Illusion Web— Locating the Guhyagarbha Tantra

in Buddhist Intellectual History

DAN MARTIN

Dedicated to the Master of Taoist Studies, Professor Judith A. Berling, for the inspiration; Professor Christopher I. Beckwith for raising the questions; Dr. Michael L. Walter and other members of the Kun Byed studies seminar for supplying the background; to Professor Emeritus Helmut H. Hoffman for everything.

INTRODUCTION— THE REALM OF DHARMAS

He who knows well the interdependent origination equally knows the Void.

He who knows not the interdependent origination will not comprehend the Void.1

The work from which this statement is extracted is an Old Tibetan transla­tion from the Chinese which was not preserved in the Tibetan canon. Never­theless, the idea that Mahayana replaced the interdependent origination (rten- ’byung/pratityasamutpada) of the Elder Vehicle with their notion of the Void­ness (Stong-pa-nyid/£unyata) has long been an axiom of Japanese Buddhol- ogy.2 I will not be speaking so much of Voidness, but of its close synonym, “ Realm of Dharmas” (Chos-kyi Dbyings/Dharmadhatu) as the Mahayana equivalent of interdependent origination. This I will do less on philosophical grounds3 and more by way of tracing the continuity and development of the literary images of the Web and the Palace which show, perhaps better than any philosophical argument, that the Buddhist thinkers themselves perceived the essential identity of the two conceptions. Thus, while my approach may be primarily literary and my aim broadly hermeneutical, I have done my best to keep the analysis grounded in a sense of historical development.

THE WEB AND THE PALACE IN THE BRAHMA WEB SUTTA

Such a study ought properly to begin with the general Indian background, but I have restricted myself to internal Buddhist developments. So, the proper

176 THOUGHT

place to begin is the Pali canon. In the very first sutta contained in the Long Discourses (Digha Nikaya), called the Brahma Web (Brahma Jala),4 we find

discussions of ‘wrong practice,' ‘wrong views' and the interrelationship be­tween the two, primarily. Part of the sutta may be summarized as follows5 (The Buddha Himself is narrating):

At the dissolution of the world, most of the world’s inhabitants rise to the Abhassara (’Od-gsal/Abhasvara)6 Realm. After a long time, when the world begins to reform, an empty palace (gzhal-med-khang/vimana) makes its appearance in the empty sky. A single being, by force of its karma, dies in the Abhassara Realm and is bom in the empty palace of Brahma. He is very lonely and wonders why others should not join him there. Then, by force of their karma, other beings are bom in the palace. The first inhabitant believes that it was his own wish (smon-pa) that brought the other beings into existence. He thinks himself their father, lord, maker (byed-pa-po), originator (’byin-pa-po) and origin fbyin- byed). The other beings begin to believe him. They think that he is eter­nal and unchanging while they themselves are impermanent and unsta­ble.

The bulk of the sutta is devoted to various non-Buddhist theories about the origins of things. The discussion (of 62 heretical views) concludes with the Buddha’s declaration that those who hold to these sorts of fixed views, such as the view that Brahma created the world, are caught in the web of their own speculations. These speculations trap them in the interconnections of the twelve-fold chain of interdependent origination.

The Pali and Sanskrit word Jala will be returning again. It has a very broad significance, representing any object with a large number of holes. It may mean ‘lattice work,’ ‘lace.’ and ‘web’ as well as‘snare,’ ‘trap,’ or ‘net.’ In this context it clearly means ‘trap’ and the title could have been translated the Brahma Trap. It is primarily a subjective-based ‘trap’ due to erroneous pre­suppositions which in turn bind us to the objective ‘trap’ of interdependent origination. This objective trap is such because we, unlike the Buddha, do not perceive that it is a trap.

THE MAHAY ANA DEVELOPMENT

The truth as perceived by the Buddha (i.e., the objective sphere as experi­enced by the Buddha) is the truth of interdependent origination. But perhaps the most basic content of His revelation is the Noble Fourfold Truth and espe­cially the fourth member, the Truth of the Path, which claims to make the Buddha’s experience accessible to His followers. So, before entering into the Mahayana, it is essential to touch on the reasons why the Mahayana believed

DAN MARTIN 177

it could offer a Superior Vehicle (Mahayana) for traveling down the Buddha’s Path. The Mahayanists cite many reasons, but the contrast between hearers (Nyan-thos-pa/Sravaka) and Bodhisattvas (Byan-chub-sems-dpa’) provides the dialectic edge. The Hearers, according to Mahayana, experience at the end of their Path only the Voidness of the subjective ‘person,’ whereas the Bodhisattva also experiences the Voidness of the constituents of the objective sphere, the dharmas. This is because Hearers strive to purify themselves only from the obscurations (sgrib-pa/avarana) caused by afflictive emotions (nyon- rmongs/kleSa) without also overcoming the obscurations due to ‘knowables’ (shes-bya/jneya), meaning dharmas. So, while the Hearer can only hope to achieve the State of Freedom (Thar-pa/Moksa) characterized by release from afflictive emotions, the Bodhisattva achieves, in addition, the State of Omnis­cience (Thams-cad Mkhyen-pa/Sarvajna).7 ‘Omniscience’ here means that there are no obscurations due to knowable objects, not necessarily ‘Omnis­cience’ in the sense that Christians apply the word to their conception of God.

It may be well argued that this model of the Hearer does not really apply to Theravada ideals known from the Pali canon. I have already shown how the ‘trap’ of the Brahma Web Sutta pertains to both the subjective and objective spheres. I would suggest that the Mahayana dialectic was developed at a time when some schools were tending to over-objectivize, materialize and even eternalize the dharmas. I think especially of some of the Abhidhamma Schools (Vaibhasika and Sautrantika as known to Tibetan literature) and the Sarvastivadins. The permanence of the interdependent origination itself was not an issue8 since it is a principle and not a thing, but the idea of the perma­nency of the dharmas threatened to make Buddhism a form of materialism against the older idea that the phenomenal world exists only in a state of inter­dependence with the view on the ‘self.’

From the eighteen dhatus9 of the Abhidhamma Schools, the Mahayana chose the word Dharmadhatu (Realm of Dharmas) to express their views on the nature of the objective sphere. In the context of the eighteen dhatus, it meant the objective sphere corresponding to the sixth sense, which is ‘thought.’ The development in meaning of the word Dharmadhatu has been dealt with in the works cited10 and need not detain us.

TOWARD A HISTORICAL CONTEXT FOR THE GUHYAGARBHA

The next step in our reconstruction ought logically to be the Mahayana sutra called the Buddha Avatamsaka which, even though it did not inspire a special school in Tibet like it did in China, Korea and Japan, was still fre­quently quoted there. However, it is an alarmingly vast and complex body of scripture which cannot be disentangled here. I will be returning to it later on to show how some aspects of its message may be applicable for excavating the

178 THOUGHT

intellectual content of the Guhyagarbha Tantra.n Before turning to the Guhyagarbha itself we must ask, “ What is the Gahyagarbhal What impor­tance has it had in Tibetan religious history?“ The latter is easily answered. Its importance is demonstrated by the vast body of commentarial literature it has inspired over at least the last thousand years. In more recent times, it had a special place in the curriculum of the Nyingma ‘university monastery’ Min- droling (Smin-grol-gling) among others, and the history of its early transmis­sion is, to a large extent, the history of the Nyingma tantras in general.

It is harder to define exactly what the Guhyagarbha is. For this, it must be placed in the general framework of Nyingma thought and historiography. Al­though it threatens to (and will) take us far afield, still it is a background for critical study. This is sadly necessary because of the traditional lack of credi­bility that the Nyingma tantras have been held in by some scholars from other schools of Tibetan Buddhism, an attitude that has been uncritically adopted by some non-Tibetan scholars. I suggest that the Nyingma traditions on the Guhyagarbha, above all, warrant as much or as little credibility as the tradi­tions on any of the New Tantras (Rgyud Gsar-ma).

The Guhyagarbha is classified among the six Vajrayàna Vehicles of the Nyingma as Mahâ-yoga:

Outer Capability Tantras (Phyi Thub-pa’i Rgyud)

4) Kriyá (‘Ritual’).

5) Ubhaya (‘Both’ Kriyà and Yoga. Sometimes called Upa-yoga, or ‘Near Yoga’ and also, less correctly, Upâya-yoga).

6) Yoga (‘Meditation’).

Inner Method Tantras (Nang Thabs-kyi Rgyud)

7) Mahà-yoga (‘Great Yoga’: bskyed, ‘generation’ stage meditation).

8) Anu-yoga (‘Subsequent Yoga’: rdzogs, ‘completion’ stage meditation).

9) Ati-yoga (‘Supreme Yoga’: Rdzogs-cheny ‘Great Perfection’).

(a) Sems-sde (‘Mental Class’).

(b) Klong-sde ( ‘Receptive Centre Class’).

(c) Man-ngag-gi-sde (‘Precept Class’).(1) Khregs-chod (‘Breakthrough’).

(2) Thod-rgal ( ‘Crossover’).

The last three (7-9) Vehicles are all Yoga Tantras, the Sanskrit prefixes indi­cating degrees of ‘greatness.’ This is clear from Guhyagarbha commentaries where the three are glossed as “ great,’’ “ great-great’’ and “ great-great- great’’ respectively.12 These three divisions of Inner Method Tantras have of­

DAN MARTIN 179

ten been identified by various teachers with the Father, Mother and Non-dual Tantras of the Anuttara-yoga class of the New Tantra schools’ classification.

Within the Maha-yoga canon,13 the Nyingma distinguish eighteen classes (sde bco-brgyad) which I will list shortly. The source is a fairly recent one,14 but then a work by Jnanamitra which is listed in the Ldan-dkar-ma catalogue15 speaks of the eighteen classes (sde chen bco-brgyad) mentioning only two ti­tles: 1) Sarvabuddhasamayoga (no. 3 below); 2) Guhyasamaja (Guhya-sa- manytsa, no. 9 below).16 This text must date from around the beginning of the ninth century and would therefore be close to the time of Amoghavajra (see below). Where possible I have given the location for each of the indicated tan tras in the two availab le reprin ts of the Rnying-m a R gyud-' bum (1973&1982), the Vairocana Rgyud-' bum and the Peking and Derge Kanjurs.

A. BODY (sku)

1) Glang-chen Rab 'Bog-gi Rgyud (The Best Elephant Sunk Tantra). 1973 vol. 19, pp. 199-288 (24 chapters). Translated by Visvamati and

’Jings Gsal-’bar.See also Den wood, India Office Catalogue, no. 87.

2 ) Glang-po Rab Chur Zhugs-kyi Rgyud (The Best Elephant Entered the Water Tantra).

3) Sangs-rgyas Mnyam Sbyor-gyi Rgyud (Buddhas' Equal JJnion Tantra). 1973 vol. 16, pp. 163-273 (10 chaps.). Tr. by Vajrahasa and Rma Rin-

chen-mchog with the help of four commentaries.1982 vol. 16, pp. 273-366 (23 chaps.). Tr. by Smrtijnanaklrti.Peking Kanjur, no. 8 (chaps, not clearly numbered, but same work as

the 10 chapter version above).Peking Kanjur, no. 9 (23 chaps). Tr. by Smrtijnanaklrti and revised by

Gzhon-nu-grags-pa.This is the Sarvabuddhasamayoga mentioned above.

B. SPEECH (gsung)

4) Dbang-chen 'Dus-pa'i Rgyud (Great Power Gathering Tantra).1973 vol. 24, pp. 224-328 (35 chaps.). Tr. by Raksasiddhi and the

Tibetan Kukuraja. Text established by Snubs Sangs-rgyas-ye- shes.

1973 vol. 32, pp. 181-216 (13 chaps.). Tr. by Padmasambhava and Vairocana.

Both of the above are Dbang-chen (Hayagriva) Tantras.

5) Gcig-las ’Phros-pa’i Rgyud (Emanated from the One Tantra).This text may bear some relation to Peking Kanjur, no. 2032 (vol. 46).

180 THOUGHT

6) Zla Gsang Thig-le’i Rgyud {Secret Moon Spot Tantra).

1973 vol. 16, pp. 375-543 (6 chaps.).Peking Kanjur, no. I l l (chapters not numbered). Tr. & rev. by Rin-

chen-bzang-po.See also Blue Annals, p. 102.

C. MIND (thugs)

7) Ri-bo Rtsegs-pa’i Rgyud {Stacked Mountain Tantra).

1973 vol. 6, pp. 323-349 (21 chaps.).1982 vol. 19, pp. 181-213 (21 chaps.).Vairocana Rgyud-’bum vol. 8, pp. 213-239 (21 chaps.).

8) Rise Gcig Bskul-ba’i Rgyud {Encouraging One-pointedness Tantra).1973 vol. 8, pp. 559-569 (13 chaps.).1982 vol. 9, pp. 896-906 (13 chaps.).

9) Gsang-ba 'Dus-pa’i Rgyud {Secret Gathering Tantra).1973 vol. 17, pp. 2-177 (18 chaps.). According to the colophon at the

end of chapter 17, it was translated by Vimalamitra and Ka-ba Dpal-brtsegs. Acc. to colophon at end of chap. 18, tr. by Buddha- guhya and ’Brog-m i D pal-ye-shes and later tr. by Rin-chen- bzang-po & Sraddhäkaravarman.

This is the well known Guhyasamäja Tantra {Peking no. 81). It is the Fifteenth Assembly of the Tattvasamgraha according to Amogha- vajra (see below).

D. QUALITY (yon-tan)

10) Bdud-rtsi Chu Rlung-gi Rgyud {Delusion Juice Water Wind Tantra).

11) Nam-mkha’ Mdzod-kyi Rgyud {Sky Treasury Tantra).1973 vol. 13, pp. 499-591 (18 chaps.).

12) Dpal Mchog Dang-po’i Rgyud {First Supreme Lord Tantra).1973 vol. 17, pp. 177-470 (chapters not numbered). Colophon (p. 236):

tr. by Buddhaguhya & Rma R in-chen-m chog and later tr. by Sraddhäkaravarman and Rin-chen-bzang-po. Colophon (p. 470): tr. by Mantrakalasa and Zhi-ba-’od at Tho-Iing.

1982 vol. 19, pp. 213-579.Peking Kanjur, no. 119 (13 chaps.). Tr. Sraddhäkaravarman & Rin-

chen-bzang-po. NOTE: Peking no. 120 corresponds to pp. 236-470 of 1973.

This is the Sixth Assembly of the Tattvasamgraha (see below).

E. ACTIVITY (’phrin-las)

13) Ki-la-ya Bcu-gnyis-kyi Rgyud { = Phur-pa Bcu-gnyis; Twelve Ritual Daggers Tantra).

DAN MARTIN 181

1973 vol. 19, pp. 2-199 (24 chaps.).1982 vol. 19, pp. 785-1013.

14) Sgron-ma ’Bar-ba’i Rgyud {Blazing Lamp Tantra).

1982 vol. 12, pp. 467-491 (4 chaps.).

15) Karma Ma-lye Sing Rgyud { = Las-kyi *Phreng-ba; Karma Rosary

Tantra).1973 vol. 17, pp. 470-627 (9 chaps.). Tr. by Dharmasriprabha, Vimala-

mitra and others. Text checked and established by Rma Ratna-a- bkra ( = Rma Rin-chen-mchog?).

1982 vol. 19, pp. 579-785 (9 chaps.). Name of the establisher of the text given as Ratna-a-grags.

F. OTHER (gzhan)

16) Don Thams-cad ’Jug Bsdud Thabs-kyi Zhags-pa’i Rgyud (“ Mastering the Entry o f All Benefits,** The Method Snare Tantra).

1973 vol. 19, pp. 395-422 (42 chaps.).Peking Kanjur, no. 458 (41? chaps.). Detailed commentary, no. 4717

(42 chaps.).Derge K anjur , vol. 98 (Rnying Rgyud Kha-pa), pp. 597-621 (40

chaps.).

17) S p y i’i Rgyud D am -tshig Sa-ma-ya ’Bum Sde Bkod-pa* i Rgyud ( “General Tantra,** Words o f Honor o f a Hundred Thousand Types Collected Together Tantra).

1973 vol. 12, pp. 560-626 (34 chaps.).

18) Sgyu-’phrul Dra-ba L e u Stong-phrag B rgya-pai Rgyud {Illusion Web Hundred Thousand Chapter Tantra).

This section was divided into the Eight Sections o f Illusion {Sgyu-* phrul Sde Brgyad) by Vimalamitra (Zur-’tsho, Zwr, vol 1, p. 15.6 and also vol. 3, p. 251.5) as follows:

.1) Sgyu-*phrul Gsang-ba’i Snying-po {Illusion, Heart o f Secrets).1973 vol. 14, pp. 1-61 (22 chaps.).1982 vol. 20, pp. 152-218 (22 chaps.). Tr. by Vimalamitra and Jnana-

kumara.Peking Kanjur, no. 455.Derge K anjur, vol, 98 (Rnying Rgyud Kha-pa), pp. 220-263 (22

chaps.).T h is is the G uhyagarbha T a n tra . Full T ibetan title is: D pal

Gsang-ba Snying-po De-kho-na-nyid Nges-pa.

.2) 'Jam-dpal Sgyu-*phrul Dra-ba Chen-mo (Great MahjuSri Illusion Web).

182 THOUGHT

1973 vol. 15, pp. 97-118 (14 chaps.).

1982 vol. 21, pp. 326-349 (14 chaps.).

Peking Kanjur, no 2 (chapters not numbered). Has colophon title: Rnal-

’byor-chen-po’i Rgyud Sgyu-’phrul Dra-ba Stong-phrag Bcu-drug-

pa/ Ting-nge-’dzin Dra-ba’i Le’u las Phyung-ba/ Bcom-ldan- das

’Jam-dpal Ye-shes-sems-dpa’i Don Dam-pa'i Mtshan Yang-dag-par

Brjod-pa/. This means (in part), “ Extracted from the Samadhi Web chapter of the 16,000 (verse) Maha-yoga Tantra, Illusion W e b The

parts from p. 121-5-8 to 124-2-3 are not found in either 1973 or 1982. Tr. by Blo-gros-brtan-pa ( = Dpang Lo, 1276-1342 A.D.) at Bsam-

gtan-gling Hermitage. He calls himself Blo-brtan the Second. He

acknowledges the famous translations by previous translators.

.3) Sgyu-’phrul Brgyad-pa (Eight Chapter Illusion).

1973 vol. 14, pp. 549-571 (8 chaps.).

1982 vol. 20, pp. 580-609 (8 chaps.).

•4) Sgyu-’phrul Bla-ma (Lama Illusion).

1973 vol. 14, pp. 572-638 (13 chaps.).1982 vol. 19, pp. 337-417 (13 chaps.). Tr. by Vimalamitra and Jnana-

kumara.Peking Kanjur, no. 460.Derge Kanjur, vol. 99 (Rnying Rgyud Ga-pa), pp. 1-68 (13 chaps.).

.5) Le Lag (= L e Lhag; Appendix).1973 vol. 14, pp. 415-549 (33 chaps.).1982 vol. 20, pp. 417-580 (33 chaps.).

.6) Sgyu-’phrul Bzhi-bcu-pa (Forty Chapter Illusion).1973 vol. 14, pp. 317-415 (46 chaps.).1982 vol. 20, pp. 218-327 (46 chaps.).

.7) Lha-mo Sgyu-’phrul Dra-ma {Goddess Illusion Web).1973 vol. 15, pp. 2-96 (13 chaps.). Tr. by the Indian Teacher LTlavajra

(Sgeg-pa’i-rdo-ije) and Rma Lo-tsa-ba Rin-chen-mchog.1982 vol. 20, pp. 609-715 (13 chaps.). Same colophon information.Peking Kanjur, no. 459.Derge Kanjur, vol. 99 (Rnying Rgyud Ga-pa), pp. 1-68 (12 chaps.).

.8) Sgyu-’phrul Brgya-bcu-pa (i.e . Brgyad-bcu-pa; Eighty Chapter Illusion Web).

1973 vol. 14, pp. 67-317 (82 chaps.).1982 vol. 21, pp. 2-326 (82 chaps.).Peking Kanjur, no. 457.Derge Kanjur, vol. 98 (Rnying Rgyud Kha-pa), pp. 396-596.See also Blue Annals, p. 153.

DAN MARTIN 183

There are several reasons why we should entertain the idea that these

tantras, including the ones commonly understood to be New Tantras, actually

existed in Tibetan translation before the Second Propagation (which began in

the late 10th century). The first is simply that the tradition has it so. This puts

the weight of proof squarely on the shoulders of those who would say they are not Old Tantras. The second reason is that a link has been discovered between

the eighteen tantras of the Tattvasamgraha class known from a Chinese work (Taisho, no. 869) by Amoghavajra (705-774 A.D.) and the eighteen Maha-

yoga tantras of the Nyingma. Kenneth W. Eastman, whose research is, unfor­tunately, only available to me in the form of an abstract, says, “ . . .1 dem­

onstrate the affinities of these two collections and conclude that they represent

the same canon of religious texts.” 17 It will be seen in notes included in the

list above that I have only been able to establish three texts as shared by both collections (nos. 3, 9 & 12) and this based on a secondary source.18 This

needs more investigation.That, of course, can only establish the contemporaneity of a classification

of tantras in China which would make the existence of the actual tantras in Ti­betan translation seem more probable. It definitely cannot prove their exist­

ence (some of the tantras in Amoghavajra’s list were apparently never trans­

lated into Chinese). Therefore, the third and perhaps most important reason

for increasing credence is the presence of no. 9, the Guhyasamaja Tantra\ no.

18.2, the Mahjusrinamasahgiti; and a commentary on no. 16, the Upayapasa,

along with a few related Maha-yoga texts and even two Ati-yoga works among the Stein documents from Tun Huang. The Stein manuscript of the Guhyasamaja Tantra (Poussin, no. 438) is unfortunately missing both the title page and part of the colophon (due to damage of the final folio). What is sig­

nificant is that it contains only seventeen chapters and the title given in the colophon does not contain the element, “ Guhyasamaja” (Gsang-ba ’Dus-pa)

but reads as follows:

De-bzhin-gshegs-pa Thams-cad-kyi Sku dang! Gsung dang! Thugs Gsang-zhing II Rab-tu Gsang-ba zhes-bya-ba’i Rtog-pa Chen-po’i Rgyal-po.

Compare this to the colophon title following chapter 17 in the Rnying-ma Rgyud-’bum (1973, vol. 17, p. 152):

De-bzhin-gshegs-pa Thams-cad-kyi II Sku dang Gsung dang Thugs Gsang-zhing II Rab-tu Gsang-ba zhes-bya-ba // Rtogs-pa Chen-po Rgyal-po.

Then compare both to the corresponding colophon title in the Peking Kanjur (vol. 3, p. 199-2-3):

184 THOUGHT

De-bzhin-gshegs-pa Thams-cad-kyi Sku dang Gsung dang Thugs-kyi

Gsang-chen Gsang-ba ’Dus-pa zhes-bya-ba’i Rtag-pa’i Rgyal-po Chen-

po.

Since the Stein manuscript is not available to me for comparison, I am unable

to draw any conclusions. A comparison of random parts of the text in the

Nyingma version and the Peking version showed many variant readings in

both wording and syntax. It remains to be seen if elsewhere, as in the colo­phon title, the Nyingma version is closer to the Stein manuscript than the Pe­king. This will be an important task. A Guhyasamaja commentary by *Lllavajra (see below) was translated by Smrtijnanaklrti fPeking, no. 3356)

and two other Guhyasamaja works by the same author are in the Tanjur (Pe­

king, nos. 2276, 4791). Lflavajra is most famous for his commentaries on the Guhyagarbha, especially his word-for-word commentary called shortly, Spar-khab.

There are three examples of the Mahjusrlnamasahgiti in the Stein collec­tion. A cursory comparison of the two Nyingma versions with the translation in the Peking Kanjur (see 18.2 above) showed that the Nyingma preserve what must be an earlier translation. A comparison of the few passages from the Tun Huang version provided in the catalogue (Poussin, no. 112.2) yielded three places where the wording of the Tun Huang text differs significantly from the Peking. In these same passages, the Nyingma versions closely agree.

Peking Kanjur (vol. 1)

smon-lam ye-shes rgya- mtsho-ste// (p. 119-4-1)

thabs chen byed-pa chen- po-ste// (119-4-1)

dpag-med sangs-rgyas- sprul-pa-yi//

sku ni bye-ba ’gyed-pa-po//(p. 121-3-2)

Table I

Tun Huang

bsam-pa’i ye-shes rgya-mtsho-ste//

mkhas-pa chen- po thams che-ba//

sangs-rgyas-kyi sprul-pa’i sku//

bye-ba dpag- myed ’byed-pa bo//

Rnying-ma Rgyud-bum (1982)

bsam-pa’i ye-shes rgya- mtsho-ste//

mkhas-pa chen-po thabs che-ba//

sangs-rgyas kun-gyi sprul- pa’i sku//

byed-pa dpag-med ’gyed- pa-po//

Note also that the Stein manuscripts, like the Nyingma versions, all omit the Ye-shes-sems-dpa’i Don Dam-pa (Jhanasattvasya Paramartha) from the title. There is a commentary by Lilavajra translated by Smrtijnanaklrti (Peking

DAN MARTIN 185

Kanjur, no. 3356) and a commentary by Vimalamitra translated by Jnanaku- mara (Peking Kanjur, no. 2941). A study of these commentaries should show what version of the text they had available to them. The absence of a large portion of the Peking text also shows that the Nyingma school is giving us a more primitive version of the tantra, since it appears that the Stein manuscript is also lacking this portion.

The only other lengthy tantric work in the Stein collection is a commentary on the Upayapasa Padmamala (Poussin, no. 321), no. 16 above. It is a Maha- yoga tantra with many affinities (ex., the Samadhi and Reflection Mandalas) with the Guhyagarbha and Guhyasamaja tantras. This also should be investi­gated.

If I may only summarize the results of my research on the other tantras in my list which are in both the Peking Kanjur and Rnying-ma Rgyud-bum, but lacking in the Stein collection (i.e., nos. 3, 6 & 12), it was only in the twenty- three chapter version of the Buddhas’ Equal Union Tantra (no. 3) that there were found to be differences which seem to indicate a significant reworking of the text. Since the Nyingma version omits the revisor’s statement, it is possi­ble that the Nyingma preserve the unrevised translation of Smrtijnanaklrti. But Smrtijrianakirti worked in Kham province during the early years of the Second Propagation, making this translation almost too late to be called a Nyingma tantra.19

If only to suggest another avenue for comparative research, one may easily see from the Stein manuscripts that the earlier Tibetans had a different system (or, rather, had no system) for transcribing Indian words. This is seen espe­cially in book titles, mantras and personal names. I suspect, but cannot prove, that this state of affairs existed until after the time of Emperor Ralpacan’s lan­guage standardization in the early ninth century. A good example is the name of the Old Tibetan translator Jnanakumara, the first syllable of which is, in- triguingly, spelled Gnya* (rather than Dznya) in several Tanjur colophons (ex., Peking, nos. 4765, 4769). Compare the spelling of Jnanagarbha in Stein manuscripts: Gnya’-na-gar-ba.20 By looking at the transcription of the long dharanl near the end of the Mahjusrinamasahglti in the Nyingma versions and comparing it with that of the Peking version, the contrast is unmistakable. A similar trend toward standardization is perhaps discernible in western scholar­ship on Tibet.

There are three Indian Masters who each wrote several commentarial works on the Guhyagarbha and who are all said to have been present in Tibet during the time of Emperor Khri srong lde brtsan (756-797 A.D.). Vimalamitra was a younger contemporary of Buddhaguhya and Lilavajra. Table II is offered as a tool for establishing contemporaneity of various Buddhist teachings. Note that the names of Buddhaguhya (Sangs-rgyas-sbas-pa) and Vimalamitra (Bye- ma-la-mu-dra)21 occur in Stein manuscripts (Poussin, nos. 594, 688).

186 THOUGHT

TA B LE II

Buddhaguhya Lllavajra Vimalamitra Poussin

Vajravidarana 3504,3511 (tr.), 3505 , 3506 410-4163750-3755

Guh.yasama.ja 2773, 2776,4791 438

Jambhala 426 (tr.), 4564

Yamantaka 2784, 2867

ManjuSrinama- 3356 2941 112.2.sarigiti 381-382

Vajrasattva 2679

Vajrapanjara 2453 (tr.)

Prajhdpdramita 160 (tr.), 93-126,5214, 5215 (tr.), 170-1785217

Usnisavijaya 3831 322, 348?

Subahupariprcchd 3496

Mahavairocana 3486, 3489Sutra 3490

Durgatipari- 3451, 3461 439, 440sodhana

Dhyanottara 3495Patala

Alchemy 464 (tr.) 437.1?

Other (not classi- 3284, 3324, 2413,4545 5306,5334fied above) 3687, 4528, 5917

4581, 5309,5439, 5449,5693

Guhyagarbha 4722,4731, 4718,4738 , 456 (tr.), 4724,4736,4738, 4741,4744, 4725,4729,4761, 4762 4745, 4748, 4732, 4738,

4763, 4768 4746, 4747,4755, 4759,4764, 4765,4769, 4772,4774 (tr.), 4776,4777, 4780

DAN MARTIN 187

Here is a list of the Tibetan-born translators who worked with each of the three Indian Masters in order of frequency, according to the colophons to the Peking works contained in the chart.

BUDDHAGUHYA

Mañjusrivarman ( = ’ Jam-dpal-go-cha)

Bran-ka Mu-ti (-ta) Dbas Mañjusri

( = Mañjusrivarman?)

LILAVAJRA

Bsod-nams-rgyal-mtshanRdo-rje-grags

VIMALAMITRA

Gnyags Jnanakumara Rin-chen-sde S urendrakaraprabha Nam-mkha’-skyong Ye-shes-snying-po Nam-mkha’ ( = Nam-

mkha’-skyong?)

From the chart it is apparent that the most prolific Indian writers on the Guhyagarbha did not share very many other interests. It is important to note that the Subahupariprccha, which tradition calls a Yoga Tantra (Peking, no. 428), was translated into Chinese by Subhakarasimha in 726 A .D .22 He also translated the Mahavairocana Sutra in 724 A .D .23 The Usnlsavijayd was sev­eral times translated into Chinese. It was translated into Tibetan by Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi and Ye-shes-sde (Peking, no. 198). It is certainly not incon- ceiveable that the other texts and deities were in existence in the last half of the ninth century when these three Indian Masters were apparently active. There is one additional Indian Master who wrote only one commentary, but a very long and important one. His name is *Suryasimhaprabha24 but he is an obscure figure, apparently a contemporary of Vimalamitra.

THE GUHYAGARBHA TANTRA

Now it should be possible to turn to the subject at hand with a somewhat firmer grasp of the historical and literary milieu with which the Guhyagarbha probably did enter Tibet. The colophon of one edition states that there were five ‘translations’ in all; three of them with the help of Indian Masters and two without. The first was by Buddhaguhya and Vairocana, the second by Padma- sambhava and Gnyags Jnanakumara, and the third by Vimalamitra and the two Tibetans Rma Rin-chen-mchog and Gnyags Jnanakumara. There were two proofings of the translation after the Second Propagation by Thar Lo Nyi- ma-rgyal-mtshan25 and the author of the Blue Annals ’Gos Lo-tsâ-ba Gzhon- nu-dpal (1392-1481). The Peking and Derge editions give no translation in­formation in their colophons. The Rnying-ma Rgyud-bum (1982), as noted, gives only the names of Vimalamitra and Jnanakumara. If asked, ’Gos Gzhon-nu-dpal would have shown you his own rather tattered Sanskrit manu­script; also, the Kashmiri Pundit Sàkyaéribhadra found a Sanskrit text of the tantra at Samye.26

188 THOUGHT

Of the Eight Sections o f Illusion (no. 18, my list), the Guhyagarbha (18.1) is by all accounts the most important, the other seven being mostly (excepting 18.2 and 18.7) variations on a theme, containing countless parallel passages. Rdo-rje-gzi-brjid27 lists four sections of Illusion Web: 1) Vajrasattva Illusion Web, 2) Vairocana Illusion Web, 3) Goddess Illusion Web and 4) M anjutriIl­lusion Web, but it is difficult to know which texts he had in mind.28 Still, the name by which the Guhyagarbha is frequently named, Illusion Web, may re­mind us of the Brahma Web Sutta and, I think, with good reason. Lo-chen Dharmafrl draws out the associations of the Tibetan words Sgyu-’phrul Dra- ba , as follows:29

1) Illusion(s) (sgyu-ma) are the elements that appear as illusion.2) Projecting (’phrul-pa) are mental factors (phung-po/skandha).3) Web (dra-ba) is the connectedness of cause and result.

And further:

1) Illusion is insight (shes-rab), objective Realm (Dbyings) and Voidness (Stong-pa-nyid).2) Projecting is method (thabs), Awareness (Rig-pa) and Self-engen- dered Total Knowledge (Rang-byung-gi Ye-shes).

Here we find the classic polarity symbolism of Buddhist Tantra which signi­fies above all, “ the web of the grasped and the grasper” (bzung ’dzin dra- ba),30 the interrelatedness (the causal interdependence) of the objective and subjective spheres. In the Le Lag (no. 18.5) it says,31

Everything that appears in the illusion is nothing other than the Realm of Dharmas . . . Since everything is the unsupported (mi-dmigs-pa) Suchness, it is all the Gesture (Phyag-rgya) of the indivisible Dharma­kaya.

The Dharmakaya is the ultimate value of the subjective sphere32 while the Realm of Dharmas, as the totality of knowables, represents the ultimate value of the objective sphere. In terms of the Path and Goal, the Dharmakaya repre­sents the ‘subject’ devoid of the afflictive emotions due to the mistaken views of ‘personhood’ which falsely color the perception of objects. It is character­ized by Total Knowledge (Ye-shes/Jnana). The Realm of Dharmas represents the ‘object’ of Total Knowledge; the totality of the constituents of apparent existence in space and time, devoid of the false coloring, the obscurations due to knowables. Nondualistically conceived, Total Knowledge and Realm of Dharmas are the two aspects of the ultimate experience of contemplative un­ion (zung-’jug).

As we turn to the first chapter, we must be aware that this tantra entitled Se­cret Source o f All Sutras and Tantras: Suchness Uncompromisingly Pre ­

DAN MARTIN 189

sented33 represents itself to be nothing less. The first chapter is partially para­phrased here with many details omitted:

At the time these words were spoken, the Completely Enlightened Buddha, the personification (bdag-nyid) of the Vajra Body, Speech and Mind of all Tathagatas of the ten directions and the four times, was in None Higher (’Og-min), a Buddhafield without centre or circumference (mtha’ dang dbus med-pa).34 There, within a shining Total Knowledge W heel of immeasurable land, was the Palace (Gzhal-yas-khang/ Vimana) of Blazing Total Knowledge Jewels. Its extent was completely uncut in the ten directions. Because its qualities extended beyond meas­ure, it became square. It was decorated with further projections of Total Knowledge Jewels. The pinnacle was completely encircled by the Total Knowledge of the Single Reality, all the mandalas of the Awakened Ones of the ten directions and four times in a state of undifferentiation . . . There was neither inside nor outside as everything was inside.

Inside were five thrones. On a naked lotus and jewelled cushion sat a form without front or back, a face shining through everything, every­where shining (kun-tu snang-ba) in the various bodies, speeches and minds.

On the five thrones sat the Tathagatas35 Consciousness King, Mental Impression King, Cognition King, Reflexive Response King and Form King. They embraced all the Realm of Dharmas in a nondual way with their Queens Realm of Shining, Realm of Solidity, Realm of Pliability, Realm of Warmth and Realm of Vibration.

Then the Great Awakeners Vajra Sight, Vajra Hearing, Vajra Smelling and Vajra Tasting with their Queens Visuals, Audials, Olfactions and Gustations; the Great Awakeners Vajra Seer, Vajra Hearer, Vajra Smeller and Vajra Taster with their Queens Past, Present, Present Continuative (‘Happening’) and Future;36 the Great Suppressors Vajra Touch, Vajra Toucher, Vajra Tactiles and Vajra Touch Cognition with their Queens Not Eternal, Not Ended, Not Self and Not Classified— and others abided in an assemblage both impossible to verbalize and nondual. This nonduality was as that of a sesame seed and its oil . . . 37

This chapter lays the groundwork for all the discussions contained in the re­mainder of the tantra. This is the literal meaning of the chapter title (gleng- gzhi/nidana). Thus the text is self-consciously providing us with a tool for its interpretation. For my purposes, I would like to underline two major themes: first, the imagery of the Vimana, the Palace of Blazing Total Knowledge Jew­

190 THOUGHT

els; and, secondly, the interplay of the subjective Realm (Vajra Realm/

Vajradhatu) and objective Realm (Realm of Dharmas/Dharmadhatu) as em­

bodied in the imagery of the Kings and Queens, respectively, within the

Vimana. The explication takes us back to the Cause Vehicle38 of the

Mahayana in the time Vajrayana, the Result Vehicle of Mahayana, was devel­oping.

THE PALACE AND WEB IN THE AVATAMSAKA SUTRA

The Avatamsaka Sutra (Sangs-rgyas Phal-po-che), a collection of separate

sutras, provides sufficient acreage for aeons of analysis. Parts of it are very

old. We know that the Gandavyuha Sutra (Sdong-pos Bkod-pa), the most im­

portant for our purposes, was translated into Chinese in the T an g dynasty, in

its most extensive form, in 798 A.D;39 the earliest translation was done in 420 A .D .40 A Tibetan translation was done during the reign of Emperor Ralpacan

(before 835 A.D .).41 The Japanese scholars have already demonstrated the

importance of the Gandavyuha as a source of inspiration for the most impor­tant tantras of the Shingon School, the Vairocanabhisambodhi Sutra and the

Tattvasamgraha. I have decided to see if this approach holds good also for the

Guhyagarbha.

The Gandavyuha is a complex sutra, but with a basic plot which may be

simply outlined:42

1) The Buddha preaches to an assembly of Hearers and Bodhisattvas

(including ManjuSri).2) The main character Sudhana (nor-bzangs) goes to hear the preaching

of the bodhisattva of Wisdom, Manjusri, and conceives the Thought of

Enlightenment (Byang-chub-sems/Bodhicitta).

3) ManjuSri tells him to seek teachers (dge-ba’i-bshes-gnyen/kalya- namitra) and so he sets out to visit one after another until he has studied

with a total of fifty-two.4) He meets the Bodhisattva of Love (Maitreya) at the Tower ‘Heart Decorated with Ornaments Shining Everywhere’ (Khang-pa Brtsegs-pa Rnam-par Snang-mdzad-kyi Rgyan-gyis Brgyan-pa’i Snying-po/ Vairo- canavyuhalamkaragarbho Mahakutagara).5) Finally, Wisdom (ManjuSri) sends him to Total Good (Samantab-

hadra).

There are two places in the sutra where the Palace image takes on a special significance. The first is at the very beginning: The Buddha entered into the samadhi called “ Stretching Lion Samadhi” (Seng-ge Rnam-par Bsgyings-pa/ Simhavijnnbhita) which was “ inconceivable, because equal to the sky, with

DAN MARTIN 191

ornaments shining everywhere in all creatures.” 43 No sooner had he settled

into this samadhi than

A multistoried Palace with great ornaments spread out without centre or

circumference, and a victory banner of indestructible adamant (rdo-rje/

vajra) completely ordered the grounds. A web of all the kings of jewels spread out everywhere filled with individual flowers of various jewels uniformly arranged.44

The Great Hearers (Nyan-thos-pa/Sravaka) Sariputra, Maudgalyayana, MahakaSyapa, etc., did not see the Buddha’s power, blessing, miracles and perfectly pure land. These were the unimaginable objective spheres (yul) of the Bodhisattvas.45 Even though they were present, they did not see these things because they are not action-spheres of Hearers, but of Enlightened Ones. They did not cultivate the Eye of Total Knowledge (i.e., they had wrong ideas about dharmas!). Their imaginations were small (dmigs-pa chung-ngu) and so they did not have the samadhi which would have allowed them to be entered by the vast blessings of the Buddha.46 They are like the hungry ghosts (yi-dags/preta) who go thirsty even though they live by the river Ganges since they perceive the river as dry or filled with ashes . . . 47

To say that the Hearers did not cultivate the Eye of Total Knowledge is the same as saying that they did not accumulate the knowledge (shes-pa) that would counteract the obscurations due to knowables (dharmas) and result in Total Knowledge (Ye-shes/Jnana). Without this Total Knowledge, they were unable to see what the Bodhisattvas could see, the Realm of Dharmas here embodied in the imagery of the jewelled Palace and jewelled Web.

The ‘mandala’ of the Gandavyuha Sutra was not yet a mandala just as the ‘mantras’ were not yet mantras and ‘everywhere shining’ was not yet Vairo- cana. The ‘mandala’ was the circle of light rays issuing from the Total Knowl­edge Body (Ye-shes-kyi Sku) of the Tathagata which illumined all things.48 ‘Everywhere shining’ was a quality of the Tower of Maitreya ( = Realm of Dharmas) which was entered by Sudhana as the culmination of his search for truth. This is why the Chinese retitled the Gandavyuha, “ Entering the Realm of Dharmas.” 49 If ‘everywhere shining’ was not yet a particular Tathagata, still, his special Total Knowledge is present in the Tower Episode,50 the Total Knowledge of the Realm of Dharmas. Likewise, ‘mantra’ (sngags) appears only as an adjunct of medical practice.51

Clearly the Gandavyuha and the rest of the Avatamsaka sutras were not yet tantra, but they certainly could have provided inspiration. Consider the fol­lowing statement in the Gandavyuha in the light of polarity symbolism:

Oh noble son! Skillful Means (Upaya) is the father of Bodhisattvas.The Perfection of Insight (Prajna) is the mother.52

192 THOUGHT

and, on the following page,

The mental factors (phung-po/skandha) are known as ‘illusion.’ . . . The objective spheres (khams/dhatu) and sense bases (skye-mched/ ayatana) are understood as of the nature of the Realm of Dharmas.53

This does not by any means exhaust the many facets of the Gandavyuha that could have inspired the nascent Vajrayana. I would also look here for the ori­gin of the term ‘vajra’ itself. And just as intriguing is the idea that the different names for the Adi-Buddha, Sam antabhadra (Kun-tu-bzang-po) of the Nyingma tradition and Mahavairocana of the Japanese tradition may both stem from this very text.54 In connection with this, a few comments on some later East Asian traditions should not be out of order.

FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS IN EAST ASIA

The same Web imagery became extremely important to the Hua-yen fol­lowers of the Avatamsaka Sutra in China and their counterparts in Korea, the Hwaom School, and the Kegon School in Japan as an illustration of the interpenetration of universal and particular55 which finds frequent expression in the Gandavyuha, for example: “ The Tathagatas can see the reflection of the entire Realm of Dharmas in a single, extremely subtle mote.’’56 At one point the Buddha displayed his miracles by plucking a hair from the Tatha- gata’s foot. The hair became a single web of light in the Realm of Dharmas in all directions.57 The famous metaphor of the jewelled Web is too well known to treat here. I ask the reader to read about it in the new book by Thomas Cleary, Entry into the Inconceivable.58

The Hua-yen made the connection between Realm of Dharmas and interde­pendent origination explicit by forming a compound of the two terms. This compound may have been coined by the second Patriarch Chih-yen (602-668 A .D .).59 But, as Robert Gimello points out, the interdependent origination was considered less as a “ model of continuing bondage’’ and more as a liber­ating vision.60 It is the objective sphere of the Buddha Himself which is avail­able to all since it “ shines everywhere.’’

The first Korean Patriarch of the Hwa6m School, Uisang (625-702), al­ready had laid out the Dharmadhatu in the form of a diagram called the “ Ocean Seal’’ after the name of the samadhi experienced by Sudhana when he entered the Tower of Maitreya and perceived the interpenetration of uni­versal and particular. This diagram was quite famous also in China. In the twenty-eighth verse of his auto-commentary on the Seal, he says,

One adorns the Dharmadhatu,Like a real palace of jewels.61

DAN MARTIN 193

The Hua-yen even developed, on the basis of the Avatamsaka, a theory of the Path-conceived-as-web where every particular moment of the Path inter­

penetrates with the whole of the Path such that the Goal is present at the outset

and the outset is present at the time of the Goal. The moments in the Path to

Enlightenment exist only in a state of interdependence.62 I suggest that such ideas must be behind the Vajrayana’s claim to bring results without accumula­tion causes, the reason why Vajrayana is called the Result Vehicle (’Bras-bu’i Theg-pa).63

When the founder of Japanese Vajrayana, Kukai, returned from China in 806 A .D ., he brought with him two charts; one of the Realm of Dharmas (the Garbhakosadhatu Mandala, or Taizokai) representing the objective sphere, and another of the Realm of Vajra (Vajradhatu or Kongokai) representing the subjective sphere of Buddha.64 At some point previous to this, perhaps hundreds of years earlier, the typical mandala had taken on the architectural features of the Palace65 with moats full of threatening elements and grave­yards; and four gateways, each with their turgid and fear-inspiring protective deities, contrasting with the peacefulness and pure colors of the inner sanctu­ary. With these roughly contemporary developments in East Asian Buddhism as a backdrop, we may return to the scene-setting chapter with a clearer idea of the Buddhist nature of the drama taking place in the Guhyagarbha

THE PALACE IN THE GUHYAGARBHA COMMENTARY BY SURYASIMHAPRABHA66

Suryasimhaprabha’s commentary begins with the life of Gautama Buddha, explaining, incidentally, the reason why Mahayoga tantras are able to speak of thirteen Bodhisattva Levels (Sa/Bhumi). After the Buddha reached the tenth Level, he formed a Dharma Body (Chos Sku/Dharmakaya)— the elev­enth Level, from which the Perfect Assets Body (Longs-spyod Rdzogs Sku/ Sambhogakaya) and Manifestation Body (Sprul Sku/Nirmanakaya) made their descent— the twelfth and thirteenth Levels. The Guhyagarbha calls these: 11) Kun-tu-’od, 12) Padma-can, and 13) Yi-ge-’khor-lo-tshogs-chen.

Then he tells the story that, while the Buddha was practicing austerities at the Nairanjana River, his Total Knowledge Body went to the Buddhafield None Higher (’Og-min) and emanated a Teacher to preach the classes of the Tattvasamgraha and other yogic Mahayana scriptures to Vajrapani on the peak o f Mount Meru (Ri-rab). Later, Vajrasattva came to the mansion (khangs-bzangs) of the sleeping King Indrabhuti in South India. King Indra- bhuti woke from his dreams to see Vajrasattva standing there in a mandala of light. Vajrasattva gave him the secret initiations and taught him the secret tantras, including the Guhyagarbha,

194 THOUGHT

Two hundred and eight years after the Buddha’s enlightenment, Kukuraja, a monk and sadhaka (grub-pa-po), was preaching to his followers who were dogs by day and goddesses by night. He had the Dpal 'Phreng Dam-pa , the Guhyasamaja, and Guhyagarbha tantras in his possession, but did not under­stand them. He searched daily for their meaning and at night he wound him­self in pure cloth and put himself in a jewelled box. Finally, he had a dream where his house became the house of Vajrasattva. He understood the tantras. When he woke up, Vajrasattva was no longer there, but he sat himself down to write his commentary on the Dpal ’Phreng Dam-pa. Now that he was able to teach Tantra, his problem was to find someone capable of receiving these teachings. So, he searched in a state of contemplation, finding King Indra- bhuti. The history ends with the statement that, according to the writings of Orgyan, “ Indrabhuti had died by that time. So he gave the teachings to his son Shakya-pu-ti.” Shakya-pu-ti transmitted the teachings to his daughter ’Gu-na-de-byi (GunadevI?). “ Of them it is also said, T heir audience was a thousand and a thousand flew (’khor stong stong ’phur)’.”

Then the commentator immediately moves on (p. 2-1-4) to the subject of the five Perfections (Phun-sum-tshogs-pa Lnga) that “ go at the head of all tantras.” The first two of these will become important for our later discus­sion. The five he lists are:

1) Teacher (Ston-pa).2) Place (Gnas).3) Transmission (Rgyud).4) Compiler (Sdud-pa).5) Audience ( ’Khor).

Other sources have different lists of the Five Perfections, most including the Time when the teachings were give. Here he discusses the Five Perfections ac­cording to the Lesser Vehicle, the Sutra Vehicle (i.e. Mahayana); the Kriya, Yoga and Maha-yoga Tantras. These are the identifications he gives for the Maha-yoga Tantras:

1) Teacher— Total Good (Kun-tu-bzang-po).2) Place— the two lands of None Higher, that of Nature (Rang-bzhin) and that of Awareness (Rig-pa).3) Transmission— the first words of all the sutras and tantras which guarantee their authentic transm ission, the “ Evam maya ¿rutam ekasmin samaye.” (The opening words of the Guhyagarbha are a little different. He will discuss this point later.)4) Compiler— Vajrapani.5) Audience— Samaya (sattva), Vajra (sattva), etc., Goddess, Supreme Bliss (Bde Mchog), etc.

Then, after a long discussion of the necessity (dgos-pa) for the tantra and the necessity for that necessity (dgos-pa’i yang dgos-pa), Suryasimhaprabha

DAN MARTIN 195

is at last ready to begin his explanation of the twenty-two chapters of the

Guhyagarbha according to his guru’s precepts (p. 3-2-3). He says that while

other tantras begin with the question of a personage in the audience and then

the Teacher’s response, this is not so in the present case. Because, for the pur­pose of this tantra, the Teacher is absolutely indistinguishable from the oppor­tunity (gnas-skabs, “ moment” in the Path to Enlightenment) of the Nature

(Rang-bzhin) Great Perfection, there is no distinction between questioner and Teacher.

Then the commentator runs through an outline of the twenty-two chapters

and comes back to the beginning (p. 3-5-7) to explain why the opening words

which show the Perfection of Transmission, are different from the usual. The

Guhyagarbha begins, “ At the time of the teaching of these words . . . ” (’di

skad bshad-pa’i dus-na) instead of the almost universal, “ These words (were) at one time heard by me” (’di skad bdag-gis thos-pa dus gcig-na). He notes

(4-1-3) that in this tantra there is no ‘hearing’ (thos-pa) because there is no ‘self’ (bdag) and goes on to explain that the use of these words would have vi­

olated the spirit of the tantra, but further, that we should accept this explana­tion as only the finger pointing at the moon and not the moon itself (4-2-2).

This may be an important part of the elephant, but such small statements of

the Guhyagarbha are only indicators of the real ‘elephant’ it is trying to pres­

ent us with in a fuller picture— the Nature Great Perfection in which all the dharmas are from the very beginning buddhaized. He then says that all of the

other words that are included in the opening statement are also, in the ultimate analysis, incompatible with the teachings of the tantra.

But then he re-analyzes the same words according to their deep significance (4-3-8). The original Sanskrit word Evam , which is the first word of all sutras

and tantras, is divided into two syllables, E and Vam:

E = triangle/place of origin of the Dharma/dharmas (chos)/the womb ofthe Total Good Female (Kun-tu-bzang-mo)/the lotus of the mother.Vam = the nature of the Vajra Lord Total Good.67

These are further identified with the Place of the teaching and the Teacher re­spectively, the first two of the Five Perfections previously discussed. Then the remaining parts of the opening statement are likewise identified with the last three Perfections.

The Teacher, Samantabhadra, is discussed (pp. 5-1 to 6-1). He is identified with the Vajra Body, Speech and Mind of all the Tathagatas of all time and space together with the bodies, speeches and minds of all creatures of all time and space. He is equivalent to the Dharmakaya (5-1-2, ff.).68 Lllavajra gives very interesting explanation of Total Good in his commentary to the words which open the second chapter of the Guhyagarbha:

196 THOUGHT

BHAGAVAN PRODUCER VAJRA MIND TOTAL GOOD . . . 69 The MIND (yid) is the owner of both temporal conceptualizing and To­tal Knowledge and is therefore the PRODUCER (byed-pa-po) of both samsara and nirvana. Because completely critical people will see this and assert that the mind is itself a product of causes and conditioning, it is further specified as VAJRA mind; ‘Vajra’ because what is not com­pounded is neither produced nor destroyed. Since the Thatness (De- nyid) appears by itself without looking for it, it is all just Total Knowl­edge and there is nothing that is considered to be expendible. That is why it is called TOTAL GOOD.70

Those words from the second chapter are immediately followed by a descrip­tion of the feminine counterpart of Total Good:

. . . ENTERED INTO THE QUEEN PRODUCTS DHARMAS TO­TAL GOOD WOMAN.71

But SQryasimhaprabha’s commentary continues (p. 6-2-7):

When it says, ‘(the Teacher) dwells in the land of None Higher which is without centre or circumference,’ it is speaking primarily on the extent of the objective sphere Realm of Dharmas.72

The actuality of the Dharmadhátu is what is meant by ‘Palace’: “ Because it is the actuality of the Realm of Dharmas, it is called ‘Palace.’ ’’ (11-5-7)73 “ Be­cause the Dharmaity is by nature pure, so all the special ornaments, like shapes placed near to a crystal, are unobscured and clear.’’ (12-2-3)74 The Palace is “ without inside or outside since all is inside,’’ says the first chapter of the Guhyagarbha. Süryasimhaprabha explains this with the simile of the crystal and the images reflected within it (8-1-1).

This should be sufficient to establish the basic messages behind the im­agery. The other details of the symbolism, the meaning of the four doors, etc., I have glossed over here and in my paraphrase translation. These archi­tectural symbols have already been dealt with elsewhere.75 But before leaving the commentary, I would like to mention a few points relevant to my earlier discussions. In the first section of the commentary (as summarized above) only five other tantras are directly cited. They are: 1) The Tattvasamgraha, a Yoga Tantra, on p. 4-4-8, etc. 2) The Mahávairo-canábhisambodhi, which this text calls an Ubhaya (Gnyi-ga) Tantra, on pp. 5-3-6. 8-1-4, etc. 3) The Byi-ma-ha-dza-la Tantra which I cannot yet identify, pp. 10-1-7, 11-2-1. 4) The Guhyasamája, a Mahá-yoga Tantra, p. 6-4-5. I would also like to point out his treatment of the eighteen dhátus (p. 7-1-6) and of the sixty-two hereti­cal views (p. 11-2-2) which, as we know, originated in the Brahma Web Sutta .

DAN MARTIN 197

‘FIRST WORDS’ AND A LATER DEVELOPMENT IN CENTRAL ASIA

Just as the most important word of the Hebrew scriptures for the medieval

Kabbalist was the very first word of Genesis, so, I suggest, was the first word

of the sutras considered in the very beginning of Vajrayana. By unlocking the mysteries of this single word, it was believed that all the words of the revealed scripture would yield their hidden messages. In turn, all these hidden mes­sages could be reintegrated back into the first word because, in an arational but still somehow sensible manner, the revealed scripture which contained all that it was necessary to know for the believer was identified with the universe in such a way that each and every letter of the scripture represented something particular in the universe, something that had to do with a special quality of the letter itself; the way it reverberated when spoken, a numerical value as­signed to it, the associations of the words in which the letter was contained, etc. This is the magical power of sound as it is religiously, and not just literarily or magically conceived. It supports, affirms or underlies, however one may wish to phrase it, the entire realm of religious thought in each respec­tive culture— Taoist, Islamic, Christian, Judaic, etc.— where it has taken root. To some degree this feeling is still present when we read or hear poetry. We need to experience this attitude a little in order to appreciate what is hap­pening in the figure reproduced below.

The diagram is taken from the late Gelukpa author Klong-rdol Bla-ma (1719-1794).76 It is meant to illustrate the union of E as the Place of the teach­ing with Vam, the Teacher. Its ultimate literary source is a passage in the Manjusrinamasahgiti,11 a passage which was alluded to in the first nine sylla­

bles of the second verse of the Central Asian Kalacakra Tantra. This is made clear by the author of the Vimalaprabhd78 and all subsequent Kalacakra com­mentators. A charting of all the various correspondences integrated in the fig­ure would be subject for a full-blown dissertation on the truly astounding cos­mology presented in the Kalacakra, something scholars and the world at large have rarely found the courage to face, but which could enormously illumine our knowledge of, for instance, the history of science. The same sort of inte­gration lies behind the Shingon’s use of the letters A and Vam in their two mandalas when they are represented as the Dharma-mandalas, where these letters represent Mahavairocana in the objective and subjective spheres re­spectively.79

CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS FOR OTHER APPROACHES

With all that said and done, it seems that I have said and done very little. One may receive the impression that Mahayana and its younger brother Vajrayana are essentially conservative entities. If so, that is exactly what I had

198 THOUGHT

The Six Empty Spot Letters (The Place of the Teaching)

West, dentals, earth, fifth.

South, cere­

brals ,

fire,

third.

N

\

Above, gutturals,sky,

first.

East, palatals

air, second.

North,• labials

water,

fourth.

Below,

#sibilants

gnosis,

sixth.

EVAM VAM

v U l,The six k

classes of con­

sonants toge­

ther forming

the letter A in

Vartula script.

The 29 consonants

of Means and the

18 vowels of In-

sight

joined

toge­

ther

form

E-VAMin

Vartula script.

Also denotes the

extremely subtle

conjunction of

Thought and Breath.

The

vowels"

combined in the symbol of

the 5 letters of

Great Void for­

ming the letter

VAM in Vartula

script.

The Five Letters of the Great Void (The Buddha as Teacher)

West, 1, earth, fifth

shape " of a plow

share.

South,

r, third,

5hape of

crescent

North, u, water,

fourth, shape of

a dot. :

z:Centre, unpronounced seed

of the sky, first, shape

Z 7 oicurved knife.

moon.East, e*, air, second,

shape of a stick.

DAN MARTIN 199

hoped to say in answer to the scholars with visions of yoginis dancing in their heads or with suspicions of alien religious ideas creeping in. I don’t deny the existence of sexuality and heterodoxy in Buddhist tantras. I only think that these aspects that are likely to provoke prurient and scholastic interest have so far blinded western science to the vital Buddhist issues that inspired Vajrayana’s emergence. If I have answered few of the pressing concerns of historically-minded scholars, I have still tried carefully to keep the idea of his­torical development in mind. If I have not managed to formulate a clear typol­ogy of Realm of Dharmas, etc., for the literary critics, it is partly because of the ‘progressive’ nature of the sources. For example, in the higher reaches of Rdzogs-chen thought, the Dharmadhatu loses its relation to the objective sphere and becomes absolutely synonymous with Bodhicitta.80

I believe this general approach will also throw light on that most dazzlingly transcendent of all Nyingma tantras, the All Making King (Kun Byed Rgyal- /?<?).81 It is true that All Making (Kun Byed) is an epithet of Brahma; not the Brahma of the Hindus, however, but rather the Brahma of the cosmic trap in the Brahma Web Sutta, a trap which, it must be remembered, can at the same time be a liberating vision— the Buddha’s own vision, in fact. To the sophisti­cated and uncompromisingly presented (nges don) vision of Rdzogs-chen, the mistaken appearances (’khrul snang) of the world and the unmistaken appear­ance which is beyond the world (mya-ngan-las-’das) are indistinguishable in terms of the substantiality (ngo-bo-nyid) of their respective dharmas.82 This is the truly strange realm of thought in which the All Making King, the Aware­ness Self-dawned (Rig-pa Rang-shar) and other Ati-yoga tantras move. It is a context in which serious assertion of the existence of a creator god has been a priori ruled out. But it is, after all, not so far removed from the realm of thought of the Vajra Cutter Sutra, “ Void is form. Form itself is void.’’

If I may close with the questions that opened the present inquiries, I think that a study of the development of the thirteen (and sixteen) Bodhisattva Levels and the Nine Vehicle concept will further refine our sense of the Guhyagarbha's place in Buddhist history. Both the Levels and the Vehicles have gradually increased in number over time. The case of the Vehicles is most easily traced. The Mahjuirlnamasahglti and most of the Mahay ana sutras have three. The Avatamsaka Sutra hints at five and its Hua-yen follow­ers definitely listed five. The Guhyagarbha has five and its commentarial lit­erature quickly developed nine. The Bonpo have nine. The Taoist alchemists in the Sung period spoke of thirteen. In the latter four cases, the final and ulti­mate Vehicle was called the Supreme Single Vehicle, either directly or indi­rectly going back to the Lotus Sulra for the inspiration.83 This is the sort of thing I would consider pressing research if we are ever to be able to feel his­torical in the face of the tantras.

200 THOUGHT

NOTES

1. Poussin, Catalogue (p. 194, no. 619). See Tibetan text A .

2. Perhaps the most clear statement may be found in Kiyoga, Gedatsukai (pp. 52-55). But

see also Takasaki, ‘Dharmata’ (p. 914 f f . , 918); Kawada, ‘Dharmadhatu’ (p. 863); Grosnick,

‘The Understanding of “ Dhatu” ’ (p .3 l).

3. This has already been done in the works cited in note 2.

4. For some works on the Brahma Jala , see the index to Hastings, Encyclopedia o f Religion

and Ethics. A summary of the sutta by Bandula Jayawardhana may be found in Malalesekera

(ed.), Encyclopedia o f Buddhism (vol. 3, pp. 310-311). For my summary I have relied on both

the English translation in Bennett, Long Discourses (vol. 1, pp. 13, 46 ff.) and the Tibetan trans­

lation in the Kanjur (Peking , vol. 40, no. 1021) called the Tshangs-pa'i D ra-ba’i Mdo. The East

Asian scholars seem to be confused as to the origins of this sutta, some saying it is a Chinese

product of the fourth century. Perhaps the Chinese and Japanese versions differ significantly from

the Pali, but I have been able to find no clear statement on this point. The Tibetan translation

seems identical to the Pali version. See also de Groot, ‘The Code of the Mahayana in China’;

Warder, Indian Buddhism (pp. 141-150); Weller, ‘Das Brahmajalasutra.’

5. The full text is given in Tibetan text B (Peking, vol. 40, no. 1021, p. 287-2-1 ff.).

6. This is the upper level within the Second Dhyana (Bsam-gtan Gnyis-pa) within the Form

Realm (Gzugs-kyi Khams) in the cosmology universal to Buddhists. Another sutta in the Digha

Nikdya tells how all the beings in this world period descended from the Clear Light Realm and

how society subsequently evolved (Warder, Indian Buddhism p. 158 ff.).

7. See Sopa, Practice &. Theory (pp. 118, 127) where this seems to be a special tenet of the

Cittamatrins and Yogacarya-svatantrikas. The Prasanga approach, however, differs only in subtle

details (ibid., p. 140 ff.). and these statements may, therefore, be considered universal to

Mahayana.

8. Kawada, ‘Dharmadhatu’ (p. 865).

9. For these, see Buddhaghosa, Path o f Purification (p. 552); Conze, Buddhist Thought (p.

95); Stcherbatsky, The Central Conception (p. 7 ff.); Takasaki, ‘Dharmata’ (p. 916 ff.); Kawada,

‘Dharmadhatu’ (p. 859 ff.); O ’Brien, ‘A Chapter on Reality’ (pp. 245-6, notes).

10. In the preceding note, especially Kawada and Takasaki. O ’Brien (op. cit., p. 247, note)

insists on two meanings of ‘Dharmadhatu.’ One is the plurality of dharmas; the other, an equiva­

lent of Suchness (Tathata). This apparent ambiguity needs to be kept in mind, but I suggest that

these two meanings are frequently merged. A total picture of the dharmas may be equivalent to

the apprehension of Suchness, Voidness, Dharmata, etc.

11. A work by Herbert Guenther on the Guhyagarbha is in press at the time of writing. Out­

side the Tibetan language, little scholarship on the subject has been done, but see especially

Ruegg, Life ofBu-ston (p. 68) and Karmay, ‘A Discussion’ (p. 148). Csoma de Kdros was, inci­

dentally, the first European to recognize the existence of this tantra.

12. For example, see ’Jam-dpal-dgyes-pa’i-rdo-rje, “ Gsang ’Grel Phyogs B cu’i Mun Sel-gyi

Spyi Don: ’Od-gsal Sny ing-po” (p. 214). This is a subcom m entary to one o f the three

Guhyagarbha commentaries by Klong-chen-pa. For Vehicles, see Tsuda, ‘Classification of

Tantras’ and Zhe-chen Padma-mam-rgyal, Snga-'gyur Theg D g u i Tshogs Bshad. The fact that

M aha, Anu-, and Ati-yoga were considered sub-classifications of Yoga by various teachers is dis­

cussed in the early commentary by Rong-zom-pa, Rgyud Rgyal . (p. 58.2 ff.). My outline

omits the mysterious Yang-ti and Spyi-ti categories of Ati-yoga.

13. The story of how the teaching o f the Maha-yoga tantras became known among men: The

Lord of Ceylon (Lang-ka’i Dbang-po) wrote the words of the tantras with lapis lazuli ink on gol­

den paper. The king o f a kingdom neighboring the kingdom of Za-hor called A-par-tha-mu

(Khetsun Sangpo, Biographical D ictionary, vol. 1, p. 944) whose name was King Dza had seven

DAN MARTIN 201

dreams. In the fifth dream, a transparent boy made of dark jewels without inside or outside fell on

the top o f his palace like a meteor depositing many volumes of books written with lapis lazuli on

gold. In the sixth, he dreamed that countless gods, goddesses, Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and sages

praised the volumes and circumambulated them. In the seventh, he received a prophecy from the

clouds promising that he would receive the teachings contained in the books. After telling others

of his dreams, he went to the top of his palace and found the books exactly as they had appeared

in his dreams. (Paraphrased ffom Zur-’tsho, Zur , vol. 1, pp. 8-12). The human lineage then had

both a ‘close’ (nye) and ‘distant’ (ring) transmission. Close transmission: Kukuraja (Ku-ku-ra-

tsa), King Indrabhuti (In-dra-bu-ti), Sing-nga Uparaja (U-pa-ra-tsa), his daughter Gomasala

(M go-m a-sa-la), Buddhaguhya and, finally, Vimalamitra. Distant transm ission : Gomasala

(above), Sakyasutrin (Shakya-su-tri), Thub-pa D za-ha-shi, Vajrahasa (Rdo-rje-gzhad-pa),

Humkara (Hum-ka-ra), Humkaravajra (Hum-mdzad-rdo-rje), Brahmin Surya (Nyi-ma), Tig-na-

gar-pa, Buddhaguhya and, finally, Vimalamitra (Zur-’tsho, Z ur,vol. 1, p. 15). This should be

compared to the variant Maha-yoga lineages found in Ngag-dbang-blo-bzang-rgya-mtsho, Thob-

yig (vol. 2, pp. 363.3 ff., 374). The story of how Kukuraja was invited by King Indrabhuti (King

Dza) to come and give the initiation relevant to the Maha-yoga texts has been told by Kanaoka in

the article, ‘Kukuraja.’ He extracts ffom the Prajndpdramita commentary by Jnanamitra (early

9th century? See Padma-dkar-po, “ Chos-’byung” , p. 313.2; Khetsun Sangpo, Op. cit., vol. 1,

pp. 900, 906 ff.) a story of how Kukuraja initiated the King of Za-hor into the teachings o f the

Buddhasamayoga Tantra (no. 3 on my list below) and the other Maha-yoga tantras. Kanaoka

makes the mistake o f confusing Kukuraja (author of Peking , nos. 2536-2543, all Buddhasa-

m dyoga texts) with K ukkuripada (K u-ku-ri-pa) who taught to M arpa the G reat Illusion

(Mahamdya) Tantra (author of Peking , nos. 2499-2503 and perhaps also 3233-3234). This Great

Illusion Tantra , like the Hevajra and Kalacakra tantras, is strictly a Second Propagation phenom­

enon.

Taranatha reports that the Guhyasamdja, Buddhasamayoga and Mdydjala tantras appeared in

the period o f the Brahmin Rahulabhadra (Sgra-gcan-’dzin-bzang-po). See Taranatha, History o f

Buddhism (pp. 102-3); Khetsun Sangpo, Biographical Dictionary (vol. 1, 249-250, 550-1, 571-

2; vol. 3 , pp. 26-7). There are several teachers by the name Rahulabhadra, one of the others be­

longing to the Sudra caste. If, as it seems, this Rahulabhadra is the one who taught Nagaijuna

(Warder, Indian Buddhism , pp. 374-5; Blue A nnals, pp. 35, 344), then Taranatha is claiming an

early date indeed for these tantras!

14. See Zur-’tsho Dkon-mchog-tshul-khrims, “ Lo-rgyus Mu-tig Phren-ba” (Zur, vol. 1, p.

14). A history written in 1557 gives a somewhat varying list (Mkhyen-rab-rgya-mtsho, Sangs-

rgyas Bstan-pa’i Chos-’byung , pp. 38-9,97 ff.) which is reflected in Crystal M irror (vol. 5, pp.

198-9). The contents do not essentially differ. The list given by Klong-chen-pa in his history writ­

ten in 1362 is very close to mine. See Klong-chen-pa, Chos-’byung (vol. 1, pp. 378-9). The even

earlier history by Nyang-ral Nyi-ma-’od-zer (1124-1192), the Chos-’byung Me-tog Snying-po

Sbrang-rtsi’i Bcud (p. 163.4), gives a similar list. See also Khetsun Sangpo, Biographical D ic­

tionary (v o l.l, p. 954).

15. Kanaoka (p. 467). See also note 13, above.

16. Peking Kanjur (vol. 77, no. 3471).

17. Eastman, ‘The Eighteen Tantras’ (p. 96).

18. See Sakai, ‘Adi-Buddha’ in Malalasekera (ed.), Encyclopedia o f Buddhism (vol. 1, p.

216).

19. See Khang-dkar Tshul-khrims-skal-bzang, Byams Zhus L e ’u ’i 'Phros Don (pp. 38-40), a

recent work with footnotes. Therein the Tun Huang text of the Guhyasamdja is discussed. Mr.

Khang-dkar concludes that we should now consider it an “ Old Translation,” defining that as any

translation done up to and including the translating activities of Smrtijnanakirti. This is the defini­

tion I have settled for in this paper. It should be remembered that the only point of controversy is

202 THOUGHT

the validity of the Nyingma Inner Method Tantras (i.e., the Maha-, Anu- and Ati-yoga Tantras)

and not the Old Translation of sutras and Outer Capability Tantras which were all accepted into

the Kanjur. Within the 250 year period in which Old Tantra translations could have been going

on, it will be very difficult to accurately determine what happened when.

20. It was suggested by Professor D. Seyfort Ruegg of Seattle (Bloomington: April, 1984) that

this transcription may reflect an actual Middle Indian pronunciation. If so, the development may

be described as a shift away from phonetic representation toward true transliteration. For Gnya’-

na-gar-ba, see Yamaguchi, A Catalogue (pt. 2, p. 75). See also the peculiar spellings of Vimala-

mitra’s name in the following note.

21. See Walter, “ The Role of Alchemy” (p. 188, no. 46), where this eccentric spelling for

Vimalamitra’s name is discussed. Walter has translated parts of an alchemical cycle connected

with the Maha-yoga tantra denoted by no. 10 of my list— which is most likely the tantra found in

Rnying-ma Rgyud-’bum (1973, vol. 18, pp. 449-567). See Peking (no. 464; vol. 10, pp. 167-2 to

174-5) for the work on which his study is based. I believe that the form of the name of Vimala-

mitra found in the Tun Huang document as well as another spelling, Ba-ye-ma-la-mu-tra, repre­

sent native Tibetan ‘readings’ of the name, probable dating from early times. Both forms are dis­

cussed in a recent Nyingma history by Ngag-dbang-blo-gros (Chos-’byung Ngo-mtshar Gtam-gyi

Rol M tsho, vol. 1, p. 239.7 ff.). There are often said to have been an earlier and a later Vimala-

mitra in Tibet and there was also one who probably never went to Tibet (Warder, Indian Bud­

dhismi, p. 472).

22. Nakamura, Indian Buddhism (p. 318).

23. Matsunaga, ‘A History of Tantric’ (p. 177).

24. Roerich, Blue Annals (pp. 108, 158). See below.

25. A teacher of Bu-ston, but see Roerich, Blue Annals (p. 104).

26. Roerich, ibid. (pp. 103-4).

27. Rdo-ije-gzi-brjid is the name with which Klong-chen-pa signed all of his Guhyagarbha

works. See Rdo-rje-gzi-brjid, “Dpal Gsang-ba’ iSnying-po D e-kho-na-nyidNges-pa’iRgyud-kyi

’Grel-pa: Phyogs Bcu’i Mun-pa Thams-cad Rnam-par Sel-ba” (p. 10). Tibetan text C. An index/

history to the Rnying-ma Rgyud-’bum by ’Gyur-med-tshe-dbang-mchog-gmb of Kah-thog written

in 1797 quotes from the Guhyasamaja commentary by the Indian teacher ViSvamitra in which the

first and other chapters of the Guhyagarbha, are cited. This Guhyasamaja commentary has long

been put forward by Nyingma apologists as a proof of the existence of the Guhyagarbha in India.

This needs investigation. See Rnying-ma Rgyud-’bum (1973, vol. 18, p. 448.1); Roerich, Blue

Annals (p. 103).

28. I would provisionally identify Klong-chen-pa’s four sections as follows: 1) No. 18.1 on

my list (and possibly others). 2) Peking , no. 102. 3) no. 18.6 on my list. 4) no. 18.2 on my list.

The words “ Illusion Web Tantras” occur in a Stein ms. (Poussin, no. 332). It is also the name of

a Vairocana Tantra (Peking, no. 102, commentary— no. 3336) and what appears to be a Thera-

vada sutta (Peking, no. 954). In the text of the just mentioned Vairocana Tantra, Vairocana is

addressed as “ Illusion W eb” (Peking, vol. 4, p. 149-4-8). Samantabhadra is already cast in the

role of Adi Buddha (p. 150-1-2) even though this ought to be a tantra of the Carya or Yoga

classes . “ Illusion W eb” appears in the long list o f epithets o f ManjuSri in the M ahju-

irinamasahgiti (Raghu Vira, ed ., Kalacakra-Tantra and Other Texts, pt. 1, p. 34, verse 161).

29. Lo-chen DharmaSri, “Dpal Gsang-ba’i Snying-po De-kho-na-nyid Nges-pa’i Rgyud-kyi

’Grel-pa: Gsang-bdag Dgongs Rgyan” (p. 13). Tibetan texts D and E.

30. See Buddhaguhya’s work Lam Rnam-par Bkod-pa (Peking, no. 4736; vol. 83, p. 106-2-

5). According to Rong-zom-pa, R g yu d R g ya l . . . (p. 38.3), the view which identifies the objec­

tive and subjective spheres as the external and internal pratityasam utpada belongs to the

DAN MARTIN 203

Yogacarins and the yoga practitioners among the Madhyamika followers (m al-’byor sbyor-ba’i

Dbu-ma-pa-dag).

31. Rnying-ma Rgyud-’bum {1982, vol. 20, p. 486.7). Tibetan text F .

32. Takasaki, ‘Dharmata’ (p. 910).

33. This rendering is according to the explanation of Suryasimhaprabha (Peking , no. 4719;

vol. 83, pp. 2-5-1 ff.).

34. Compare the use of this phrase in the Gandavyuha in citation below. The phrase “ Realm

of Dharmas without centre or circumference“ occurs many times in the Gandavyuha (for exam­

ple, Derge Kanjur, vol. 38, =Phal-chen Nga-pa, p. 582.2).

35. All the commentaries identify the “ deities” with well known Buddhist deities. For exam­

ple, the five Tathagatas are the usual five Tathagatas; the “ Great Awakeners Vajra Sight,” etc.,

are Ksitigarbha, AkaSagarbha, AvalokiteSvara and Vajrapani, and so on.

36. 1 suspect that these unusual “ four times” are derived from a phrase frequently employed

in the Gandavyuha to express the usual idea of “ three tim es.” See, for example, Derge Kanjur

(vol. 38, =Phal-chen Nga-pa, p. 623.2): ’das-pa dang ma-byon-pa dang/ da-ltar byung-ba’i

sangs-rgyas thams-cad kyang ’di-las byung-ngo/.

37. The same simile is used in an identical context in the opening chapter of the Guhyasamdja

Tantra CPeking , no. 81) and also in the opening chapter of the Vairocanabhisambodhi Sutra

(Tsuda, ‘A Critical Tantrism*, p. 198).

38. Rgyu’i Theg-pa as contrasted to ‘Bras-bu’i Theg-pa, means the sutra approach of accumu­

lating causes in order to get the desired result. The Diamond Vehicle claims to obtain results

through the results themselves.

39. Kao, ‘Avatamsaka Sutra’ (p.436).

40. Ib id . (p. 435).

41. Kao, ‘Avatamsaka Sutra ' (p.437). But note that Padma-’phrin-las (Bka’-ma M do D bang ,

p. 39.6) says that it was translated by Mkhan-po Bodhisattva (Santiraksita) and Ye-shes-sde. This

would place it in the reign of Khri-srong-lde-brtsan. Students of Hua-yen will find the editor’s

colophon by the monk Bkra-shis-dbang-phyug found at the end of the version in the Derge

Kanjur (vol. 38, = Phal-chen Nga-pa, pp. 723-5) very interesting. He notes that different Tibetan

translations have different numbers of volumes (bam-po). Some tell of a 130 volume version. The

Tshal-pa Kanjur version has 115. The Ldan-dkar-ma catalogue gives 127. He says that Surendra-

b o d h i an d V a i r o c a n a r a k s i t a u sed th e C h in e s e v e rs io n s o f B y a n g -c h u b -b z a n g -p o

(?Buddhabhadra?, lived 359-429) and Dga’-ba (?$lk§ananda?, lived 652-710). He mentions a

Hwa-shang Thu-thu-zhun whom we ought to identify as the first Hua-yen Patriarch Tu Shun

(558-640) and notes that one Dbus-pa Sangs-rgyas-’bum (Khetsun Sangpo, Biographical D ic­

tionary , vol. 3, p. 502) studied the Avatamsaka with the Hwa-shang Gying-ju (?). Then he gives

a partial lineage for the Indian transmission saying that Ba-ri- Lo-tsa-ba studied it with Rdo-rje-

gdan-pa (Vajrasanapada). Mchims Brtson-seng and Rje-btsun Sa-skya-pa Chen-po also received

the Indian transmission. He says that he based his own edition on the Tshal-pa Kanjur, noting that

most copies are full o f archaisms (brda-mying) and many times there are old and new words

mixed together. Finally, note that parts of the Tibetan Avatamsaka are in the Stein collection

(Poussin, nos. 130-148, etc.).

42. There are clear summaries in Cleary, Entry into the Inconceiveable (pp. 4 ff..) and

Warder, Indian Buddhism (pp. 424-429).

43. D erge Kanjur (vol. 37, = Phal-chen Ga-pa, p. 556). Tibetan text G.

44. Ibid. (p. 556). Tibetan text H.

45. Ibid. (p. 579).

46. Ibid. (p. 582).

47. Ibid. (p. 584).

48. Ibid. (pp. 185-6).

204 THOUGHT

49. Kao, 'Avatamsaka Sutra’ (p. 435).

50. Derge Kanjur (vol. 38, =Phal-chen Nga-pa, p. 616.7). “ He entered into the Total

Knowledge of the Realm of Dharmas.’’ Tibetan text /.

51. Derge Kanjur (vol. 37, = Phal-chen Ga-pa, p. 191; vol.38, = Phal-chen Nga-pa, p. 550).

52. Peking (vol. 26, p. 313-4-4). See also Cleary, Entry (pp. 7-8). Tibetan text J.

53. Peking (vol. 26, p. 313-5). For full citation, see Tibetan text K.

54. See Kabese, ‘Adi-Buddha’ (p. 219) for a discussion. Tibetologists will be inclined to view

his explanations as a little too Japanocentric.

55. Gimello, ‘The Doctrine’ (p. 10).

56. Derge Kanjur (vol. 37, = Phal-chen Ga-pa, p. 559). Tibetan text L.

57. Derge Kanjur (vol. 37, = Phal-chen Ga-pa, p. 106.6-.7).

58. Especially pp. 66-68. Perhaps no one has explained the general conceptions of Hua-yen in

more elegant English than Francis H. Cook, Hua-yen Buddhism.

59. Gimello, ‘The Doctrine’ (p. 15).

60. Ibid. (p. 17).

61. Odin, Process Metaphysics (p. xx). This book is full o f spectacular insights on the subjects

at hand. It contains a reproduction of the “ Ocean Seal.’’

62. Ibid. (p. 190).

63. Note 34, above.

64. Kiyota, Gedatsukai (pp. 61, 65).

65. Wayman, ‘The Symbolism of the Mandala-Palace.’

66. Peking (no. 83; vol. 83, pp. 1-1-1 to 70-3-7). The title is Dpal G sang-bai Snying-po De-

kho-na-nyid Nges-pa Rgya-cher Bshad-pa'i ’Grel-pa. The author’s name is given as Nyi-ma’i-

seng-ge’i-’od. See Roerich, Blue Annals (pp. 108, 158) where his name is given in the forms Nyi-

’od-seng-ge and Nyi-ma’i-’od-kyi-seng-ge. Unless otherwise noted, the page & line numbers

given in parentheses in this section refer to Suryasimhaprabha’s commentary. The name also ap­

pears as N yi-’od-seng-ge in Rnying-ma Rgyud-’bum (1973, vol. 36, p. 363.3) and Lo-chen

Dharmairi, Collected Works (vol. 3, p. 215.3). For want of a better theory, I would identify this

Suryasimhaprabha with the Suryaprabha who authored Poussin, no. 607 and/or the Simhaprabha

who translated the Kun Byed Rgyal-po together with Vairocana (Karmay, ‘A Discussion’, pp.

148-50).

67. Tibetan text M.

68. Substitute Mahavairocana for Samantabhadra and you have the Shingon definition of

Teacher.

69. Tibetan text N.

70. LTlavajra, Dpal G sang-ba i snying-po’i ’Grel-pa: Rin-po-che’i Spar-khab (p. 35.4). Ti­

betan text O.

71. Tibetan text P.

72. Tibetan text Q.

73. Tibetan text R.

74. Tibetan text S.

75. Wayman, ‘Symbolism of the M andala-Palace.’

76. Klong-rdol Bla-ma, The Collected Works (p. 294).

77. Raghu Vira (ed.), Mahjufri-nama-sahgiti (p. 69, verse 144).

78. Peking (no. 2064; vol. 109, pp. 140-4-4 ff.).

79. See illustration in Anesaki, Buddhist Art (plate xvi).

80. This point is clearly made in the first chapter of the Chos-dbyings Rin-po-che’ i Mdzod and

its autocommentary by Klong-chen-pa.

81. Studies on Kun Byed Rgyal-po are imminent. 1 have seen one by Eva Dargyay (Calgary) in

manuscript, soon to be published. Samten Karmay (Paris) has also promised a study. 1 personally

DAN MARTIN 205

disagree with the idea that Shaivism, etc., are at all necessary for understanding the Kun Byed. It

seems to be a ‘scholarization’ of the polemical position that the Kun Byed is non-Buddhist, a posi­

tion that should not be taken as a starting point for a critical hermeneutic.

82. See “ Gsang Sngags Rdo-rje Theg-pa’i Tshul-las Snang-ba Lhar Bsgnib-pa” in Rong-

zom-pa, Selected Works (pp. 125-151) where this argument is given in detail.

83. Here I must acknowledge the contribution of Taoist lore-master Judith A. Beding (Bloom­

ington). She has dealt with the thirteen Vehicles of Taoist inner alchemy meditation in her work,

The Syncretic Religion o f Lin Chao-en (pp. 101-103). A statement in the Lotus Sütra is cited in

support of Rdzogs-chen by Zhe-chen Padma-mam-rgyal in his Snga-gyur Theg D g u i Tshogs

Bshad (p. 58.2). Full citation in Tibetan text T. In my opinion, attempts to trace the development

of the five Tathägata imagery have not been too successful, but see Matsunaga, ‘A History of

Tantric Buddhism.’

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206 THOUGHT

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DAN MARTIN 207

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208 THOUGHT

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DAN MARTIN 209

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POSTSCRIPT

At the time of writing, I did not have available to me the study by Ronald Davidson on the Mahjusrïnâmasamgiti contained in Tantric and Taoist Stud­ies in Honor o f R.A. Stein (edited by Michel Strickmann), vol. 1, pp. 1-69. On pages 6-7 (note 18) he gives the correct Sanskrit form of Sgeg-pa’i-rdo-rje as Vilâsavajra (not Lllavajra, although this has been the form used in previous

scholarship).Some of the recent works of Kenneth Eastman (which he kindly sent to me)

have traced Guhyagarbha and related material in the Tun-huang documents. Many of Eastman’s works are unfortunately not yet published. On the basis of much more detailed textual study, he has been able to take some of the con­clusions advanced here much further than I was able to do.

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