Upload
immchr
View
238
Download
7
Embed Size (px)
DESCRIPTION
An 8th Century Chinese Buddhist
Citation preview
DatingYasovarmanofKanauj
ontheEvidenceofHuichao 恵超
ShoshinKUWAYAMA
ThepurposeofthisarticleistofixmoreexactlythedateofYas か
varman ofKanauj. His date has usually been given based on theinterpretationoftheaccountsonYasovarmaninthe Gα ad,αuα ho ofVakpatiandhispoliticalrelationship withLalitadityaMuktap:ida ofKasm:irintheRaj αtαrαngiTJi . YetintheaccountofHuichao'spilgrimュageinIndiaandCentralAsiaandotherChinesehistoricalsourcesoftheTangDynastysomemoreinformationaboutthisproblemcanbeexpected.OfvitalimportanceisthedategivenbyHuichaohimselfofhisarrivalatKuchawhichalsoaffordsusananswerastowhenhestayedinbothTokharistanandGandhara. The date ofHuichao's stay inGandharamay , inturn , leadsustotheframingofthedateofhisstayinKanyakubja.InKanyakubja , asHuichaotellsus , anunnamedvictori 判
。us ‘king ofCentralIndia'rll 天守干: hadresided.1ByidentifyinghimwithYasovarman , hisplacementwithinaclearerchronologicalframeworkcanalsobededucedfromotherdatablefactorsinHuichao'saccountitselfandotherTangsources.
Beforegoingfurther , somewordsshouldbegivenaboutHuichao'saccount.InCave17ofDunhuangPelliotfoundin1908arathershortmanuscriptof227 lines , nowhoused and listed inthe Biblioth ちque
NationaleasthePelliotchinois , TouenhouangNo.3532.Despitethelossofitsbeginningandclosingpartswhichmusthavecontainedthetitleandtheauthor'sname , Pelliot(1908:511ω512; 1936:275)identifieditasa9thcentury abridged reproductionofthe Buich αo wiα ng WuTianュzhuoguozhu αn 悪超往五天竺闘侍 (Record ofHuichao'sTravelsintheFiveIndicRegions) , recollectingthatthetitleofthisrecord-andonlythetitle-survivedasquotedbyHuilin 慧琳in the100thvolumeofhisYiquijinYinji 一切経音義 (Dictionary ofPhoneticsandMeaningsoftheSpecificWordsinAlltheTranslatedBuddhistSlltrasandLiterature ,
Sh.KUWAYAMA
completedinA.D.817).InthisdictionaryHuilinclearlymentionsthatHuichao'snarrativeis
inthree-volumesandexplainsthepronunciationormeanings , orboth ,ofsomeeighty-fivespecificwordsselectedbyHuilunhimselffromeachvolume.ThePelliotchinois , ontheotherhand , isnotdividedintoanyvolumesandlacksmostofthewordsquotedbyHuilin.Thereisnodoubt , however , thatthedescriptionofthemanuscriptcoversalmostallofHuichao's itineraries , i.e. , from somewherein East India up toKucha.Moreover , acoupleofwordsselectedbyHuilinfromthethirdvolumearealsofoundamongthelastlinesofthemanuscript.Hencethedirect assumption has been madethat it was based on the samethree-volumededitionasusedbyHuilin.
However , suchasimplesolutiondoesnotseemsatisfactory.First , abasicquestionmustbeasked:WhydoesthemanuscriptlackmostofthewordsquotedbyHuilin?ThemanuscriptcouldhaveincludedallofthewordsquotedbyHuilin , ifitwereanabridgedversion.Secondly , themanuscriptcontainsanumberofmisusedwordsalongwithgrammatiュcalirregularities , allofthembeingtoounfamiliarinproperChinesesentencestobeusedinsoofficialareportasoneregisteredintheYiquijinYinji.
Infact , recentlinguisticapproachtothewordsandphrasesinthemanuscripthasshednewlightonthisproblem , rightlyconcludingthatitisnotanabridgedcopyofthethree-volumededitionbutarushonereproduced by someone at Dunhuangin the 8th century after theoriginaldraftofHuichaoandthat , basedonthisdraft , theaccountwaslatereditedintoamoreofficialformcomprisingthethreevolumeswhichHuilinmighthaveusedoneditingtheYiquijinYinji(Takata1992:197-212).Themoreextensivebookhasbeen lost , butthiscopyofthedrafthassurvived.2
1.AchronologicalframeworkbasedonHuichao
Sincethemanuscriptlacksitsbeginning part , the first countryavailableintheitineraryofHuichaoisKusinagara.Hisitineraryasrecordrdinthemanuscriptisnotalwaysthesameasthatwhichheactuallytook.Althoughacoupleofcountrieswillhavetobeomittedasinsertedfromhearsay , aswillbediscussed later , theitineraryasitactuallyappearsinthemanuscriptisasfollows:
2
DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 恵超
AnunidentifiablecountryinIndiatoKu 豆nagara: 30-daymarch.
KusinagaratoVaranasi: Distanceanddirectionarelost.Var 忌nasi toKanyakubja: Perhaps60-daymarch , tothewest.
Kanyakubjatoα town oftheSouthIndicking'sresidence'1:
90-daymarchtothesouth.
AtownoftheSouthIndicking'sresidencetoα town oftheWestIndicking'sresidence'2: 60-daymarchtothenorth.
A townoftheWestIndicking'sresidencetoaNorthIndiccountrycalled
Jalamdhara: 90-marchtothenorth.
JalarpdharatoTakkadesa: 30daystothewest.TakkadesatoXintuogula'3: 30-daymarchtothewest.
XintuogulatoKasmira: 15daystothenorth.
KasmiratoGandh 長ra (Ugabha~gapura): 30-daymarchtothenorthwest.
GandharatoLaghman: 7-daymarchtoth 日west
LaghmantoJibin 傘 4 ふday marchtothewest
JibintoZabul: 7-daymarchtothewest.
ZabultoBamiyan: 7-daymarchtothenorth.
BamiyantoatownoftheTokh 主ra king'sresidence(Warwaliz):
20-daymarchtothenorth.
WarwaliztoaplaceinBadakhshanwheretheTokharakinghadfled:
30-daymarchtotheeast.
SomewhereinTokharistantoWa ‘khan:7-daymarchtotheeast.
Wa'khantoKharbandan(Tashkurghan):
I5-daymarchtotheeast.
KharbandantoKおhgar: 30-daymarchtothenortheast.
KashgartoAnxi(Kucha): 30-daymarchtotheeast.
KuchatoYanqi(KaraShahrinlatertimes):
?-daymarchtotheeast.
*1-AssignabletoBadami. 吋Eith 告r AlarorBrahminabad. つMost
probablythesameasSilJlhapuraintheDaT,αng Xiyuji.'4-Kii.bul.See
discussions in this chapter. Places in italics were inserted in the
itinerarybyhearsay.SeeChapter3.
Online217ofthemanuscriptHuichaosaysthathehasarrivedat
Kuchaduringthefirsttendaysofthe11thmonthinthe15thyearof
theKaiyuanEra(開局 15年11 月上旬) oftheTangDynasty.Sincethe14th
day of the 11th month in that year is identical with the 31st of
December , A.D.727 , hisarrivalwasinbetweenthe18thandthe27thof
December , A.D.727.Thisdateisbasicforfixingotherdates.
InTokharistan he had snowfall which inspired him to write the
poemseenonline196. Snowfallnaturallymeansthathewas therein
3
Sh.KUWAYAMA
thewinter.ThiswintermustbepriortoDecember , A.D.227andisundoubtedlyatleastoneyearearlier than the time when HuichaoarrivedatKucha.Earlierinhisaccount , lines155to156, Huichaosaysthatgoing20daystothenorthafterleavingBamiyanhereachedatownwheretheTokharakingresided.Thiswascalledbyhimfudiye縛底耶, aleadingtowninTokharistan , identicalwithWarwal:izreferredto by the Arab geographers and assignable to somewhere aroundQal ‘a-ye ZalintheareaofthelowerKunduzRiver(Kuwayama1989:120fO.3 BasedonmyexperienceinKunduzandenvironsinthelatterhalf ofthe 1960s, snowfalls seldom occur in December; therefore ,HuichaomayhavebeeninTokharistaninthebeginningofA.D.727attheearliest , ifhestayedinWarwallzduringthesnowfall.
Infact , HuichaodoesnotrefertothespecificplaceinTokharistanwherehehadthesnowfall:itmaynothavebeenfudiye.Lines155to157ofthemanuscriptmentionthatbythetimeofHuichao'svisittheToュkharakinghadfledtoBadakhshan , a30-daymarchtotheeastofthecapitalofTokharistan(Warwa lIz) , sincetheArabtroopshadoccupiedit.AlthoughthemanuscriptitselfdoesnotgiveanyaccountastohowHuichaoreachedBadakhshan , acomparisonofthe20-daymarchfromBamiy お1 totheTokhara capital , showninthe manuscript , withthe30-daymarchfromtheretoBadakhshansuggeststhatHuichaofirstarrivedatWarwallzandthenproceededtosomewhereinBadakhshan.Healsodescribesa7-daymarchtoWa ‘khan fromtheTokharacountryquiteashortdistanceincomparisonwiththe30-daymarchbetweenWarwalIzandBadakhshan.Theshortdistanceimplies that the Tか
kh ゑra countryfromwhereheproceededtoWがkhan doesnotmeanWarwalIz.ThestartingplaceforWa'khanmustbesomewheredeepintheBadakhshanarea , aplaceratherclosetothewesterngatewaytoWakh'an , modernIshkashim.InsuchhighlandssnowfallcouldoccurverymuchearlierthaninthelowervalleysoftheKunduz.Ifso , thedateofhisstayinTokharistancouldhavebeenevenasearlyastheautumnofA.D.726.
ThedatethusprovidedalsoframesthatofhisstayinGandharasincewehavegoodreasontosuggestthatHuichaowasinGandharaduringwinteralso.Beforereachingthishypothesis , Huichao'sdescripュtionofGandharaandJibinneedstobeconsidered.OnreachingGanュdharaafteraone-monthmarchthroughthemountainousregionfrom
4
DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 葱超
ticular)asfollows:
Thekingandhistroops areall Turkish , whilethelocalpeopleareHu
barbarians!Thiscountry(Gandhara)hadoriginallybeenruledbyakingof
Jibin(Kapisi)underwhomthefatheroftheTurkishking(inthetimeof
Huichao)wassubjectwithhistribesmenandhistroops;whentheTurkish
forcesbecamemoreactiveafterwards , hekilledthekingofJibinandbecame
thechiefofthekingdom;accordingly , thiskingdomabuttedonthefrontier
withthesupremekingoftheTurks[ofthenorthernland] , .•.butthisusurper
wasnotinthesamelineasthenorthernTurks....Thistownoverlooksthebig
riverofthe Indus , locatedonitsnorthernbank.([ ]representsmissing
charactersinthetextand( )shouldbereadassupplementingthemeanュings.)
HuichaofurtherdescribesLaghman , aseven-daymarchtothewestofGandhara , asbeingruledbytheGandharacountry(ortheGandhaュranking)withoutitsownking.AsforJibin , aneight 司day marchtothewestofLaghman , i.e. , intheKabulValley , Huichaodescribesitasfollows:
ThiscountryisalsoruledbytheGandhiiranking , whoisaccustomedtobe
inJibininsummer , seeking 邑cool placetolive , andinGandharainwinter ,seekingawarmplacetolive , sincetherearenosnowfallsinGandhiira , it
beingwarmandnotcold , whiletheJibincountryhasmuchsnowfallin
winter , whereforeitiscold;thelocalpeopleofthiscountry(Jibin)arethe
HuandthekingandhistroopsareTurkish.
ThecountriesextendingfromGandharaintheeasttoJibininthewestintheKabulValleywerecontrolledbythe ‘Gandha ran ' kingofTurkishstock.ThisstatementgivestheimpressionthatthereexistedakingofGandharawhoseruleextendedtotheJibinregionwheretherewasanotherking.Yetthiswasnottrue.ThehistoricalrealityisratherthattheKabulValleyandGandharawereruledbyoneandthesamekingwhoresidedinJibininsummerandinGandhara , ormoreproperlyatU<;labhal).<;lapuraonthenorthbankoftheIndus , inwinter.Huichao'saccountthatthe‘Gandhara n king'ruledfromtheretoJibinseemstosuggestthatHuichaohappenedtoarrivein Gandhararight attheseasonwhenthekingoftheKabulValleywasaccustomedtoresidethere.In this connection theTurkish seizure oftheJibinkingshiprecordedbyHuichaointhesectionofGandharaalsosuggeststhattheeventmaynothavehappenedinGandharaitselfbutelsewhereinthe
5
Sh.KUWAYAMA
king'sextensivedomains.
Somethirtyyearslater , Wukong 悟空 , thevice-ambassadoroftheTangMissiontothekingofJibin , arrivedatU<;labhaI).QapuraandclearlyexplainedthatthistownofGandharawastheeasterncapital東部域 of
Jibin.The ‘eastern capital' presupposes the existence of a ‘westerncapital.'ForWukong , theJibincountryseemstohavedenotedamoreextensivecountryingeographicalandpolitical terms , akingdominュcludingtheextensiveKabulValley and having western and easterncapitals , thelatterinGandhara.InviewofthefactthatHuichaousesJibinandGandharaastwodifferentlocalities , thewhereaboutsofJibinneedstobefurtherexamined.ThefollowingargumentreinforcesdoubtsaboutSylvainLevi'sidentificationofJibin , sofarasitisusedinTangChina , exclusivelywithKapislwhichhaslongheldthefieldas unde “
batable.HuichaodescribesthatwhentheTurkishforcesbecamestrongerthe
TurkishchieftainkilledthekingofJibinandbecamechiefofthekingdom.IftheeventdidnothappeninGandharabutsomewhereintheKabulValley , itwouldnotbehistoricallyinconsistentwithBlriinI'slegendarystoryaboutaTurkishnoblemanwhoeventuallyusurpedthethroneandbeganreigninginKabul. Sachau translated it as follows (1964, II:13-18):
TheHindushadkingsresidinginKabul, TurkswhoweresaidtobeofTibetanongm;th 巴first ofthem, Barhatakin(BarhaTegin.orBりri Tegin),cameintothecountryandenteredacaveinKabul, whichnonecouldenterexceptbycreepingonhandsandknees....Somedaysafterhehadenteredthecave, hebegantocreepoutofitinthepresenceofthepeople, wholookedonhimasanewbornbaby;heworeTurkishdress, ashorttunicopeninfront,ahighhat, bootsandarms;nowpeoplehonour 巴d himasabeingofmiraculousorigin, whohadbeendestinedtobeking, andinfacthebroughtthosecountriesunderhisswayandruledthemunderthetitleofashahiyaofKabul.
ApartfromdoubtsaboutthestrangementionoftheTurksinKabulasbeingofTibetan OrI gm , theriseofa shαhiyα of Kabulandhis
usurpationofpowertherestronglysupportthehypothesis that theTurkishseizureofthethronedescribedbyHuichaohappenedinKabul ,notinGandhara.ItalsosuggeststhatBar ・ha TeginisoneandthesamewiththefatheroftheTurkishkingatthetimeofHuichao.Infact , onXuanzang'swaytoandbackfrom India , inA. D. 629 and 643, a
6
DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 葱超
TurkishruleralreadyresidedinacountrycalledFulishi 弗築博located
betweenKapisiandGhazni , asrecordedinVol.12oftheDα Tαng XiyuJi 大岩西域記. InsofarasitsimplyrecordsthatthekingoftheFulishiュsthanaisofTurkish stock , theruleofthekingseemstohavebeengeographicallyandpoliticallyrestrictedasalocalminorpower , perhapsundertheKapisianhegemony(Kuwayama1991: 282-283).ConsistencywiththeaboveaccountofBirllniimpliesthattheFulishicountryofXuanzangmaybeequivalenttotheKabulregion.
TheimportanceoftheKabulregionmayhavegraduallyincreasedtobecomegreaterthaneverparallelwiththeseveralwavesofMusliminvasionsfromthesouthfromA.D.665onward.OnhiswaytoNalandaandbackfromtheretoChinainA.D.643XuanzangfoundthattheKabulregion , theFulishicountry , wasmoreorlesspeacefulruledbyaTurkishchieftainunderthehegemonyoftheKapisianking , butabouttwodecadeslatertheTurksofKabulmusthavenolongerbeenabletoignorethethreatoftheArabs.InA.H.46-47/A.D.665 司666 theKabulShah , theTurkishkingofKabul , wasforcedtofightagainsttheArabtroopsofIbnSamurah(Murgotten1969:146-147).IntheearlierstagesoffightingagainsttheArabstheKapisiankingmighthaveincreasedtheKabulTurks'militarycapacitytomaintaintheregion , thesouthernfrontieroftheKapisikingdom.Yet , aseventsprogressed , thevoiceoftheTurkishminorityprobablyincreased , andgraduallytheythemselvesturnedintoapowerfulthreat , eventuallyseizingtheKapisianthrone.
AstheTangsourcesmention , aftertheendoftheseventhcenturyJibinoftensentitsmissionstotheTangcourttogetherwithZabul.Associatedmissionsofthiskindhadneverappearedbeforethat time ,whichsuggeststhatKabulandZabulstoodfirmtogetheragainsttheArabinvaders.JibinasusedinTangChina , therefore , meansKabulaftertheTurkishusurpationthathappenedmostprobablysoonafterA.D.666.Needlesstosay , thenewkingofJibin , BarhaTegin , musthavealsoruledoverthevastregionsfromKabultoU<;labha 平<;lapura wherethesecondTurkishking , asonofBar ・ha Tegin , residedonHuichao'sarrivalinwinter.
TheaboveargumentleadsustointerpretHuichaoasfollows:theTurkishkingofGandharawasarulerwhogovernedfromGandharatoKabulandwasaccustomedtostayatU<;labhal)<;lapurainthewinterseasonandatKabulint
7
Sh.KUWAYAMA
there.ThismeansthatitwasinwinterthatHuichaotravelledthrough
Gandhara.ThekingatthetimemusthavebeenthesonofBarhaTegin.
Allowingforthedateofhisstayin Tokharistan , Huichaomust have
beeninGandharasometimebetweenthelateautumnofA.D.725and
theearlyspringofA.D.726, notlaterthanthat.SinceHuichaocame
toGandhara from the east beyond the Indus , his pilgrimage in the
subcontinentwasmadebeforethedategivenabove.Thischronological
frameworkallowsustodiscusswhowasthekingofCentralIndiaat
KanaujatthetimeofHuichao'svisitandtonarrowdownthedateof
thissovereign.
2.A kingofCentralIndia:Yasovarman
Lines10to48ofHuichao'saccountishisrecordonCentral India ,anoriginaltranslationofwhichfollows:
Varimasiisreachedwithin[...]days.Thiscountry , (likeKusinagara)isin
declinewithoutaking...(Herewere)theFiveBhikshus(towhomtheBuddha
firstpreached).Theclayimages(ofthatscene)arepresentinastupa.(Thereis
ast庄工:nbha) surmountedbyafigureofalion.Thestonestar:nbhaisasthick
astoholdfivepeopletogetherandveryfineinquality....Thisstar:nbhawasmade at the same time as the stupa. The name of the temple is
Dharmacakra....Thehereticsdonotwearclothesbutsmearashesontheir
bodiestoservetheMahadeva.Inthistempletherear 、e animageofgiltcopperand(imagesof)thefivehundred(arhats).InolddaysinMagadhatherewas
akingcalledSiladitya.Hemadetheseimages.Hemadea(wheel) ofgilt
copperatthesametime.Thedharmacakradoesnotlackanypartmeasuring
exactlythirtybu(about47m)incircumference.Thistown(Varanasi)ison
thenorthernbankoftheGangasoastolookdownontheriver. Inthe
territoryofthekingofMagadhaaretheFourGreatSacredStupas(湾大霊
塔) at theDeerParkhere (Sarnath) , Kusinagara , Riijagrha and Mahι
bodhi.Inthiscountry(Viir 邑nasi) bothMah 品yanic andHinayanict巴achings are
beingheld.ThuscouldIreachtheMahiibodhiTemple...
Withinatwo-monthmarchfromhere , Viiranasi.westwardonereachesatownofresidenceofthekingofZhongTianzhu 中天竺(Central India) , calledKanyakubja. Theterritoryofthis Centr 且I Indickingisvery vast , wellュ
populatedandprosperous.Thekinghasninehundredelephants , eachofthe
othergreatchieftainsGnthiscountry)havingtwoorthreehundred.Theking
customarilyfightsabattleattheheadofhisarmy.HeoftenmakeswaragainsttheotherfourregionsofIndia(回天竺) andalwayswins....
ItisinthisterritoryofCentralIndiathattherearetheFourGreatStupas
(四大塔). ThreeofthemareonthenorthernbankoftheGanga.Thefirstis
8
DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 惑超
intheAn 忌tapi 号~ada ParkofSriivastiwherethemonastery, housingmonks,isstillfunctioning.ThesecondisintheAmulaParkofVaiァiiliwherethestupaisstillstandingbutth 告temple isdesolatewithoutanymonks.ThethirdisinthetownofKapilavastuwheretheBuddhawasgivenbirth.TheTreeisstillexisting, butthetownhaslongdeclined.Thestupaisstillstandingbutth 号re arenomonks.TherearealsonoinhabitantsinthetownThistownislocatedthemostnortherlyoftheabovethreeandislefttorunwastewithbushesandwoods, theroadbeinginfestedwithmanyfootpads.Thereforethosewishingtogothereforworshippinghavemuchsuffering.ThefourthisthestupaattheTreasureStaircaseofThreeCourses(atSankiiァya)locatedbetweenthetwoGangiisaseven-daymarchtothewestofthetownoftheCentralIndicking....Thereisstillatemplewithmonks.([]representsmissingcharactersinthetextand()shouldbereadassupplementingthemeanings.)
AccordingtotheseparagraphsonCentralIndiathekingresidesinKanyakubja(Kanauj)rulingaveryextensiveterritoryandpossessingaforceofelephantsmuchstrongerthantheotherfourregions;hehimselfalwaysfightsattheheadofhisarmyandgainsvictoriesoverthekingsoftheothers.Lines41andfollowingshowthathisdomainincludesthelocationsofthe‘Four GreatStupas'atKapilavastu , Snlvasti , SarikasyaandVaisali.Unfortunately 自uichao doesnotrefertothenameofthisgreatvictoriousking.Ontheotherhand , heclearlymentionsSiladityaasakingofMagadha.SinceCentralIndiausuallyincludesMagadha ,thequestionhasarisen whether the CentralIndickingis identicaltoSiladitya.
Stein(1900:1,89) firstidentifiedthenamelesskingofCentralIndiawith Yasovarman which is phonetically equivalent to Yishafamo伊沙伐摩 in Vol.221aoftheT,αng shu 壁書. YishafamoappearsthereasakingofCentralIndiahavingsentaBuddhistmonkofgreatvirtuetotheTangcourtwhichreceivedhiminA.D. 731. SinceYishafamoisdefintelythesameasYasovarman , YasovarmanwasinthepositioninorbeforeA.D.731.Otani(1934:154-156)agreeswithStein , but , strangelyenough , prefersSl1adityaasthebetteralternativetakingintoconsideraュtionthatthekingofCentralIndiamightnotbeabsolutelycontempoュrarywithHuichao.Yetthefollowingdiscussionprovesthat Otani'sinterpretationconflictswiththedescriptionbyHuichao himselfwhoclearlywritesthatthekingofCentralIndiaiscomporarywithHuichao.
HuichaoshowsthattheFour Great Sacred Stupas at Sarnath ,Kusinagara , Rajagrhaand 恥1:ahabodhi areintheterritoryofMagadha ,
9
Sh.KUWAYAMA
theold domain of SIladitya , and theother Four GreatStupas atKapilavastu , Sravasti , SailkasyaandVaisaliareinCentralIndiaundertheruleoftheCentralIndicking.TheverysameeightstupaswerealsonotedbyWukongaboutthreedecadeslaterwithoutdividingthemintothetwocategories.ThefourmaineventsinthelifeoftheBuddhaweretheBirthat Kapilavastu , theEnlightenment at Bodhgaya , the FirstSermonatSarnathandNir 暗号a atKusinagara , asFaxian 法顧rightly
referstotheFourGreatStupasatthesefourplaces.ButHuichao'sFourGreatSacredStupasexcludesthestupaatKapilavastu , whichinsteadisincludedintheothercategory.Therefore , histwocategorieshavenopracticalsignificanceinBuddhisttermsandshouldbetakenasaimed to make clear the distinctionbetween the ancient MagadhaterritoryofSiladityaandcontemporaryCentralIndia.ForHuichaothekingofCentralIndiahasnothingtodowith 話iladitya.
ItisthefactthatthedeathofHar~avardhana Siladityainthelatefortiesofthe7thcenturycausedhisdomaintosplitintominorlocalstatesandthatnoimperialunityhadbeenachievedinthenorthernpartsofIndiauntilYasovarmancametopower.ThesuccessofYaso 司
varmaninextendinghisdomaintotheGaUl;lacountryiswell-docuュmentedinthe Gα udαuα ho byVakpatiandpartlydocumentedintheRaj αtαrαngi T]i andintheJainsourcessuchasthePr αbhav αk α-Cαrit α,
thePr αbαndh α網kos α and theBα:pp αbh αtt αSUrL -Cαrit α. OnlyYasovarmancanbetakenasthepropercandidatefortheCentralIndickingwhoseextensiveterritoryandconstantvictoriesarequiteclearlyrecordedbyHuichao.
3.DatingYasovarman
ThedateofYasovarmanhasvariouslybeengivenbyscholars:A.D.728-745bySmith(1908:784), sometimebetweenthesecondhalfofthe 7th century and the first half of the 8th century by Pandit(1927:xcv-xcvi) , A.D.725-754byTripathi(1937:195-197)andA.D.700(orA.D.690-740)byMajumdar(1954:131).SinceHuichaoarrivedatKuchainlateA.D.727, Smith'shypothesisdoesnotholdwell.Tripathi'sdateofaccession , A.D.725, seemstobebasedonthefactrecordedintheRajat αrαえgi'! ,i; thatitoccuredmoreorlesscontemporaneouslywiththatofLalitadityaMuktapir;laforwhomhegivesadatefromA.D.724to760, asalsoproposedbyUtgikar(Pandit1927:cclvi 欄cclx).
10
DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 恵超
Thedateofaccession , A.D. 725, givenbyTripathidoesnotseemappropriate.AccordingtoHuichao , theCentralIndickinghadalreadyexpandedhisdomainswhenHuichaowasinKanyakubja.ForHuichaoittookthreemonthsfromKanyakubjatoatownofking'sresidenceinSouthIndia , whichmightfitBadamioftheChalukyas;twomonthsfromtheretoatownofking'sresidenceinWestIndia , whichmightbeeitherAlarorBrahminabad:threemonthsfromthetownofWestIndiatoJalarpdara;onemonthfromtheretoTakkade 旬 , alsoonemonthfromTakkadesatoXintougulainNorthIndiaandhalfamonthfromXintougulatoKashmir.FromKashmirhereachedUQabhaQQapuraafteranothermonth.Intotalittookelevenmonthsandfifteendays , nearlyoneyear ,fromKanyakubjatoUQabhatJ.Qapura. Ifthedurationsofstayateachplaceareaddedtogether , thetimehespentfromKanaujtoGandharamuchexceedsoneyear.BasedonthefactthatHuichaowasinGandharafromtheautumnofA.D.725attheearliest , hethuswouldseemtohavestayedinKanyakubjanolaterthanA.D.724.Tripathi'shypothesisseemstolosevalidity.
TheabovechronologymightbevalidinsofarasweliterallyacceptHuichao'sitinerary.A seriesofdoubtsarise , however , fromtheconュspicuousdifferencebetweenthedescriptionoftherouteshownaboveandthatfromJalar:p.dharathroughGandharaandJibintoTokharistanandfarther.Inthelattercasetheactualroutehetookcanclearlybetraced , sincehestateseachcityontherouteonebyoneindueorder ,anditisquiteconvincingdespitetheexistenceofsomecountriesknownonlybyhearsayandtheunconvincinglocalityofXintuogulabetweenTakkadesaandKasmIra.YetinthecaseoftheroutestoSouthIndiaandfromWestIndiaandthoseinSouthandWestIndia , hedoesnotspecifyanythingabouttherouteandthemaincityineachpart , onlysayingthatafteracertainnumberofmonthsonereachesatownwherethekingofSouth(orWest) Indiaresides.Nothingoftheroutehemighthavetakenisreferredto.Ontheotherhand , heclearlyspecifiesthenamesofcitiesinthecaseofNorthandCentralIndiawherehemusthaveactuallyvisited , statingthatgoingnorthwardthreemonthsorsofromatownwheretheWestIndiankinglivedhereachedaNorthIndiancountrycalledJalar:p.dhara(Line65)andalsothathereachedatownofCentralIndia's king , calledKanyakubja(Line21).Alsotheroutehetookont
11
Sh.KUWAYAMA
AllthesedifferencesinthedescriptionsbetweenSouthandWestIndia , ontheonehand , andNorthandCentralIndia , ontheother , maybetakenascluesshowingthathedidnotactuallyvisitSouthandWestIndia , eventhoughherecordedapoeminthesectionofSouthIndia , onlines57 欄58 , whereheisquitemovedbycomingsofarfromhishome 倫
land.Hispoem , however , doesnotincludeanywordstospecifythefactthatheactuallyreachedSouthIndia.IdonotthinkitisgoingtoofartosaythatHuichao'sdescriptionaboutSouthandWestIndiasimplyishearsay.WithoutseeingSouthandWestIndiahewentfromKanyaュkubjanorthwestwardtoJalarpdhara.
Ifso , thetimetakenfromKanyakubjathroughSouthandWestIndiatoJalarpdhara , i.e. , eightmonths , shouldbeomittedfromtotalelevenmonthsandafortnightwhichwastakenfromKanyakubjatoGandhara.ThreemonthsandafortnightarethetimewhichHuichaospentfromJalaI:Q.dharatoUq.abhaQ<)apuraviaTakkadesa , XintuogulaandKasmira. Although we are left uninformed about how longitactuallytookfromKanyakubjatoJala I:Q.dhara , hewasinKanyakubjaatleastthreeandahalfmonthsearlierthanthelateautumnalmonthsinA.D.725. 日ven ifthedurationsofstayineachtownalongtheroutearetakenintoaccount , Huichao'sstayinKanyakubjapossiblywasnotinA.D.724butintheearlierhalfofA.D.725.Untiltheearlierhalfofthatyear , therefore , Yaゑovarman mayhavebeenfinalizinghisconquesttowidenhispoliticalterritory.
AccordingtotheCefuyu αngui 加府元亀 Indian missions , seeminglyajointventureofallFiveIndicRegions , arrivedattheTangcapitalinthe3rdmonthofYear3intheTianshouera(A.D.692).TheT,αng shu(Vol.221a) describesthatthesemissionswerereceivedinA.D.691.Despitenoclueastowhetherthemissionscameonceortwice , itisbelievablethatbothsourcesrefertothesameevent.ThenamesofthekingsresponsibleforthemissionsineachsourcearecommonexceptforsomenegligibledifferencesintheChinesecharacters.Thelistofkingsisasfollows:
(1) Shiluoyiduo ド緩逸多, thekingofWestIndia, restorabletoSiliidityaandmaybeidentifiablewitheitherSiliidityaIVofValabhiorYuvar 主ja SryiisrayaSiliiditya, oneofthf, vice-royaltyofVinayadityaofNo.2.(2) Zhelouqi-faluopo 遮婁其抜羅婆 (T,αng shu) ,thekingofSouthIndia, restorュabletoC孟lukya- VallabhaandclearlyidentifiablewithVinayiiditya(681 ゅ696)
oftheChalukyasofB忌dami , knownastheuirudasSri-prithivivallabha.The
12
DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUlCHAO 恵超
Cefuyuanguilacksth 思last character.(3) Louqi-nuonuo 婁其那那 (T,α ng shu) , thekingofNorthIndia, restorabletoLoke 号Nana orLoke 号Nanna , butunidentifiable.TheCefuyuanguilacksth 日
firsttwocharacters.(4) Moluofamo 摩羅伐摩 (Cefu yuangu i) , thekingofEastIndia, restorabletoMaravarm 邑or Maravarman, butunidentifiable.TheT,αng shuwritesthethirdcharacteras'zhi' 校instead of'fa' 伐.
(5) Dipoxinuo 地婆西那, thekingofCentralIndia, restorabletoDevasena.
ThedateofthereceptionoftheIndianmissionsandtheregnalyearsofVinayadityaleadustobelievethatkingsintheSouthAsianSubcontinentareallcontemporary.UptonowDevasenahasnotbeenknowninanyothersourcesinthecontextofthehistoryof ‘Centr alIndia'orgeographicalnorthernIndiaafterthedeathofHar 守a. CanDipoxinuo(Devasena)beanepithetofYishafamo(Yasovarman)?IfDipoxinuoandYishafamohadbeenoneandthesameking , theTangsourceswouldhaveselectedonlyonenamefromthetwo.SinceIbelievethatDevasenacanpossiblybetakenasdistinctfromYa§ovarman , theexistenceinA.D.691or692atthelatestofDevasenaastheCentralIndickingisimportantforchronologicallyframingYasovarman.EviュdentlyYaァovarmancametothethroneafterA.D.691or692andwasstillonthethroneinA.D.731, thedateoftheTang'sreceptionofthemissionsentunderhisownname.IftheitineraryofHuichaodiscussedaboveisright , Yasovarman'saccessionisdatabletosometimeafterA.D.691or692andbeforeA.D.725.
AstotheIndianmissionsreceivedbytheTangcourtafterA.D.691or692, theCefuyu αngui (Vol.971)andtheOldT,αng shu 蕎唐書 (Vol.
198)describethattheemperorXuanzongreceivedseveralmissionsfromCentralIndiaduringtheKaiyuanera , suchasthoseinthe5thmonthofYear5(A.D.717), the1stmonthofYear8(A.D.720), the7thmonthofYear13(A.D.725)andthe10thmonthofYear19(A.D.731)‘ThelastoneisattestedintheaforesaidT,αng shuasthemissionundoubt 叩
edlysentbyYaァovarman.ThereforeallthesemissionsfallintheaboveframeworkbetweenA.D.692and725.Consideringtheintervalsofeachmission , thetwenty-sixyearintervalbetweenDevasena'smissionandtheoneinA.D.717isfarlongerthantheothers , suchasthree , fiveandsixyearsthatseemtorepresentaseriesofmissionssentbyoneandthesameking.Itmaybeallowedtothink , therefore , thatYasovarmancametothethroneinsomeyearbetweenA.D.691/2and717, ormore
13
Sh.KUWAYAMA
properly , ina yearquitecloseto 717, alreadygainedvictoryoverthe
vastregionsofnotonlyCentralIndiabutalsoGauQabyA.D.725, and
stillwasinthepositionsixyearslaterin731.
Notes
1.Theanci 在日t fivedivisionsoftheSubcontinent-Central , East , West , SouthandNorthIndia-asshowninthetitleWuTiαnzhuoguo (FiveIndicRegions)donot
alwayscorrespondtomoderngeographicaldivisions. ‘Central India'coversthe
在rea conceivedasthecenterofIndiancivilization , ortheGa 主ga- Yamunado αb ,
oftenincludingwestern Benga l. ‘East India' includesmost of Bengal and
Orissa , while‘West India'coversthemiddleandlowerIndusValleysandalso
theareatothesoutheastofthem. ‘South India'isalmostsynonymouswiththe
peninsularpartoftheSubcontinent , and'NorthIndia'includesthenorthwestュernpartofitextendingfromPanjiibthroughnorthernPakistanandKashmir
toeasternAfghanistan.TheregionaldenominationsoftheSubcontinentused
belowshouldbereadasthesameastheabovefiveunlessotherwisementioned2.ThemoderntranslatedversionsofthePelliot3532manuscriptincludesFuchs
1939, Sadakata1971, Yangetal.1984andKuwayama1992.
3.Yoshida(1993:200)suggeststhatfudiyemaysharetheoriginalwordwitha
Bactrianwordf3αrOO' αlITO referredtobyDavary(1982:170-171) , whichappearsonthereversesofthecoinssuchasEmissions244and245(GobI1967: III, PIs.66
and67).Asfortheinterpretationsofthelegends , seealsoHunbach1966:62-63
andGobI1967:I, 167-168.
4.TheHu , aChinesedenominationofth 告western barbariansusedbyHuichao
throughouthisrecord , arenotalwaystheSogdiansor Iranians , ashasbeen
thought , sinceitisnotacceptabletoidentifythestockinGandharaandinthe
eastofKashmirwiththeIranians.
References
Davary , G.D.(1982)Bαktrisch, EinWi'Jrterbuch aufGrundderInschriften , Hand
schriften , MilnzenundSiegelsteine , Heidelberg.
Fuchs , W.(1939)Hue トCh'ao's 慧超Pilgerreise durchNordwest-IndienundZentral
Asienurn726, SitzungsberichtederPreussischenAk αdemie derWissensch α,!ten ,
Phil.-hist.Klasse , XXX(1938) , Berlin , 426-469.GobI , R.(1967)DokumentezurGeschichtederiranischenHunneninBαktrien und
Indien , 4vols. , Wiesbaden.日umbach , H.(1966)Bαktrische Sprαchdenkmaler , I , Wiesbaden.
Kuwayama , Sh. (1989)The Hephthalites in Tokharistan and Northewst India ,Annαls oftheInstituteforRese αrch inHum αnities , KyotoUniversity , 24.89-134.
Kuwayama , Sh.(1991)L'InscriptiondeGagesadeGardezetlachronologiedesTurk ト
号ii his , Journ αl Asi αtique , 279, 3/4 , 282-283.
Kuwayama , Sh. (ed.)(1992)Huichαo's W,αng Wu-Tianzhuguo zhu αn: Recordof
14
DATINGYASOVARMANOFKANAUJONTHEEVIDENCEOFHUICHAO 恵超
TravelsintheFiveIndicRegions , Trαnslation αnd Commentαry (慧超往五天竺
潤縛研究), Kyoto(inJapanese).Majumdar , R.C.(1954)NorthernIndiaDuringA.D.650-750.InR.C.Majumdar
(ed.) , TheClassicalAge , TheHistoryαnd CultureoftheIndi αn People , II ,
Bombay , Chapter10.Murgotten , F.C.(1969)TheOriginoftheIslamicSt αte , beingα trα nslα tion from
theAr αbic accomp αnied with αnnotations , geogr α:phic αnd historicnotesoftheKitiibFutiil]al-Buldiinofαl-Imamα bu- l 'A bbiis Ahm αd ibn-Jabiral 叩Baladhuri ,
PartII , 1stAMSed.(rep.fromthe1924ed.) , NewYork.Otani , Sh. 大谷勝真 (1934) Echo-δgotenjikukokuden chunoichi-ninituite 慧超往天竺
国侍中のーニに就いて (On aFewProblemsoftheAccountsinHuich αo's Wαng
Wu-Ti αnzhuguo zhu αη) . InR.Fujita(ed) , Od必sensei Shoju-kinenChosenRonュshU 小田先生頒霧記念、朝鮮論集 (Festschrift forProf.Oda:PapersonKorea) , Keijo悶
fu(Seou l) , 143-160(inJapanese).
Pandit , R.B.(ed.)(1927)TheGα uriαuα ho, A PrakritHistoricalPoemby Viikp αti ,
2nded. , editedbyN.B.Utgikar , Poona(WithsupplementarynotesbyUtgikar
includedinthe2nded. , ccxxxi-cclxxiD.Pelliot ,P.(1908)Unebiblioth 岳que medi 邑vale retrouveeauKan-sou ,Bulletinde['Ecole
Fr αnr;aise d'ExtremeOrient , 8, 501-529.Pelliot , P.(1936)A proposdu‘Tokhar ien,' T'oungPao , 32, 259-284.
Sachau , E.(1964)AlBeruni'sIndi α , NewDelhi(rep.ed.ofthe1sted. , London).Sadakata , A.(1 971 ) 泡cho- ogotenj ikukokuden ' Wayaku(AJapaneseVersionofHui-
chao'sWαng Wu-Tianzhuguozhu αn) , Tokaid αig αku Kiyo , Bungαkubu (Bulletin
ofT6kaiUniversity , FacultyofLetters) , 16, 3-30(inJapanese).Smith , V.A (1908)TheHistoryoftheCityofKanaujandofKingYasovarman ,
Journαl oftheRoy αl Asi αtic Society , 1908, 765-793.
Stein , A.(1900)Kalh α卯's R々αtar αngi が , A ChronicleofKingsinKasmir , West司
mmster.Takata , T. (1992) , LinguisticAspectsofthe Wang Wl トTianzhuguo zhuan and
CharacteristicsoftheDunhuangManuscript.InKuwayama1992, 197ゅ212.
Tripathi , R.S.(1937)HistoryofK,αn αuj totheMoslemConquest , Benares.Yang , H.etal.(1984)TheHyeCh'0 Diary , MemoirofthePilgrim αge totheFive
RegionsofIndi α, L.R.LancasterandJ.L.Shastri(eds.) , ReligionsofAsi αSeries ,
2, BerkeleyandSeoul.Yoshida , Y.(1993)BookReviewonKuwayama1992, Oriento , 36/1 , 199-200.
15