures. They have also contributed signifi cantly to the profi le of sports such as diving and

gymnastics. Sporting success by people of a particular ethnic background can foster pride in that ethnic

community and culture.

Australians from different cultural backgrounds choose to participate in different sports and have

different attitudes and beliefs about sports and physical activities. Cultural stereotypes based on ethnic

background can either promote participation in particular sports and physical activities or reinforce barriers

that prevent participation.

APPLY AND EVALUATE1 How might local governments provide community sporting facilities to promote

multiculturalism and assimilation through physical activity?

2 Suggest examples of barriers to sports participation that a new migrant from a non-

English-speaking background might face.

3 The Australian Bureau of Statistics found that people born in Australia had a higher sports

attendance rate (50%) than people born overseas in mainly English-speaking countries

(42%) and people born overseas in non-English-speaking countries (21%). Suggest reasons

for these differences.

Figure 9.17 Sport and physical activity can be an effective way to

break down cultural barriers.

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The world game

It is impossible to discuss

multiculturalism and sport in

Australia without looking at

soccer. Dance is not the only

sport where stereotyping has

generated cultural barriers to

sports participation in Australia.

Johnny Warren, one of Australia’s

greatest soccer players, named his

autobiography Sheilas, Wogs and

Poofters: An Incomplete Biography

of Johnny Warren and Soccer in

Australia. In his book, he looked

at how soccer had once been

marginalised and stigmatised as

a sport that only ‘sheilas, wogs

and poofters’ played. Over the

decades attitudes to soccer have

progressed, yet it still does not

receive the support or recognition

that other football codes such

as Australian rules football and

rugby league receive.

In recent years, Australia

has fallen in love with the

‘world game’. In 2006 and 2010,

Australia rejoiced as a nation

when the Socceroos won their

way to the World Cup. In 2006,

spectator numbers supporting

the Socceroos were similar to

televised AFL and State of Origin

matches. The Australian public

howled in protest over the

disgraceful theatrics and injustice

that resulted in Australia’s loss to

Italy in 2006.

The Australian Soccer Federation has put great effort and millions of dollars into securing sponsorships

and overseas players to develop a quality national league within Australia, yet attendance fi gures remain

signifi cantly lower than the other football codes’. In 2005–06 the Australian Bureau of Statistics found that

while 16 per cent of Australians attended one AFL match during the year, only 4 per cent went to a soccer

game.

At the same time, soccer has the highest participation rates for boys aged 5–14 years. Soccer’s popularity

as a participation sport in Australia owes much to the dedication of the migrant communities who came to

Australia during the 1950s and 1960s.

Figure 9.18 Professional soccer still does not receive the level of

support or recognition that other football codes do.

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APPLY AND EVALUATE1 Suggest reasons why

soccer has the highest

participation rates for

boys aged 5–14 years.

2 Why, when so many

young people play soccer,

is it not a dominant

professional sport in

Australia?

a List (in order of

importance) social

and cultural factors

that explain why

soccer does not have

the audience and

fan support of other

sports.

b Link each factor listed

to its appropriate

level in Figueroa’s

framework. Which

level has created the

dominant barrier(s)?

Why?

9025

Figure 9.19 Soccar is a very popular sport with young people.

Table 9.1 —Number and percentage of people aged 5–14 years and main sports participated in by sex

Males FemalesMain sports participated in Number % Number %

Swimming 240 100 17.20 262 800 19.8

Football (outdoor soccer) 277 800 19.90  82 700  6.2

Netball    3500   .03 225 000 17.0

Australian rules football 223 700 16.00  11 400   .9

Tennis 131 600  8.00  83 200  6.3

Basketball 118 700  7.40  83 200  6.3

Gymnastics  23 700  1.70 101 200  7.6

Rugby league  97 200  7.00

Athletics (track and field)  42 400  3.00  47 000  3.5

Futsal (indoor soccer)  59 400  4.30  17 500  1.3

Hockey  25 600  1.80  31 800  2.4

Other 221 200 15.80 160 900 12.1

Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2009

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Page 26: Cultural Influences on Equity and Sports Parıtıcpation

09: SUMMARY

09: Summary ///// 331

• Australians’ attitudes to sport have been

infl uenced by the historical development of sport

in European and Indigenous culture.

• Historical barriers to women’s participation in

sport have included:

• beliefs that excessive exertion was bad for

women’s health

• women’s clothing and the need to conceal

their bodies

• standards of ladylike behaviour.

• club membership rules.

• Sport has long been a central feature of

Australian culture—so much so that enthusiasm

for sport is often described as a characteristic of

being Australian.

• Socialisation is the process through which

individuals’ beliefs and values are shaped by

society. The factors infl uencing socialisation can

include family, peers, schools, governments,

media, religion, ethnic background, gender,

socioeconomic status and age.

• Socialisation infl uences and reinforces attitudes

about gender roles and stereotypes, and

shapes what it means to be male and female in

Australian society

• Hegemony is the dominance of one social group

over another. In sport, hegemonic masculinity

refers to the dominance of masculine (male)

sporting culture.

• The cultural infl uence of hegemonic masculinity

is reinforced through socialisation at all levels of

Figueroa’s framework.

• Sport and physical activity can be an avenue for

communities to embrace multiculturalism.

• Cultural stereotypes based on ethnic background

can either promote participation in particular

sports and physical activities or reinforce barriers

that prevent participation.

NOW THAT YOU HAVE FINISHED ...

1 Explain why Australia has been identifi ed and

identifi es itself as a sporting nation.

2 Describe how sport has been used to help

establish Australian pride.

3 Outline the types of sports that were deemed

suitable for women during the late nineteenth

century and explain why women’s sporting

choices were limited.

4 a Defi ne socialisation.

b List the factors that infl uence the

socialisation process.

5 a List qualities that are associated with

stereotypically male and female gender

roles in Australian society.

b Explain how these gender roles and

stereotypes are reinforced, using at least

one example from each of the fi ve levels of

Figueroa’s framework.

c Briefl y describe how society’s perceptions

of gender affect individuals’ sporting and

physical activity choices.

6 a Defi ne hegemonic masculinity.

b Briefl y explain how the cultural, structural

and institutional levels of Figueroa’s

framework reinforce hegemonic masculinity

in Australian sport.

7 Explain the link between sport and the

promotion of Indigenous Australians’ identity.

8 How are elite athletes able to use their status

as role models to promote discussion and

change attitudes about culturally entrenched

stereotypes within Australian society? Is such

change possible? Justify your response.

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