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9Cultural influences on equity and sports participation
BEFORE YOU START
Have you considered how society has affected your opportunities to participate
in sport? How has Australia’s sporting success shaped Australian culture? What
sporting stereotypes exist and how do they affect participation? Is there equality
between the sexes in the sporting arena? How does sport give identity to groups
from different ethnic backgrounds within our society?
In this chapter, we will examine how the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework can
be used to understand how socialisation has shaped the role of sport in Australia.
The idealistic notion that every Australian has the same opportunity to pursue the
physical activity of their choice is unrealistic because society puts up barriers. These
barriers can be strengthened by cultural attitudes that reinforce existing practices,
limiting equal opportunities. As more people become aware of the barriers that
exist and how they have been created, opportunities can be developed to bring
about change. This chapter will look at a range of factors that have shaped the
opportunities to participate in sport in Australian society.
CHAPTER OVERVIEW
A brief history of sport
in Australia 307
Australia’s sporting
identity 313
Socialisation 313
• Gender roles and
stereotypes 314
• Ethnic identity 324
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have 2 with this
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 307
A brief history of sport in Australia
Australia’s sporting culture is heavily infl uenced by our history as a former British colony. Early settlers from
Britain and Ireland brought with them attitudes and beliefs about sport, and they also brought with them the
games that were popular in Britain.
Building manliness and character
In nineteenth-century Britain, sport was viewed as a manly pursuit. It was believed that participating in
physical activity fostered the ideals of the English gentleman. British public schools (which are the equivalent
of private schools in Australia) encouraged boys to play team games to learn the masculine qualities of
leadership and courage. Schoolmasters viewed games as a way to distract pupils from youthful sexual
experimentation and rebellion against school authority.
Games were incorporated into boys’ public schools because it was believed that participating in sport
built social character and provided discipline. These attributes and skills were prerequisites for upper-class
social life, which the sons of the socially privileged must acquire. In contrast, physical activity for girls was
promoted largely for health reasons.
It was also accepted that playing games, particularly cricket, could develop Christian values. Cricket
provided a social education for its participants—a concept that became known as ‘muscular Christianity’.
Anglican priests of the Christian socialist movement encouraged working-class boys to participate in sport
as a means of moral and physical salvation. The concept of the body as the temple of the Holy Spirit was
important and, as such, young boys were encouraged to remain fi t and healthy.
Figure 9.1 Australia’s sporting culture originates in our colonial history.
<start new page>
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308 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
Colonial sportsmanship
Most of Australia’s early settlers were neither gentlemen nor public schoolboys; they were convicts and
working-class people seeking opportunity in a new country. Even in the early days of European settlement,
however, sport was a popular pastime in colonial Australia.
Sport in nineteenth-century Australia was organised by publicans around public houses—places reserved
for males. As a result, gambling, drinking and violent behaviour became associated with sport. The typical
Australian in the colonies was male, heterosexual and Anglo-Saxon, and a sporting version of mateship
developed. Mateship included loyalty to teammates and playing hard but within the rules.
The colonists were believed to be, and often proved themselves to be, more physically robust than
their British counterparts. This could be attributed to the rugged physical environment they were forced to
deal with in Australia, the hardships they endured and the courage they showed to survive. Consequently
Australian working-class sportsmen became admired for their physical strength, and the qualities associated
with this image—physical toughness and resilience—were highly valued.
Being successful at sport was very important to the colonies. International cricket matches, which were
fi rst held in 1877, were considered ‘tests’ between nations—long before Australia was an independent
nation—and the outcome signifi cantly infl uenced Australia’s developing national identity. The emerging
nation’s success was often measured by the result of a sporting match.
International victories in cricket, football, rowing and foot-racing were infl uential in rectifying the
colonists’ feelings of inferiority to Britain. The victories fostered national pride and brought Australia
increased recognition and status.
EXTENSIONResearch a variety of sports that were played in Australia during the colonial years. For each
sport you research, identify who the sport was played by (age, gender and social class) and
describe its purpose.
Amateurs and professionals
Sport has historically meant different things to different social groups. The British class system was mirrored
in Australia’s colonies; people who had social and economic power were the dominant class. Sports pursued
by those with a private school education, a respectable profession and an established family reputation
included cricket, tennis, golf, rowing, yachting, hunting and horse racing. Such sports were ruled by
appropriate codes of behaviour and were the pastimes of the upper class, who had time for leisure.
Until the middle of the nineteenth century, working-class people worked six days a week and were
expected to attend church on Sundays, leaving little time for sport or other leisure activities.
Athletes were also divided according to amateur or professional status, reinforcing the class divide.
Professional athletes were paid for their participation. Amateurs were those who participated as a hobby and
who did not seek or need payment. An amateur athlete was defi ned as a person:
who has never competed for a money prize, staked bet, or declared wager, or who has not
knowingly and without protest competed with or against a professional for a prize of any description
or for public exhibition, or who has never taught, pursued or assisted in the practice of any athletic
exercise as a means of livelihood or for pecuniary [monetary] gain.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 309
Working-class athletes did not have the leisure time of the wealthy and were only able to take time off
work if their sport offered a prize or payment. These payments compensated them for the wages lost while
away from their jobs.
The concept of amateurism was developed to protect the middle and upper classes from a working-class
‘invasion’ of their leisure activities. Many sporting clubs restricted membership to amateurs to exclude the
working classes from the clubs and games of the upper classes. Those who used their athletic skill for profi t,
or as a source of income, were considered unfi t for membership and undesirable by the pillars of society.
Sport was not seen as an appropriate way to earn a living; it was not a ‘proper’ job. Excluding professionals
was also believed to guarantee the codes of conduct and playing conventions associated with gentlemanly
behaviour. Amateurism was associated with moral superiority.
For example, in cricket matches, players were labelled ‘gentlemen’ or ‘players’, depending on their social
status. Players were those who had poorer social origins and who used their physical skills to gain a prize;
gentlemen were amateurs who played as a hobby. On tour, the two groups lived in separate accommodation
and entered the fi eld from separate gates. In England, clubs employed players to bowl—a task considered to
be manual labour—whereas the gentlemen batted.
It is important to note that loopholes existed so that gentlemen could receive some payment for their
participation but still maintain their amateur status. It is clear, then, that the term ‘amateur’ was related
more to a person’s social status than to a strict interpretation of whether or not the person was paid.
Another method often used to exclude the lower classes was to increase ticket prices for spectators. For
example, the Western Australian Turf Club raised the gate fee during the depression of the 1890s. The leisure
pursuits that called for wealth, time and space became the possession of the upper and middle classes.
Membership of the ruling bodies of clubs or associations (such as the amateur athletics clubs) was also
socially restricted. Without suffi cient social standing it was impossible to become a member of a club board.
The social stigma associated with professionalism and sport lingered until late in the twentieth century.
For example, the International Olympics Committee only relaxed its rules barring professional athletes from
competing in the 1970s.
Figure 9.2 The working classes were excluded from amateur athletic association competitions.
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310 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
ACQUIRE1 Compare the meanings of ‘amateur’ and ‘professional’ in the nineteenth century with their
meanings today.
2 Describe how the upper class manipulated the term ‘amateur’ to protect their games from
working-class intrusion.
EXTENSIONA puritan sporting ethos claimed that a gentleman played only for the love of the game.
1 Conduct a class debate on the topic ‘Athletes today should play purely for the love of the
game’.
2 After your debate, construct a PMI (positives, minuses and interesting points) chart to
summarise your thoughts on the discussion.
Women’s sporting history
In the nineteenth century, women’s participation in sport was based on social class, as it was for men. Upper-
class women, who had the luxury of time for sport, still had to adhere to appropriate codes of conduct and
maintain their femininity. They participated in physical activity as a source of recreation and relaxation,
rather than for competition and performance.
It was not until the middle
of the nineteenth century
that women were allowed to
accompany their male relatives
to watch some sporting events
such as horse races and baseball
games. Late in the nineteenth
century, women were given the
opportunity to participate in
organised sports. Golf, archery,
and croquet were the fi rst sports
to gain acceptance among
women because they did not
involve physical contact or strain.
In the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, golf was one
of the few sports that women
undertook competitively. Clubs
were established throughout the
colonies by 1895. Ladies could
only be associate members,
however, because club members
believed that women were
supposed to be socially minded,
not competitive. As they were
associate members, not full Figure 9.3 Lawn tennis was a social activity that was seen to
encourage grace.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 311
members, women had little power in club politics
and few club privileges. Women’s play was limited
to certain days, and women were often excluded
from the clubhouse. This practice still continues at
some golf clubs today.
Women participated in sport for the social
contact. Activities such as tennis, golf, croquet,
archery, rowing and sailing were undertaken by
those with suffi cient time for recreation, access to
the necessary equipment and the social contacts
for participation. For example, tennis courts
were privately owned and located at homes in
fashionable suburbs, so women played tennis by
invitation only.
Although physical activity was seen as a
masculine pursuit, women did participate in a
range of sports. If they did play, however, they
did so without any displays of exertion. Because
perspiring, physical contact and competition were
not socially acceptable or ladylike behaviour,
women’s physical recreation activities and
opportunities were limited. Gentle exercise was
seen to benefi t women’s health and help them to
develop other feminine qualities such as graceful
movement. Women’s restrictive clothing, such as
long dresses and ornamental hats, also limited their
participation in strenuous activity.
The all-male medical profession of the time
fostered the belief that strenuous exercise would
be detrimental to the health and reproductive
organs of women. In contrast, light exercise was
considered to be healthy and assist in childbirth.
Unlike men, women were not believed to be strong
enough to withstand vigorous activity.
Baron Pierre de Coubertin, the founder of the modern Olympics, was a proponent of this notion and
strongly campaigned against women participating in the Olympic Games. The fi rst time Australian women
competed at the Olympic Games was in 1912. At the 1912 Stockholm Olympics, Australians Fanny Durack
and Mina Wylie won gold and silver medals respectively in the 100-metre freestyle swimming event.
Bathing was seen as an acceptable sporting pastime for women because men and women were
segregated. Beginning in 1839, community baths were established throughout the colonies, and women
were able to attend swimming classes. A fee of sixpence was charged to visit the baths, so women from the
lower classes were less likely to attend. Even with the conservative swimming costumes of the nineteenth
century, at the beach both men and women could use bathing machines to ensure privacy from observers.
Bathing machines were covered carriages that were towed into deeper water, allowing swimmers to remain
concealed from onlookers as they descended a ladder into the water.
Figure 9.4 Fanny Durack was a pioneering
Australian sportswoman.
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312 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
Physical activity for working-class women was often athletics, because it involved no fi nancial outlay. On
public holidays, picnic races were common, and ‘pedestrianism’ (walking races) was contested for fi nancial
gain. In 1881, the Bulletin journal reported that for a ‘women’s tournament, prizes of £50, £25 and £10, as
well as a gold locket to the neatest and best-dressed, were offered’. Working-class women also competed in
boxing for prizes.
Girls in government schools were taught drills and callisthenics, which aimed to improve their ability to
follow instructions and become compliant workers. For daughters of the socially elite, participation in team
games at school was meant to teach the modest qualities required of young women. Dancing was considered
an appropriate activity because it was a social skill required for later life.
The rise of competitive female sports trespassed on the previously male domain of sport. The media
trivialised women’s sport by reporting on the fashion and social aspects of the event, rather than on the
women’s performance and results. Moralists also preached about the evils of women who concentrated on
sport instead of devoting themselves to their homes and families.
ACQUIRE1 Outline how participation in sport in the nineteenth century differed for women and men.
2 Compare the opportunities for nineteenth-century women to participate in sport with the
opportunities available to women today.
APPLY AND EVALUATE1 Set up the class in a carousel formation by making two circles (an inner and an outer
circle) of students facing each other. One circle assumes the negative viewpoint and the
other circle assumes the positive viewpoint. Begin a debate on the topics below. After one
minute, the circles rotate three places in opposite directions, the viewpoints change and
the debate continues.
a Sporting opportunities for women have not changed in the past century.
b Women who play sport neglect their family duties.
c Sport is a male domain.
2 a Discuss the barriers that exist to discourage women from participating in sport in
today’s society.
b Propose a variety of strategies to overcome these barriers to participation.
EXTENSION1 Do some research to answer the following questions about sport in Australia in the
nineteenth century. Share your findings with the class. Present it in a format that would be
suitable for use as revision or summary notes, such as a mind map or a podcast.
a Identify the sports in which women participated.
b Explain the purpose of physical activity for women.
c Discuss the ways in which sport and physical activity were different for the different
social classes, and different for men and women.
d Identify the strategies used to discourage women from participating in sport.
2 Create a timeline outlining women’s participation in the modern Olympic Games.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 313
Australia’s sporting identity
Australians are proud when Australia is identifi ed as a sporting nation. Sport has long been a central feature
of Australian culture—so much so that enthusiasm for sport has been widely described as a characteristic of
Australians.
The Australian public has a culture of recognising and supporting winners. Our achievements in sport
have helped shape the value that Australians now place on sport. Australians identify with national sporting
successes, including wins in Davis Cup tennis, medals at Commonwealth and Olympic Games, qualifi cation
for World Cup soccer and wins in the Ashes tests. Australia II’s victory in the America’s Cup in 1983 united
the nation with a sense of pride; the US team was defeated for the fi rst time in the event’s history. Success in
such competitions is particularly outstanding as Australia’s population is considerably lower than many of its
competitors’.
Australia celebrates ongoing success and continues to upgrade and reinforce its international standing
by hosting events such as the Olympics in Sydney in 2000 and the Commonwealth Games in Melbourne in
2006.
Australia’s pride in sporting achievement and sporting identity also explains the priority that Australian
governments place on funding and promoting sport. Governments have directed billions of taxpayers’ dollars
to support the place of sport in Australian society. Schools have government-funded compulsory sport and
physical activity for all children.
Australia’s sporting identity is closely linked to the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework. Our social and
cultural attitudes and beliefs affect the sports we choose to play. For example, Australia’s sporting history
and culture has led to the high status of sports in which we excel, such as swimming, cricket, Australian
rules football and rugby league, while other sports such as orienteering, squash and badminton have been
marginalised.
Socialisation
Has Australians’ belief that we
are a sporting nation increased
equity and access to sport and
physical activity for all members
of our society? To determine the
effects of our culture on equity
and access, we need to look at
how socialisation builds and
reinforces cultural barriers to
some individuals participating
in sport, while encouraging
participation by others.
Socialisation is the process by
which individual beliefs, opinions
and values are shaped by
society. The factors infl uencing
socialisation are known as social
determinants and can include Figure 9.5 Australians love winners and identify with the success of
sporting heroes.
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314 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
family, peers, schools, governments, media, religion, ethnic background, gender, socioeconomic status and
age. At the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework, the main socialising infl uences are society’s beliefs about
gender roles and ethnic identity. These social determinants can infl uence whether individuals participate in
sport, their choice of sport and their level of achievement.
Gender roles and stereotypes
An individual’s gender is determined biologically; however, there is far more to being a male or female than
reproductive organs. From birth, boys and girls are treated differently. Girls are dressed in pink, given dolls
and soft animals to play with, and are described using words such as ‘soft’ and ‘delicate’. Boys, on the other
hand, are dressed in blue, given soldiers and trucks and referred to as strong and alert. Society expects males
and females to adopt, believe in, and fulfi l specifi c gender roles and conform to established stereotypes.
Stereotypes are oversimplifi ed characterisations of groups of people. Stereotypes are opinions about a
person’s race, nationality or gender that assume that all people who belong to a particular category or type
of person will think and behave in the same way. One example of a stereotype is ‘Americans are loud, fat and
obnoxious’. Stereotypes are often used to foster discrimination.
Gender stereotypes in sport
Gender stereotypes have long been a contentious issue in sport. Sport requires participants to be
competitive, courageous, determined, muscular, powerful and strong. These qualities are largely associated
with male gender stereotypes. Men have been expected to show these characteristics to be truly masculine.
On the other hand, female gender stereotypes expect women to be quiet, passive and nurturing; these
are not qualities ideally suited to sport. Traditionally, women were encouraged to participate in physical
activity for the benefi t of their health only when the activity required minimal exertion, did not prevent them
from maintaining their feminine body shape and did not interfere with their motherly duties.
Historically, the medical profession reinforced female gender roles by promoting the myth that females
had fi nite physical and mental energy. It was falsely believed that women had only enough energy for daily
activities and childbirth, and not for extraneous activities such as sport. Women were commonly described
as ‘permanently weak’. Doctors discouraged women from participating in strenuous physical activity because
it was believed that it would damage their reproductive organs.
Although our society no longer accepts these beliefs, some lingering prejudices about women in sport
remain. Women who actively participated in sport have often been regarded as masculine and unattractive
as their bodies became more muscular and lost their femininity. To be attractive, women were meant to be
dainty, graceful and elegant, not active and muscular.
Because of these traditional and cultural gender roles, sport has been primarily a male domain with
women as supporters.
Gender stereotypes and roles are reinforced at all levels of society. For example, experiences during
school physical education classes—which are part of the institutional level of Figueroa’s framework—can
contribute to traditional notions of masculinity and femininity. Boys and girls at school are offered different
sports. Boys will be offered more vigorous sports such as rugby league and Australian rules football; they are
unlikely to be offered netball or dance. Girls’ choices, on the other hand, are often limited to traditionally
female sports or physical activities, such as netball and dance. Both boys and girls have limited access to
sport based on their gender.
Gender stereotypes and appropriate behaviour can also be reinforced by teachers assuming stereotypical
roles: a female physical education teacher might teach dance and a male physical education teacher might
teach rugby league.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 315
The cultural infl uence of socialisation
also has fl ow-on effects in the individual
level of Figueroa’s framework. Because
of the socialisation process and desire to
fi t in, both males and females are more
likely to choose activities that are seen
to be appropriate for their gender.
As attitudes to gender roles and
stereotypes change, there has been an
increase in the variety of sports offered
to girls and boys that would previously
have been reserved for the opposite
sex. It is becoming more common, for
example, for girls to participate in rugby
league and Australian rules football and
for boys to play netball.
Does your school offer you an
opportunity to play sports that
have traditionally been considered
appropriate for the opposite sex? If so,
why have you or have you not taken up
the opportunity?
Gender stereotypes are unlikely to
disappear completely, but challenging
the notions of what it means to be
masculine and feminine allows a new set
of less restrictive stereotypes and roles
to emerge. This will allow both boys and
girls greater access to sports that have
previously been seen as off limits.
It is important to remember that
gender stereotypes—in all aspects of
society, including sport—have been
formed over many centuries. The process
of changing gender stereotypes and roles
has begun only relatively recently. Even
in today’s more equal society, many of the lingering assumptions about how men and women should behave
still restrict the types of activities that are acceptable for men and form barriers to women’s participation in
sport.
Men who participate in sports that require more feminine qualities, such as gracefulness or the ability
to express emotions, are subjected to scrutiny and criticism. Men who do not uphold society’s ideals of
masculinity in sport have also been marginalised. For example, this is evident in the sport of dancing. Dancing
is an athletic and powerful sport that requires incredible physical fi tness. Within Australian culture, however,
men who dance can be labelled ‘sissy’, ‘wussy’ or ‘gay’. Boys and young men are dissuaded from taking up the
sport for fear of being considered feminine or homosexual.
Figure 9.6 Playing sports traditionally reserved for the
opposite sex challenges the notions of gender stereotyping.
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Male netball or
similar <sports
gender swtich>
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316 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
Case study
Ballet, me and the world
I started dancing at the age of thirteen.
It was not a personal choice, but a decision made on my behalf by my mother because I had shown some
talent at playing the drums and a young man (who had made a commercial and was thus considered to be an
expert in the fi eld of the arts) said, ‘If you want to make it in show business, you need to be able to sing and
dance.’
Strangely, I found that I could do ballet really well. I was not only able to do the steps required, but I could
also remember them. This meant that I was the recipient of praise from my dance teacher. For once in my
life, I was able to be good at something. I had found my calling. Unfortunately, also at this stage of my life,
students at my school had found out about my hitherto unknown ability.
I had started dancing at the age of thirteen—grade eight. By grade nine, I was found out. A ballet dancer?!
What the hell was ballet, and why is it in a language we don’t understand? So, who suffered because of my
now well-known ability? Me. Then my friends and family—the people who mattered most to me. For over a
year I was the guy who was bashed on the oval. I would go to the teachers on parade ground duty, and they
would say between sips of coffee, ‘Well? You do ballet, Weatherby. What do you expect?’
I would go to the principal and he would say, ‘You have a few options, Shane. Honestly? I suggest leaving
school. This is not a career option the school can help you with.’
I would then go to the only people I thought could help, my brothers, only to fi nd out that they were
getting picked on too because of me.
Figure 9.7 Ballet dancers are some of the fittest athletes in the world.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 317
• Faggot: a bunch of sticks tied together, but to the typical guy on the oval, obviously a guy who likes guys.
• Poofter: same again (but without the sticks).
• Gay: once meant to mean happy and carefree, now same as above.
I can keep going. Anyone reading this could add a dozen more terms. It doesn’t take intelligence, simply
ignorance. My choice is to let you decide.
My father said to me, ‘You can fi ght back, Shane, or not. It’s your choice. I am not worried that you like to
dance. Once you hit someone though, you can’t take it back.’
It all turned sour when my mind spoke before logic could save me.
It was a typical sunny day—lunch time (to set the scene). I was the target of more than ten boys near ‘B’
block. Several boys had pushed me too far and were calling me every homosexual word their small minds
coiuld think of. They were very good rugby league players so I said, ‘I dance with really cute girls. There’s only
one of me and twelve girls, and they all like me! You chase after other guys, with other guys, grabbing at hairy
legs trying to grab a little ball! Who’s probably more gay?!’
That’s when the fi ght started.
Unfortunately for everyone, including me, I had no idea of how strong the dance training had made me.
Somehow, I picked up and threw a few guys through a door and hurt a few more. I was very angry and upset,
and anger and adrenaline was certainly fuelling my body. I had never before known how strong I was. Later,
in my dancing career, this strength was a singular skill and ability that helped me to become a principal
dancer and create moves that defi ed most other professional dancers. Then and there, it only helped me to be
expelled the very next day from high school. Grade ten. No senior certifi cate.
In retrospect, I wish I could have been smarter and found a way to overcome my anger, avoid the pain I
caused the fi ve boys I hurt, and be a better person. But that is what happened. As dad had said, ‘You can’t take
it back.’
From then I worked at a shopping centre, shelving stock. I also worked as a milk boy. I paid my way
through dancing. Then, at fi fteen, I received a scholarship to the Queensland Dance School. I joined the
Queensland Ballet Company in 1987 as a dancer in training, and by 1991 I was the youngest principal dancer in
Australia. In 1991 I was awarded the Young Queenslander of the Year award in the Arts. I have travelled quite a
lot of the world and done it doing a career that offers only pain, truth and the need to be honest with yourself.
I trained from 7.30 am to 6 pm six days a week, and I loved every moment.
Shane W eatherby
Ballet, me and the world (cont …)
EXTENSION1 Read the case study ‘Ballet, me and the world’. The events that Shane Weatherby
experienced in high school happened in 1983. Would he receive the same treatment
if he were at school today? Do the stereotypical views about dance and dancers still
exist?
2 Consider Jason Akermanis’s advice to gay players in the AFL in 2010 to ‘stay in the closet’.
Why did Akermanis make these statements? Should players ‘stay in the closet’?
Click for more information on the ‘stay in the closet’ controversy in AFL.
inside activity?
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318 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
Although a stigma is attached to some types of sports participation for men, as men have far more
opportunities to participate in sport without being subjected to stereotyping, studies on this topic focus
primarily on women. Women participating in most sports require aggression, strength and muscular
physiques—traditionally masculine characteristics. Women who play sport and show masculine traits often
have their sexuality questioned; they can be labelled as ‘butch’ or ‘lesbians’. The lesbian stereotype exerts
pressure on athletes to demonstrate their femininity and heterosexuality.
Society’s perception of gender norms is that men should be more muscular and powerful and that
women be smaller, weaker and beautiful. The perceived unattractiveness of muscular women can deter
heterosexual female athletes from continuing in some sports and cause them to question their body image.
Some female athletes attempt to display their femininity through the use of make-up, pretty hair, and
uniforms.
Some people may think that men who fi nd big, muscular women attractive could be gay because
they are attracted to a trait that is typically masculine. To enable men to continue to fi nd sportswomen
attractive without their manhood being questioned, athletic women will often be portrayed in the media
using photos that show feminine, passive poses, and accompanying stories and captions that reinforce their
femininity.
Figure 9.8 Some female athletes emphasise
their feminine qualities with hair, make-up and
fashionable outfits.
Figure 9.9 Female athletes who possess the
skills of power, strength and speed can be seen as
unladylike because of gender stereotypes.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 319
APPLY AND EVALUATE1 Explain why it is difficult to identify one level of Figueroa’s framework that is responsible
for society’s construction of gender stereotypes and roles.
2 a Brainstorm ways that each of the following could act to reduce the effects of gender-
role socialisation and overcome gender barriers in sport.
• parents
• peers
• schools
• media.
b Who or what has the greatest potential to overcome gender barriers? Justify why.
3 Only cultural change will see the removal of barriers caused by stereotypical views. Do you
agree or disagree? Justify your position.
4 What cultural beliefs would need to change so that dancing could become a more socially
acceptable sport for men?
5 a What effect does the success of television programs such as So You Think You Can Dance
and Dancing with the Stars have on the cultural stereotyping of dancers?
b How has featuring typically masculine men—such as professional Australian rules
football and rugby league stars, and television’s home-renovation tradesmen—on
Dancing with the Stars changed society’s views about men who dance?
6 Are some types of dance more socially acceptable for males? What are they? Justify why.
7 Consider dancing classes you have taken at school.
a Did you:
• offer token resistance (that is, pretend a lack of interest while secretly enjoying the
experience)?
• think it was a great way to meet and get close to your peers?
• hate every minute because you think you cannot dance well?
• put up with the single line dancing (such as to ‘Nutbush’) because you were on your
own?
• enjoy having an activity that was not competitive?
• like the idea that dancing allowed more creativity?
b Would your responses have been the same in primary school? If not, what socialisation
processes occurred between primary school and high school?
8 Australian dance will always struggle to enlist male participants based on the dominance
of more rugged sports. Do you agree or disagree with this statement?
Justify your response in 400 words or less, referring to relevant levels of Figueroa’s
framework.
9 Female dancers are incredibly athletic but are still also seen as incredibly feminine. Why
do they not suffer the social stigma of being called butch or lesbian that some other female
athletes do?
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320 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
Hegemonic masculinity
Before we discuss hegemonic
masculinity, it is important to
understand the meaning of the terms
hegemonic and hegemony. Simply
put, hegemonic means ‘ruling’, and
hegemony means ‘leadership’.
Our society—both inside and outside
the sporting arena—has traditionally
been one of hegemonic masculinity. In
other words, men have held the power
and authority to infl uence society and
set the rules that govern behaviour,
including the behaviour of women.
Stereotypically masculine qualities of competitiveness, courage, determination, power and aggression have
been seen as those to aspire to and necessary to gain respect in our society.
Hegemony is often studied and discussed when discussing how one group maintains its authority over
another; for example, how a ruling class maintains power. The group in power uses a variety of tactics to keep
their authority, including manipulating social attitudes to encourage those without authority that the current
order is the natural and best way.
In our history and culture, gender roles in everyday life have reinforced male power in society. For
example, women were educated differently; they were discouraged from working outside the home and
becoming fi nancially independent; and until 1896, they were not allowed to vote.
Sport is another area of our society that has been dominated by men. Sport reinforces hegemonic
masculinity by celebrating stereotypically masculine activities and attributes, and restricting the behaviour
of women. Women have been fi ghting for equality, and we have certainly seen improvements, but the
subordinate role of women in sport continues to be reinforced by practices such as:
• giving women’s activities less government funding than men’s
• providing less media coverage for women’s sports than for men’s
• offering less prize money for women’s sports than for men’s
• identifying women’s competition by their gender to differentiate them from the men’s (for example,
WNBL and NBL)
• restricting women’s membership of sporting clubs and associations, such as golf clubs.
Hegemonic masculinity has been reinforced at all levels of Figueroa’s framework. For example, at
the institutional level, individual sporting institutions have set rules and regulations restricting women’s
participation. Men maintain control through their positions of power within the organisations that make the
rules. It is common, for example, for the chief executive offi cers of sporting associations to be male.
Today, the most visible tool used to maintain hegemonic masculinity in sport is the media. Media
coverage of sport continues to reinforce gender stereotypes and marginalise women and their sporting
activities. For example, television stations and newspapers have limited coverage of women’s sport. Media
coverage targets a mostly male audience. When female athletes are featured, they are treated differently:
they are often sexualised and their achievements are trivialised. Women athletes sometimes feel they need
to resort to sexploitation—promoting their sports through sexy calendars and underwear sponsorships—to
gain a portion of market share.
Figure 9.10 Women’s sports, including netball, receive less
media coverage and less funding than men’s sports.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 321
Bringing about change
Although women have come a long way
in their bid for fair recognition in sport,
restrictions on women’s participation
in sport still exist. For cultural change
to occur, historical barriers and
assumptions need to be breached.
In 1999, the Australian Sports
Commission prepared a document with
the title ‘National Policy on Women and
Girls in Sport, Recreation and Physical
Activity 1999–2002’. The document
outlined the government’s policy to
change the culture so that women
and girls would be encouraged and
supported in all sports and physical
activities.
The policy document advocated
removing participation barriers and developing greater opportunities for women to participate in sport.
Its recommendations included having more women in policy-making positions in sporting and media
organisations, and using media promotion of infl uential role models to increase opportunities for women.
Furthermore, a government committee was formed to redistribute funding and resources.
It is hoped that an increase in women’s participation in sport at a grassroots level will have a knock-on
effect, and open more doors for women to move into positions of power. It is also hoped that increased
government funding will improve community facilities and women’s sporting options in the community.
With greater access, more opportunities and better support, it is hoped that more women and girls will
appreciate the role that physical activity can play in their lives.
Although changes are taking place in government (structural level), and the media (institutional level)
has begun to gradually alter its portrayal of women during the last ten years, hegemonic masculinity is still
evident, and the portrayal of female sport through the media is still inequitable. Changes to the cultural
perception of sport in Australia will dictate the rate of change. The process of social change will be slow,
however, as changing the long-held cultural beliefs and attitudes of more than 22 million Australians will take
time.
Click to read more articles about women in sport.
EXTENSIONRead the article ‘Call for Funding Link to Equality’ on page xx. In small groups, discuss the
following questions.
1 Why are women under-represented in positions of authority in sport and business?
2 How do you think having more women in positions of influence in sporting organisations
would influence women’s participation in sport?
Click for information on Australia’s Olymic history.
Figure 9.11 It is hoped that an increase in women’s
participation in sport at a grassroots level will have a knock-on
effect.
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322 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
NEWSCall for funding link to equality
Figure 9.12 Although only 21 per cent of the board
members of national sporting organisations funded
by the Australian Sports Commission are women,
outside of sport the figures are even worse—in all
business across Australia, women account for less
than 9 per cent of board directors.
9014 l 1/8
Taxpayer funding of national sporting bodies should
be linked to increasing the representation of women
on their boards, according to Elizabeth Broderick, the
Sex Discrimination Commissioner.
Broderick, who will speak at an international
conference on women in sport that starts in Sydney
today, argues the failure of sporting organisations
to have adequate numbers of women at the top
means they miss out on female participation at the
grassroots level because the stereotype of women as
sporting inferiors gets perpetuated.
‘You can’t be what you can’t see,’ Broderick said.
‘Young women need to be able to see sportswomen
at every level of amateur and elite sports—from
the best and fairest and most valuable player, right
through to sport management and governance.
[Sports] bodies are failing to use the expertise and
experience of more than half of the population.’
She believes the lack of women in the senior
levels of sports administration also exacerbates the
problems that have been seen in the attitudes some
sportsmen have towards women.
The four-day event is the fi fth conference of
the International Working Group on Women and
Sport, and its chairwoman is Johanna Adriaanse,
who lectures in human movement and sports
management at Sydney’s University of Technology.
Increasing the number of women in sport
governance is critical for advancing women’s sport
because ‘it is at this level that important decisions
are made for hundreds of thousands of physically
active Australians and those that want to be active’,
Adriaanse says on the conference’s website.
‘National sports bodies … receive signifi cant
funding from the public purse, and while women
make up more than half of the population they
continue to be underrepresented on sports boards.’
Adriaanse says only 21 per cent of the board
members of national sporting organisations funded
by the Australian Sports Commission are women, and
‘little progress has been made over the past decade
in advancing gender diversity on sporting boards’.
Only two of the 15 members of the executive
board of the Australian Olympic Committee are
women ‘despite an IOC recommendation of 1997
that national Olympic committees achieve a 20 per
cent target for women’s representation by the end of
2005’.
Olympic sports receive the vast majority of
federal sports funding. Mike Tancred, a spokesman
for the AOC, said the organisation was acutely aware
of the need to increase female representation on
its board and on the boards and among the senior
management of its member sports.
At the AOC’s executive board meeting last week,
president John Coates demanded sports ‘get their act
together and get more women in senior positions’.
Broderick also called on the federal government
to be transparent and show how much sports
funding went to males and how much to females.
Source: Daniel Lewis, The Sydney Morning Herald,
20 May 2010
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 323
PRACTICALHegemonic masculinityOrganise a game of touch football with mixed teams of boys and girls.
1 For each gender, collect data on factors such as:
• the total ball time
• who plays in which position
• selection order.
2 Discuss the results. Compare assumed outcomes with the actual data.
• Were there any surprises?
• Which gender dominated the games?
• Were there any exceptions? What enabled them to overcome gender barriers?
3 Use your findings to predict possible outcomes for a game of netball, volleyball or
soccer.
• Discuss the similarities and differences.
• What changes could be made to allow equal involvement of everyone in the class?
APPLY AND EVALUATE1 As a class, discuss how the cultural level of Figueroa’s framework affected sports
participation in your physical education class.
2 Develop a set of guidelines to remove some of the barriers to participation. You may like to
consider aspects such as:
• the game’s rules
• the method of team selection
• who is in positions of authority and team leadership roles, such as coach, referee,
selector, manager and trainer.
EXTENSION1 Do some research into Australia’s Olympic history. Before you begin your research, use
your general knowledge to ‘guess’ the answers to the following questions. Then, compare
your guesses with your research.
a List five gold medal winners (individual and team).
b List Australia’s top five most successful Olympic medal winners—the individuals and
teams who have won the most medals.
c For each of the following eras, which gender had greater success?
• 1896–1936
• 1948–1976
• 1980–present
Were you surprised by any of your findings?
2 Which gender has had the greater Olympic success? Why?
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324 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
Ethnic identity
In earlier sections, we looked at how Australia’s sporting culture has been strongly infl uenced by the
country’s British and colonial heritage. However, Australia is an incredibly multicultural society. Our sporting
culture has been infl uenced by Indigenous Australians and by the many migrants that have come to Australia
from all parts of the world.
Click for more information on the influences that different ethnic groups have on Australia’s
sporting culture.
Australia’s Indigenous sporting culture
We now take a particular look at the Australian Indigenous culture, investigating Indigenous sporting history
and the way in which sport helps to promote Indigenous identity.
Indigenous sporting history
Before European colonisation, Indigenous Australians participated in a variety of games, dances and physical
activities that mirrored their daily activities of hunting and fi shing, and their affi liation with the land.
Physical activities often included elements of play and rehearsed skills that were needed in everyday
life. Games included throwing spears and boomerangs at targets, and movement activities, such as running,
jumping and climbing. Elders organised competitions to test these skills, such as tree-climbing races and
throwing spears for distance. Physical skills were essential for the people’s survival and, as such, were highly
valued and encouraged. Tracking was another necessary skill learned by all children, and games centred on
identifying the correct track or noise. As a means of solving intertribal disputes, wrestling competitions were
organised. Young boys participated in practice fi ghts to improve their wrestling skills.
Dance was both a form of entertainment and a teaching tool. It played a major part in the initiation of
young boys, and tribal corroborees were performed to celebrate good fortune through dance, music and
song. Dancers replicated the movements of people and animals to tell stories, both of the past and of daily
activities.
Figure 9.13
Sport and physical
activity has
always been a
part of Indigenous
Australian culture.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 325
Figure 9.14 Adam Goodes is a role
model for young athletes.
Figure 9.15 Cathy Freeman draped
herself in the Aboriginal flag after
winning the 400 metres.
Games involving catching, throwing and kicking using
various types of balls were played. Balls were constructed of
materials such as possum hair, kangaroo intestine, beeswax and
seeds. Games were informal, often lasting many hours or days,
with few rules and no need for umpires or referees. Both males
and females played these games, which promoted interaction
between tribal members and encouraged participation.
Indigenous Australians living close to lakes or beaches
took part in water activities, such as fi shing, canoeing and
swimming. Indigenous Australian children were encouraged to
learn to swim from an early age.
Indigenous Australian games and activities were closely
linked to teaching survival skills and respect for tribal elders.
The major focus of organised games was enjoyment rather than
a result, and Indigenous Australians developed pastimes that
demonstrated clear links with their family, tribe and land.
Click for more information about traditional
Indigenous Australian games that you can try.
Sport and Indigenous cultural identity
In 1962 a sporting event for Indigenous Australians was created:
the Yuendumu Games. The Yuendumu Games are a mixture
of cultural events and sports, providing remote Indigenous
Australian communities with the opportunity to participate
in contests such as boomerang throwing and Australian
rules football. These games refl ect the cultural identity of
participants, and assist in unifying communities.
Boxing has provided an avenue for a number of Aboriginal
men to fi nd fame. One notable Indigenous Australian boxer
is Lionel Rose, who became World Bantamweight Champion
in 1968. In the same year, Rose was awarded the honour of
Australian of the Year, becoming the fi rst Indigenous Australian
to receive this award.
Australian rules football is very important to Indigenous Australians and their communities. The
successes of teams in the regional competition and having local boys targeted by AFL teams assist in bonding
local communities and establishing an identity for Indigenous Australians and their regions. Players such
as dual Brownlow medallist Adam Goodes and premiership player Michael O’Loughlin from the Sydney
Swans are seen as positive role models for young Indigenous children. The AFL recognises the signifi cant
contribution of Indigenous athletes to its sport, and since 2002 it has commemorated their contributions
with the annual Marn Grook Trophy game between the Sydney Swans and Essendon Bombers. Marn Grook
was a game played by Indigenous Australians in western Victoria that is believed to have inspired Australian
rules football.
Indigenous Australian track and fi eld athletes include Kyle van der Kuyp, Nova Peris-Kneebone, Cathy
Freeman, Patrick Johnson and Joshua Ross. These athletes have been positive sporting role models for
>9017 s 1/4
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326 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
Indigenous Australian communities. At the 1994 Commonwealth Games and the 2000 Olympics in Sydney,
Cathy Freeman draped herself in the Aboriginal fl ag after winning the 400 metres. This demonstrated her
identifi cation with her community and culture. Her Aboriginal heritage is an important aspect of her identity,
and her achievements in sport have assisted in establishing an identity for Indigenous Australian people.
The Australian Sports Commission, through its Indigenous Sport Program, is aiming to improve the
participation rates of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in sport and recreation. The focus of this program
is on community development.
EXTENSIONRead the article ‘All Stars Instigator Within Sight of Proudest Moment’ and answer the
following questions.
1 Predict the effects this event will have on young Indigenous Australians and their
involvement in sport.
2 Will sporting events that recognise and embrace a culture increase sporting opportunities
for more people?
NEWS
All Stars instigator within sight of proudest moment
Preston Campbell came up with
the All Stars concept in the hope
it would encourage Indigenous
Australians to learn more about
their identity. What he didn’t
expect was to discover so much
about his own.
‘I’ll be honest and say I
didn’t know anything about
my [Aboriginal] background,’
Campbell told The Sun-Herald.
‘It’s great to catch up and learn
what tribe you’re from, know
what areas your family come
from.
‘I always thought I came
from the Kamilaroi tribe from
the north-west of NSW. Actually,
the clan—the nation that I come
from—is a big area with tribes
within it. I always thought I
was the Kamilaroi clan but I’m
actually from the Nucoorilma
tribe from within that nation.
That’s something I was happy to
fi nd out.’
Titans teammate Scott Prince
is another learning about his
heritage.
‘A lot of blokes don’t know
where they come from,’ Campbell
continued. ‘You’ve got Princey,
who knows he’s from Mt Isa, but
he’s actually from the same tribe
as [former Panther] Sid Domic,
the designer of our jerseys.
‘It was pretty interesting to
know that. He’s excited about
Figure 9.16 Proud ... Preston Campbell believes leading the
Indigenous All Stars on Friday will be the high point of a glittering
career.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 327
knowing a bit more about his
background.’
It is appropriate that
Campbell will captain the
Indigenous All Stars in next
weekend’s inaugural clash
against the NRL All Stars on the
Gold Coast. The concept was
Campbell’s brainchild and, with a
bit of help from Gold Coast CEO
Michael Searle, his dream is about
to become a reality.
Campbell has won a
premiership and a Dally M medal
but has no doubt that next
weekend’s fi xture will be his
career highlight. The pint-sized
playmaker is less sure about how
he’ll cope with the emotion of
representing his people when he
leads his side onto Skilled Park.
Will he shed a tear?
‘If I shed a tear, I won’t be
angry at myself,’ Campbell
said. ‘I won’t think any less of
myself. I won’t think less of my
teammates.
‘If they shed a tear, it’s good.
It just shows it’s from the heart—
that they are passionate about
playing for their people.’
Some of Campbell’s All
Stars teammates have called
for an Indigenous side to be
represented at the next World
Cup. However, Campbell didn’t
want the likes of Greg Inglis,
Johnathan Thurston and Sam
Thaiday to be torn between
representing their country and
their people.
‘It would be great but I don’t
see it happening,’ Campbell said.
‘The superstars in our team are
very highly respected. You’ve got
a few of those players that are
Indigenous and it would be hard
to take them out of the Australian
team.
‘I don’t think we’d want to
see the people in the Australian
team lose some of those
superstars.’
The Skilled Park clash is a sell-
out. More than 30 of those seats
will be taken up by Campbell’s
extended family.
‘This has got some more
signifi cance for myself; I’m feeling
like I’m playing for a bit more than
two points,’ he said. ‘I’m pretty
much playing for my family so it’s
pretty important.
‘There will be all of my
immediate family … and a few
cousins there. I haven’t really sat
down to take it all in and it’s only
a week away.
‘This is the fi rst time anything
like this has ever happened. It’s
coming around so quick, I don’t
know what to think or feel. I just
know I’m excited.’
The match has created
unprecedented interest from
footy fans, who helped to
assemble the NRL All Stars side.
The game will also double as the
farewell for cult hero Wendell
Sailor, while NRL All Stars coach
Wayne Bennett has agreed to be
wired for sound.
The Indigenous side’s
preparations were disrupted by
the loss of Golden Boot holder
Inglis (injured hip) on Friday.
South Sydney’s Beau Champion
and the Titans’ Greg Bird have
been rushed into the squad.
For Cronulla forward Anthony
Tupou, his selection in the NRL
team is signifi cant for other
reasons. The former NSW and
Australian back-rower hopes his
selection will be a springboard
back into the representative
arena.
‘It makes me feel pretty
good after missing out on those
teams last year—it was a bad year
for me in terms of rep footy,’ he
said.
‘When you have something
and you don’t have it, you miss it
so much more.’
Campbell said he was
confi dent the All Stars game
would be a permanent fi xture in
the calendar.
‘People are excited about this.
We’ve had the cricket, the tennis,
all the sports, but people are
itching to watch football now. This
being the fi rst game of the rugby
league calendar, being televised,
it’s great,’ he said.
‘It’s going to hang around for
a while hopefully. If you’ve got
the calibre of players in this game
available for every game, you’ll
get plenty of interest.’
Asked for his fi nal words
before the game, the 32-year-old
replied: ‘I haven’t really thought
about it. I just hope they really
enjoy themselves.’
Source: Adrian Proszenko, The Sydney
Morning Herald, 7 February 2010
All Stars instigator within sight of proudest moment (cont …)
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328 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
Multicultural
influences
Almost one-quarter of
Australians were born overseas,
and more than 40 per cent of
Australians have at least one
parent who was born overseas.
Approximately 16 per cent of
Australians speak a language
other than English at home.
Sport and physical activity
can be an extremely effective
vehicle to break down cultural
barriers and strengthen
community multiculturalism.
Physical activity can provide
an excellent way for new
migrants to build friendships and
assimilate more easily into new
communities.
Cultural groups within the
community organise activities
that enable people to meet other
members of their culture. They also provide people with the opportunity to participate in activities that
are traditional or popular in their country of origin. Examples of such activities are cultural dance (such as
fl amenco), bocce, table tennis and badminton.
Migrants have introduced activities such as tai chi and yoga that have helped Australians gain an insight
into other cultures. They have also contributed signifi cantly to the profi le of sports such as diving and
gymnastics. Sporting success by people of a particular ethnic background can foster pride in that ethnic
community and culture.
Australians from different cultural backgrounds choose to participate in different sports and have
different attitudes and beliefs about sports and physical activities. Cultural stereotypes based on ethnic
background can either promote participation in particular sports and physical activities or reinforce barriers
that prevent participation.
APPLY AND EVALUATE1 How might local governments provide community sporting facilities to promote
multiculturalism and assimilation through physical activity?
2 Suggest examples of barriers to sports participation that a new migrant from a non-
English-speaking background might face.
3 The Australian Bureau of Statistics found that people born in Australia had a higher sports
attendance rate (50%) than people born overseas in mainly English-speaking countries
(42%) and people born overseas in non-English-speaking countries (21%). Suggest reasons
for these differences.
Figure 9.17 Sport and physical activity can be an effective way to
break down cultural barriers.
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Chapter 9—Cultural influences on equity and sports participation ///// 329
The world game
It is impossible to discuss
multiculturalism and sport in
Australia without looking at
soccer. Dance is not the only
sport where stereotyping has
generated cultural barriers to
sports participation in Australia.
Johnny Warren, one of Australia’s
greatest soccer players, named his
autobiography Sheilas, Wogs and
Poofters: An Incomplete Biography
of Johnny Warren and Soccer in
Australia. In his book, he looked
at how soccer had once been
marginalised and stigmatised as
a sport that only ‘sheilas, wogs
and poofters’ played. Over the
decades attitudes to soccer have
progressed, yet it still does not
receive the support or recognition
that other football codes such
as Australian rules football and
rugby league receive.
In recent years, Australia
has fallen in love with the
‘world game’. In 2006 and 2010,
Australia rejoiced as a nation
when the Socceroos won their
way to the World Cup. In 2006,
spectator numbers supporting
the Socceroos were similar to
televised AFL and State of Origin
matches. The Australian public
howled in protest over the
disgraceful theatrics and injustice
that resulted in Australia’s loss to
Italy in 2006.
The Australian Soccer Federation has put great effort and millions of dollars into securing sponsorships
and overseas players to develop a quality national league within Australia, yet attendance fi gures remain
signifi cantly lower than the other football codes’. In 2005–06 the Australian Bureau of Statistics found that
while 16 per cent of Australians attended one AFL match during the year, only 4 per cent went to a soccer
game.
At the same time, soccer has the highest participation rates for boys aged 5–14 years. Soccer’s popularity
as a participation sport in Australia owes much to the dedication of the migrant communities who came to
Australia during the 1950s and 1960s.
Figure 9.18 Professional soccer still does not receive the level of
support or recognition that other football codes do.
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330 \\\\\ Focus area C—Sport and physical activity in Australian society
APPLY AND EVALUATE1 Suggest reasons why
soccer has the highest
participation rates for
boys aged 5–14 years.
2 Why, when so many
young people play soccer,
is it not a dominant
professional sport in
Australia?
a List (in order of
importance) social
and cultural factors
that explain why
soccer does not have
the audience and
fan support of other
sports.
b Link each factor listed
to its appropriate
level in Figueroa’s
framework. Which
level has created the
dominant barrier(s)?
Why?
9025
Figure 9.19 Soccar is a very popular sport with young people.
Table 9.1 —Number and percentage of people aged 5–14 years and main sports participated in by sex
Males FemalesMain sports participated in Number % Number %
Swimming 240 100 17.20 262 800 19.8
Football (outdoor soccer) 277 800 19.90 82 700 6.2
Netball 3500 .03 225 000 17.0
Australian rules football 223 700 16.00 11 400 .9
Tennis 131 600 8.00 83 200 6.3
Basketball 118 700 7.40 83 200 6.3
Gymnastics 23 700 1.70 101 200 7.6
Rugby league 97 200 7.00
Athletics (track and field) 42 400 3.00 47 000 3.5
Futsal (indoor soccer) 59 400 4.30 17 500 1.3
Hockey 25 600 1.80 31 800 2.4
Other 221 200 15.80 160 900 12.1
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2009
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09: SUMMARY
09: Summary ///// 331
• Australians’ attitudes to sport have been
infl uenced by the historical development of sport
in European and Indigenous culture.
• Historical barriers to women’s participation in
sport have included:
• beliefs that excessive exertion was bad for
women’s health
• women’s clothing and the need to conceal
their bodies
• standards of ladylike behaviour.
• club membership rules.
• Sport has long been a central feature of
Australian culture—so much so that enthusiasm
for sport is often described as a characteristic of
being Australian.
• Socialisation is the process through which
individuals’ beliefs and values are shaped by
society. The factors infl uencing socialisation can
include family, peers, schools, governments,
media, religion, ethnic background, gender,
socioeconomic status and age.
• Socialisation infl uences and reinforces attitudes
about gender roles and stereotypes, and
shapes what it means to be male and female in
Australian society
• Hegemony is the dominance of one social group
over another. In sport, hegemonic masculinity
refers to the dominance of masculine (male)
sporting culture.
• The cultural infl uence of hegemonic masculinity
is reinforced through socialisation at all levels of
Figueroa’s framework.
• Sport and physical activity can be an avenue for
communities to embrace multiculturalism.
• Cultural stereotypes based on ethnic background
can either promote participation in particular
sports and physical activities or reinforce barriers
that prevent participation.
NOW THAT YOU HAVE FINISHED ...
1 Explain why Australia has been identifi ed and
identifi es itself as a sporting nation.
2 Describe how sport has been used to help
establish Australian pride.
3 Outline the types of sports that were deemed
suitable for women during the late nineteenth
century and explain why women’s sporting
choices were limited.
4 a Defi ne socialisation.
b List the factors that infl uence the
socialisation process.
5 a List qualities that are associated with
stereotypically male and female gender
roles in Australian society.
b Explain how these gender roles and
stereotypes are reinforced, using at least
one example from each of the fi ve levels of
Figueroa’s framework.
c Briefl y describe how society’s perceptions
of gender affect individuals’ sporting and
physical activity choices.
6 a Defi ne hegemonic masculinity.
b Briefl y explain how the cultural, structural
and institutional levels of Figueroa’s
framework reinforce hegemonic masculinity
in Australian sport.
7 Explain the link between sport and the
promotion of Indigenous Australians’ identity.
8 How are elite athletes able to use their status
as role models to promote discussion and
change attitudes about culturally entrenched
stereotypes within Australian society? Is such
change possible? Justify your response.
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