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Is the celtic label valid in terms of its modern cultural application? - The meaning of Celtic- The conventional history- The argument against celtic cultural unity - Overview of the modern celtic horizon- Deconstructing the modern celtic horizon© Colin J. Campbell. Fourth Year Graphic Design. Duncan of Jordanstone College of Art and Design. The University of Dundee, Scotland. December 2000.
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DECONSTRUCTING THE CELTIC IDIOM
[ is the celtic label valid in terms of its modern cultural application? ]
10200 words
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of
the requirements for a Bachelor of Design (Hons)
Colin J. Campbell
Fourth Year Graphic Design
Duncan of Jordanstone
College of Art and Design
The University of Dundee
December 2000
CONTENTS
i illustrations
1 introduction
2 chapter one: the meaning of celtic
12 chapter two: the conventional history
20 chapter three: the argument against celtic cultural unity
27 chapter four: overview of the modern celtic horizon
36 chapter five: deconstructing the modern celtic horizon
57 conclusion
59 references
60 primary research
61 bibliography
64 appendix 1
66 appendix 2
67 appendix 3.1
68 appendix 3.2
69 appendix 3.3
ILLUSTRATIONS
figure page
1. Bronze disc from Auvers, France. Early La Tne style. 6
2. Map of Celtic migrations in central Europe. 6
3. Table 1: Summary history of the Celts. 7
4. Celtic Language Genealogy. 10
5. Typical La Tne burials. 13
6. Map of Hallstatt expansion 14
7. Bronze helmet: example of early La Tne style 15
8. Bronze mirror from Desborough, Northamptonshire. 18
9. Escutcheon from Winchester hanging bowl. 18
10. Book of Kells Christi Autem page. 19
11. Table 2: Celtic miscellany on the High Street. 29
12. Example of Celtic knotwork: mugs. 30
13. Example of manuscript decoration: banners. 30
14. Example of unrelated materials: window sticker. 31
15. Typical Celtic imagery: Music CD. 32
16. La Tne imagery on books. 32
17. Assorted souvenir merchandise. 34
18. Celtic aromatherapy burner. 37
19. Celtic body decoration pack. 38
20. Celtic and Mockintosh design earthenware. 39
21. Kells decoration on crockery. 39
22. Skye Batiks: Celtic cross and cushions. 40
23. Tearcraft catalogue products. 40
24. The Tara Brooch. 41
25. Silver Quaichs. Penannular brooch. Silver hip flasks. 42
26. Celtic cross pendants. 43
27. Scotland and Cross pendants. 43
28. Traditional design hair clasps and pendants. 44
29. Enamel jewellery featuring La Tne style. 44
30. Pendant with Kells style bird design. 45
31. Shop advertising Celtic and Rennie Mackintosh . 45
32. Celtic wedding rings. 46
33. Celtic decorated watches. 46
34. Loosely derived Celtic designs. 46
35. Timberbush Tours leaflet. 48
36. Scottish Youth Hostels leaflet. 48
37. Leaflet for ONeills Irish bar. 49
38. Fraoch Heather Ale. 49
39. Bed and Breakfast sign. Tartan Amoebas CD. Craft Fair notice. 50
40. Celtic Spirit CD cover. 52
41. Salsa Celtica: contemporary music. 52
42. Celtic Love Songs CD. Celtic Journey CD. 53
43. Starkindler by Michael Card. 54
INTRODUCTION
The issue that interested me in approaching this topic was the apparently timeless
popularity of the Celtic style and the growing proliferation of products around us that
are labeled under this term 'Celtic'
I observed that it is different from other art styles or movements because it tends to
transcend boundaries that usually constrain an artistic style or tradition. It is art,
music, history and religion all at once and doesn't seem rooted in any one area.
Being aware of branding and marketing principles, from a design perspective, I began to
view more critically the expressions of the present revival in merchandise, music and
design especially. I suspected that much of the alleged 'Celtic' product was taking
advantage of the revival and passing off as Celtic without having very much to do with
historical Celtic elements.
Beyond that point I knew very little about the roots of Celtic culture, other than the art
style derived from some ancient people who once inhabited Ireland, Scotland, Wales
and France.
So, in order to make any informed comment on modern Celtic culture we must go back
to the initial emergence of the term Celtic in our popular culture. And from there,
further, to define what it was that spawned a movement that, beyond even the realm
of art and design, is truly international and multi-media in its manifestation and appeal,
the like of which the world has never seen.
!1
CHAPTER ONE: THE MEANING OF CELTIC
No attempt to investigate the dynamics of a cultural phenomenon like the Celtic idiom
would be successful without going back to the roots of the movement, whether they
be in a people, culture or philosophy, and attempting to understand the elements that
formed it.
The term Celtic in our 21st century is applied to many aspects of our culture but I
think its meaning to most people still lies primarily in representing a type of artistic
style or language (or group of languages). Both these are presumed to be linked to a
specific Celtic people who existed in times past and cultivated the language, ideals
and styles which are popularised today. This is the general conception of what the
term Celtic means today. So who were these Celts?
WHO ARE THE CELTS?
In the 8th century BC, according to the archaeological record, a people emerged with a
distinctive material culture which was termed the Hallstatt culture, after a major
archaeological discovery near the Austrian town of Hallstatt. These people were a
prosperous and influential force and heralded the beginning of the Iron Age in central
Europe.
!2
Greek writers in the sixth century BC refer to peoples known as Keltoi in central
Europe. In the first century BC Gaius Julius Caesar describes the Gauls at war with
Rome as calling themselves Celts (Raftery, 1994).
It is therefore presumed that the Keltoi (Celts) of Greek writings and the people of the
Hallstatt culture overlap as being the people occupying central Europe in the first
millennia BC (Raftery, 1994).
The material culture of this Hallstatt people is termed by archaeologists La Tne, and
consisted of various forms of fine metalwork and curvilinear art which is the most
distinctive aspect of this style and is the early form of what we recognise as Celtic Art;
Fig. 1.
The discovery of this La Tne culture all across central Europe and the historical
reference to peoples calling themselves Celts (above) led to a picture being adopted
of the various groups settling all over and sharing a similar culture, language and
religion (see Fig. 2). It is this overlap between the language and culture of these
peoples and La Tne material remains, according to Raftery (1994), that justifies the
use of the term Celtic as a convenient cultural label (See Fig. 3. Summary History of
the Celts).
This is the common conception of Celtic origins today and it is not by any means a
settled matter of sound historical fact, even in archaeological/historical circles, and
neither is it the writers personal conviction.
REASSESSING HISTORY
It is hardly a foregone conclusion that because of the existence of artifacts of a similar
style found across a region that this demonstrates a group unified in culture, language
and genealogy.
!3
There is a widespread abandonment of the canonical account of the peoples inhabiting
the British Isles and Europe in the Iron Age all being attributed to the migrations of the
Hallstatt people. And, apart from that, I would question the very choice of the name
Celtic as describing a common culture throughout this vast geographical area and
time period (whether they actually existed or not). The Celtic people according to
standard history dominated most of Europe, from the islands of Britain and Ireland to
Turkey (Galatians of the New Testament) and existed, in some form, from the 8th
century BC to the 9th century AD.
!
1. Gold plated bronze disc, 100 cm in diameter, from Auvers, France. Ornament of paired lyre-scrolls, typical of early La Tne style
!4
!
2. How the Celtic world has been envisaged during the 20th century,with migrations in all directions from a 'homeland' in central Europe. (Based on Megaw
and Megaw 1989, Fig.2.
!5
!
3. Table 1: Summary History of the Celts (according to standard histories).
To use the term Celtic to describe all these peoples is to presume that, firstly, these
Keltoi that were referred to shared the same culture as the Hallstatt civilisation
!6
responsible for the La Tne culture. And secondly, that this group of people did
expand and migrate, presumably displacing any indigenous peoples before them;
eventually occupying all of central Europe, Britain and Ireland.
At present there is much doubt as to the accuracy of the standard account in light of
recent developments in archaeology and the study of ethnic groups and how they are
formed (James, 1999). Clearly, with such tenuous scientific grounds, there must be
another explanation of why the term Celtic was adopted to define this culture.
ENTERING THE BEAR-PIT OF HISTORICAL AUTHENTICITY
Simon James (1999), an Iron Age and Roman archaeologist does not agree with the
standard historical account. He proposes a model enlightened by recent studies of
how ethnic identities are formed, as well as archaeological developments in the latter
half of the 20th century. He suggests that the occurrence of the La Tne style across
this area does not necessarily imply a unified culture. It could rather have been a
common method of class distinction and sharing of elite values adopted by early
neighbouring aristocracies for whom the La Tne style finery and ornamentation would
have had significance.
James argues that the standard model is not consistent with the development of
ethnic groups, as we understand them. Ethnic identities are only formed in response to
coming into contact with an other that threatens a groups security and brings
differences between us and them suddenly to the fore, and thence one group
becomes conscious of what makes it different from the other.
This is seen from history in the formation of both the Scottish and English nations
under the shadow of Viking ravages in the 10th Century and later on, the threat from
France. It is unlikely that the with no such large scale threat during the Iron Age, that
any kind of stable continent-wide identity of Celticness could have existed.
!7
The evidence suggests small-scale communities and great regional diversity especially
in Britain and Ireland and evidence for mass migration/invasions of Celts is seriously
lacking. James suggests the people inhabiting Britain and Ireland at this time were
indigenous to the islands, descended from the Neolithic inhabitants and not in comers
from the Hallstatt expansion (if it even occurred).
James has a persuasive argument for this theory as well as suggesting an alternative
genesis of the Celtic culture, to be found in the 18th century.
CELTIC IN THE RISE OF NATIONALISM
In 1707 the great Welsh scholar Edward Lhuyd published his Archaeologica Brittania
spurred by a publication of the work of a Breton contemporary - Paul-Yves Pezron -
who suggested that modern Welsh and Breton were survivals of the ancient language
of the Gauls (the Celts of France). Lhuyds own contribution was a landmark in the
history of the study of languages (today divided in to contemporary linguistics and
historical philology). He demonstrated the underlying similarity of what he saw as a
family of recent and current languages which he showed related to the extinct
language of the ancient Gauls, the name Celtic was attached to this family of tongues
(see Fig. 4. Celtic Language Genealogy).
Why did he choose the name Celtic to identify this language group? James suggests
this; the earliest tribe in the language genealogy formed by Lhuyd would have been the
Gauls, however, France being at the time the Great Enemy, he would hardly have
termed it Gallic, which is identified with France. Caesars reference to these tribes
calling themselves Celts may have been chosen as a term that was not politically
compromised (James, 1999).
!8
Once the idea of Celtic speakers was launched, the label was also quickly used to
describe cultural or national identities past and present and both ideas became
established as fact throughout Britain and Ireland with remarkable speed.
Why would there have been such immediate and enthusiastic adoption of this identity
in the 18th century? Well, as it happens 1707 was also the year of the Treaty of
Union between Scotland and England forming a new political identity called British.
The French threat caused a push toward the Union with Ireland in 1801 and also
spurred the expansion of the Empire later on. Non-English identities faced potential
cultural oblivion through their submergence into a common Britishness which was
overwhelmingly English in character.
!
4. Celtic language genealogy (after Macaulay, 1992).
During the 18th and 19th centuries societies throughout the British Isles had a variety
of reasons to take up the new notion of Celticness with enthusiasm. In this context
subsequent archaeological finds were fitted into the preconceived theory of Celtic
invasion/migration already formed. Certainly before 1700 there was no group or
people who called themselves Celtic, which tends to reflect James theory.
!9
CELTIC PEOPLE OR CELTIC CONSTRUCT?
So here are revealed serious and complex questions on the theories surrounding the
people in Iron Age Europe whom have been termed Celtic. Whether the name could
be representative of such a large group and whether the mass migrations, which
supposedly brought the Celtic people to the British Isles, ever took place is being
drastically reassessed. That puts into doubt everything that developed in the British
Isles after this point being termed Celtic at all.
There are several issues that are apparent at this stage then that affect (perhaps
drastically) our understanding of the Celtic phenomenon.
The historical, or rather, the archaeological evidence for continent-wide Celtic
migrations in the Iron Age is now open to reinterpretation, as is the question regarding
the movement of such peoples into Britain and Ireland at the same time.
It seems that the archetype of Celtic social structure as often conceived,
does not fit the archaeology of Britain and Ireland for most of the Iron
Age. (James, 1999)
James is not the only archaeologist to question the invasion theory, as Raftery (1994)
admits in relation to Irelands Iron Age:
Material of demonstrably continental origin is far too limited in quantity to
demonstrate this [invasion theory], and the La Tne horizon in eastern England
is almost wholly distinct from that in IrelandThere is no denying that the Irish
La Tne tradition came from outsideBut if large-scale population movements
were not responsible for this, what wasIrish emigrantssmall elite [of
foreigners]It remains an open question whether such a hypothetical group
could be held to have made the islands Celtic.
!10
According to James there has been a widespread abandonment in academic circles of
the idea of Pre-Roman centuries being regarded as Celtic. And that the general
picture that archaeology is revealing in the Iron Age is of small-scale, short-range social
life and great regional diversity, which is irreconcilable with the idea of one unified
ethnic identity we call Celtic. We need to present the basis for both theories if we are
to attempt an informed assessment of contemporary culture.
!11
CHAPTER 2: THE CONVENTIONAL HISTORY
The Hallstatt Culture set the scene for an enduring artistic style, revealed especially in
the burials of the wealthy (see Fig. 5). However, in the mid-5th Century BC there
appears to have been a crises in the Hallstatt civilisation and sudden decline set in.
It is around this time that we see major population movements across Europe; see Fig.
6. This is known as the Hallstatt expansion.
!
5. Typical burials from early La Tne inhumation cemeteries in Europe.(a) Warrior burial at Sobocisko, Poland; (b) female burial,
Andelfingen, Switzerland.
This next phase in the European Iron Age was characterised by a material culture
named La Tne (The Shallows) after a major find of over 2000 items on the shore of
Lake Neuchtel in Switzerland in 1946. The curvilinear art featured on the scabbards
!12
found here is one of the most distinctive and broadly dispersed aspects of this culture,
and the earliest form of what we recognise as Celtic Art (see Fig.7).
The peoples of this second phase are known by various names. Classical
commentators refer to them as Galli (Gauls) or Galatae (Galatians), but we also have
Caesars suggestion that they called themselves Celts. The record of history begins to
shed light on the subject now and Mediterranean authors give a vivid picture of the
Celts as a passionate and warlike people.
!
6. The spread of La Tne influence following the Hallstatt expansion.
The Celts settled across a vast area of Europe and while the different groups never
shared a unified political identity, they did share many aspects of material culture,
language and religion.
The La Tne art style developed through the adaptation of Mediterranean plant motifs
by the late Hallstatt people. The characteristic burials of this period are a marked
witness to the spread of La Tne cultural influence across Europe and are widely
dispersed across the continent. The many fine articles of metalwork contained in these
cemeteries give us a detailed insight into the technical sophistication of these peoples
(Raftery 1994).
!13
!
7. 'Jockey cap' helmet in La Tne style of bronze and iron decorated with gold leaf and enamel. From Amfreville,
Eure, France; late 4th century BC.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF LA TNE ART C. 500 BC
La Tne Art is an art of power and imagination, which was lavished above all on high
status objects of metal. It is an art of waves and tendrils, scrolls and spirals, which
twist and turn with restless sinuous grace across the surface to be adorned. It may be
in two dimensions or in the round. Designs are often conceived to convey deliberate
tension between symmetry and asymmetry and shapes constantly change as first one
element of the design, then another is allowed to take prominence in the eye of the
beholder. It is an art of the oak woods, with a constant interplay between light and
shadow, faces appearing to lurk in the abstract foliage, exuding sometimes fearsome
menace, sometimes looking like cartoon characters.
It is not always clear, however, if the image perceived was really intended by the artist
or if it is simply an illusion created by the accidental juxtaposition of abstract curves.
Or is it all a deliberate ploy to tantalise and mystify? La Tne art thus supplies us with
!14
insights into the Celtic personality which is laden with contradiction, innuendo and
double meaning (Raftery, 1994).
The Greek ethnographer Poseidonius wrote of the Celts in the 1st century BC; They
speak in riddles, hinting at things, leaving much to be understood. La Tne art
undoubtedly had a meaning but that meaning has been lost to us forever. Through
the art however, we can glimpse fleetingly into the Celtic soul (Raftery, 1994).
More than any other element, art unifies the Celtic world, with the same themes,
patterns and techniques occurring across that world. Celtic artists did not live in
cultural limbo but absorbed and adopted the traditions and practices of those around
them so that Celtic art was always an evolving and assimilating process that always
created something both entirely new and essentially Celtic.
Celtic artists, like their Islamic and Judaic counterparts, shunned representations of
their deities yet this was to radically change with the early Christian period which saw
figurative art as a valuable tool in spreading the word to largely illiterate peoples. The
monks who created these works of art not only drew on the Celtic past for inspiration
but continued their legacy of immense skill and love of form, design, colour and beauty.
There is strong evidence to suggest that by the 3rd or 4th centuries BC, Celtic
communities were served by not only resident craftsmen, who were very important
figures in society, but also travelling crafts people, spreading traditional manufacturing
methods and artistic motifs from and to the communities they visited. Later on, Celtic
artists appear to have utilised their skills in the service of the Romans as well
(Sandison, 1998).
Celtic art was a fluid, ephemeral discipline. Its practitioners were never averse to
adapting foreign artistic elements they found pleasing. Thus, later classical influences
!15
came to be an intrinsic part of Celtic designs, modified in subtle ways but recognisable
nevertheless.
CELTIC ART IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND
Britain and Ireland, on the periphery of the Hallstatt and La Tne worlds, were least
affected by the Roman advance which had obliterated Celtic culture in mainland Europe
by AD 100. Native culture flourished for a further century before the conquest of
England and Wales restricted communications to the far north and Ireland.
It seems that throughout the Roman period the areas one would expect to continue in
the Celtic traditions; Ireland, Scotland, Wales and Cornwall; are almost devoid of artistic
productions from the 1st to the 4th centuries AD. However the religious and farming
culture continued as the essential outlook of the Iron Age Celt and it is not surprising
that Celtic Art apparently reemerged at the end of the Roman period.
If we regard the art as the visible and tangible expression of things Celtic, and
as the natural outcome of an entire way of life, then it is quite possible to allow
that once the economic and physical restraints of Rome were removed, the
Celts were able to develop once more where they had left off. (Laing, 1992)
Throughout its development and increasingly after Roman invasion, we see British and
Irish Celtic art producing pieces and styles unique to the Isles and distinct from the
Continental context. Fine engraving and metalwork was a particular style of the Isles
early on, see Fig 8. It is around the fifth century that we see more intricate designs;
enamel inlaying in brooches and on hanging bowls, featuring the more familiar intricate
triskele motif see Fig. 9. These hanging bowls represent the last flourish of Celtic
metalwork in England, after that the main source was Ireland, although the Celtic style
of decoration would continue to influence manuscripts and sculpture.
!16
!
8. Bronze mirror, 35 cm high, from Desborough, Northamptonshire.The symmetrical design recalls early style lyre-scrolls.
The voids are in filled with basketry ornament.
!
9. Escutcheon from a bronze hanging bowl from Winchester, featuring enameled triskeles. 5th or 6th century BC.
!17
THE FIRST CELTIC RENAISSANCE C.400 1200 AD
The conversion of the Celts to Christianity is conventionally regarded as the beginning
of a new phase of Celtic art and most of the masterpieces from this period onwards
were of Christian function or meaning (see Fig.10). It is a period that also coincides
with the withdrawal of Roman power from Britain and an influx of Germanic Angles and
Saxons to the east coast of Britain. The relationship between the artistic culture of
the Anglo-Saxons and the Celtic art of the indigenous population is highly complex and
bound up with the spread of Christianity to both peoples.
!10. The intricate Christi Autem page from The Book of Kells, c.800 AD.
By this time the cross-section of artistic culture in these lands had become distinctly
eclectic and affected by Roman, classical and Germanic influence. After the Romans
left, cross-cultural interaction mushroomed and the art of the Isles was affected. From
this point the art works are a result of the interactions of these diverse influences as
!18
well as the development of Christianity which transcended cultural boundaries and led
to traditions in art that flowed between and through different cultures and styles.
Thus, the art style of the rich Celtic culture founded in the ancient Iron Age and
Hallstatt/La Tne cultures, and further cultivated in the Isles up till Roman invasion,
was conjoined with the elements of other cultures. Roman, Greek, Germanic and later
Norse art styles into which the Celtic stream came into contact were all assimilated
and became complimentary to a tradition which shifted and shape-changed in the same
way as the abstract imagery within its designs.
!19
CHAPTER 3: THE ARGUMENT AGAINST CELTIC CULTURAL UNITY
Is the idea of ancient Celts in the British Isles . . . a modern academic, political
and cultural fiction thrust onto the past, distorting it until its true shape
is unrecognisable? If it is a fiction does this mean that modern Celtic identity
is a fraud as well?
This is the question posed by the opposing faction in the debate on Celticness. This
particularly interests me in its repercussions for our islands which is the focus of my
research.
Today there is no national or ethnic group that calls itself the Celts as its primary
name. However in the eyes of many Celticness is the shared, deeply ancient cultural
inheritance of several modern nations and peoples. Celticness then is a major (and
largely implied but not expressed) concept at the foundation of several societies.
Laing (1992) believes that the most recent research suggests that Celtic culture in
Britain should be attributed more to gradual development of the language and other
definitive features than to the invasions from the continent favoured by earlier
archaeologists. It now seems most reasonable to accept that development from the
Bronze Age onwards was gradual and continuous, responding to a lesser or greater
degree to the continental influences(Laing, 1992).
Ireland has so far yielded no archaeological evidence for large intrusive groups of Celtic
continental immigrants and there is reason to believe that the native Bronze Age
culture
!20
continued with little change in many areas, gradually absorbing and creating Celtic
culture. Remarkably few La Tne continental-style objects (as opposed to local styles)
have been found, and those few objects could be imports or the possessions of a few
rich immigrants (Laing, 1992. Raftery, 1994).
Just as there is considerable debate about how the Iron Age should be studied and
viewed, there are also differing opinions surrounding the problems of dating and
grouping the examples of Iron Age art in Britain.
Most important pieces have been found casually, without a context of other
archaeological material. It is clear that although insular Celtic Art shows many features
that reflect continental trends, the overall character of the art is distinctive, just as
insular Iron Age culture differs from that of the continent.
Consequently, although specialists allow that influences from this or that continental
style are apparent in particular insular artifacts, there is no general agreement whether
this can be interpreted as evidence or a similar date, or a long survival of continental
elements after their peak in mainland Europe (Laing 1992).
The evidence quite clearly shows that no one in Britain or Ireland called themselves
Celtic before 1700 and James (1999) believes the idea of insular Celts is a modern
interpretation and an adopted ethnonym (i.e. an ethnic groups name for itself). If
there is such widespread abandonment of the idea of pre-Roman centuries being
termed Celtic at all then we must ask where the idea came from in the first place. If it
is a modern interpretation rather than unequivocal historical fact, how did this identity
evolve?
THE EVOLUTION OF CELTIC IDENTITY
The main lesson of modern research into the development of ethnic identities shows
them to be far more complex than has been assumed.
!21
There is evidence for close contact between Britain and Gaul during the Iron Age. Art
styles and religious practices were inspired by continental ways. There is no evidence
for full-scale immigrations. We can demonstrate a continental connection, but it is
increasingly likely that the local communities were descended from the preceding
Bronze Age inhabitants, as even suggested by Laing (1992) and Raftery (1994).
The unified Scottish and English kingdoms were both established in the context of
pressure from the Vikings and the consolidation of their national identities came in the
aftermath. Larger and more destructive conflicts between the nations of Britain and
Europe, arising primarily from the ambitions of royalty, caused the development of
more clearly defined ethnic/national identities during the 13th to 15th centuries.
We have already seen how the Celtic idea exploded with Lhuyds language studies and
the political climate of the 18th century. It is important to realise that most
archaeological research into Iron Age Europe occurred after this point. It is easy to
understand how subsequent finds would be fitted into a preconceived and popularised
model of a Celtic civilisation, and an invasion/immigration theory already formed.
The American and French revolutions in the 18th Century caused eruption of mass-
patriotism in other countries as well. In the 19th century the Waverley novels of Sir
Walter Scott and phenomenal enthusiasm for Macphersons Ossian, a supposed ancient
Highland bard, even spread to France and Germany. These images of tartan plaids and
bagpipes were to become inextricably linked to Scottish identity (James, 1999).
All these developments were reaffirming nostalgic past traditions and lifestyles.
Language and styles of social order were reaffirmed and this was all going on against a
backdrop of English oppression in the surrounding nations.
In Scotland there was increasing class distinction and suppression of the Highland Clan
tradition and language, followed by the mass emigrations of the Clearances. In Ireland
there was the emigrations caused by the potato famine and religious discrimination !22
which has left a legacy of sectarianism to this day. Wales suffered injustices against its
social order and language. All these factors contributed to a consolidating nationalism
and disquiet with English rule.
This movement of feeling of course led to the independent Irish state, the Welsh
Language Act and investment in Gaelic culture of the Highlands and Islands in more
recent times.
In the latter half of the 20th century, it was gradually realised that anthropologists and
other scholars had been imposing prior assumptions on the peoples that they were
studying and preconceptions were looked at again as new evidence arose. However
the scholars leave behind the rest of society in established concepts of historical
identity as they redevelop their theories.
The dynamics of the cultural and political interactions that took place among the
British Isles in the 18th to 20th centuries to produce this strong Celtic identity is very
complex.
Today the Celtic countries are undergoing a period of political and cultural renewal,
with hopes of constitutional stability in Northern Ireland, and an end to centuries of
conflict and devolved government in Scotland and Wales. In the lands of the dispersed
emigrants all around the globe as well, Celtic culture, not least music enjoys great
prestige and popularity (who hasnt heard of Riverdance?).
THE ESSENCE OF ETHNICITY
It is now widely accepted among the archaeological school that Celtic Art, which is a
defining element of the heritage of modern Celtic nations, is more about social
differentiation, power and religion than about ethnicity (James 1999). Notice even in
the early Hallstatt finds, in graves of wealthy aristocrats, p.12, the significance of
wealth and personal possessions in the inhumations. This seems reflected today in the !23
enduring multinational appeal of Celtic. Celtic Art cannot be taken as an indication of a
unified Celtic identity in Iron Age Britain and Ireland any more than it can today.
The symbolic meanings attached to aspects of culture which makes them the
expression of that cultures identity or ethnicity such as language or certain artifacts
are therefore not fixed, but open to redefinition.
Ethnicity is about what people believe their identity is, it is not a thing but a social
process (James, 1999)
The difficulties involved in an insular Celtic culture in Britain and Ireland from an
archaeological perspective, coupled with our improved understanding of ethnic
identities and the political and social factors of the 18th century, overwhelmingly
support the idea of the Celts as a modern romantic fantasy (James, 1999).
THE REJECTION OF CELTIC?
Men run with great audacity to give their evidence in favour of what flatters
their passions and their national prejudices. (David Hume, 1776)
Simon James concludes that the term Celtic should be rejected because it brings with
it an expectation of a singular cultural influence that does not fit the current evidence
(See Appendix 1).
Suggestions that, even if the term was not a true ethnonym in the past, that it is still
useful as a convenient cultural label to apply to early insular peoples who were in
essence the same, are also to be discarded. We are so used to the idea of cultures
and peoples and Celtic going together that using Celtic as a cultural label, it soon
reverts to an ethnic one.
Similarities in language (which philologists would argue is the only sure indicator of
Celticity), undoubtedly existed and are taken as the fundamental evidence for the
!24
Celtic peoples. In the light of the new scientific understanding outlined, the languages
themselves cannot be taken as determinants of a particular cultural similarity or of
genealogical heritage.
Modern studies show that it is not so clear cut in the dynamics of ethnic groups and
languages can transect cultures (James, 1999).
Certainly in the context of the Isles, and perhaps in the case of Europe as a
whole, the idea of Celts is so laden with historical baggage and political
distortion that, with regard to the past at least, we must drop the term entirely
if we are to get any closer to understanding the peoples of Iron Age
Europe. (James, 1999)
WHAT OF MODERN CELTICNESS?
The Celtic peoples hold a fundamental place in our national consciousness and in other
nations; so if the Celts are a recent invention, what does this mean for modern people
who regard themselves as Celts? Since the ancient Celts appear to have questionable
historical roots, does that mean that the modern Celts are also bogus?
Discrediting the ancient Celts, according to James (1999), does not actually make the
modern Celts a fraud. The understanding of ethnic identities that reveals the ancient
Celts as a modern construct also suggests that the modern Celts constitute a perfectly
real and legitimate group.
To explain this paradox, one must look at the chronology. The modern Celts are not
the present day representatives of an ancient race who have existed through the ages,
but represent a case of ethnogenesis the birth of an ethnic identity in early modern
Europe.
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James justifies this conclusion by reiterating four recurrent themes in the study of
ethnic identities which, when applied to the Ancient Celts, show the inconsistencies of
the concept while supporting the case for a modern Celtic ethnicity (see Appendix 2).
They arise from sense of difference/reaction to perceived threat.
Express identity by attaching symbolic value to cultural aspects deemed
characteristic.
Such groups choose an ethnonym for themselves.
Ethnic groups create an agreed selective and reframed common history.
But the clearest evidence for the reality of modern insular Celts is the simple fact that
millions of people around the world feel themselves part of this Celtic family and in the
succeeding chapters we will look at evidence from contemporary culture against the
background of this debate.
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CHAPTER 4 OVERVIEW OF THE MODERN CELTIC HORIZON
Regardless of whatever scholarly debates surround the authenticity of Celtic culture,
my research certainly shows that there is a definable group of people who consider
Celtic as part of their identity. There is a celebration of that identity through a
profusion of artistic, musical, and religious elements that have become deeply
embedded in this modern Celtic ideal.
I intend, in this section, to present a reasonably broad cross-section of the current
Celtic cultural horizon from a design perspective, focused on Scotland but applicable
generally also. The findings may be mirrored against the backdrop of the academic
debate already outlined for the reader to draw their own conclusions from in terms of
the higher argument. However, I believe certain observations and conclusions can be
achieved from the evidence as it stands, without becoming tied up in the deeper
debate.
CELTIC ON THE HIGH STREET
Research was gathered from 11 different urban settlements throughout Scotland. This
was achieved by taking a visual record of relevant items found in the course of a
general walkabout in the centre of commercial activity in each town - the high street
to gain an impression of what aspects the average member of the public would
generally be exposed to. As well as this general overview, more detailed information
was obtained from museums, galleries, companies and conversations with people
possessing varying levels of knowledge on the topic.
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The research shows that there is enormous demand for anything under the Celtic label
and that it has mushroomed over very recent years. One shopkeeper in Ullapool
revealed how consumer demand for tartan products a few years ago had changed to
interest in anything Celtic in recent years. Tartan and bagpipes are no longer the
singular expression of Scottish identity. A growing climate of Celtic kinmanship has
caused this and forged closer cultural ties with fellow Celtic nations and we now see
traditional Irish music selling alongside Scottish music in souvenir shops on both sides
of the Irish Sea.
RESEARCH ANALYSIS
The results have been broken down into sources (see table below) from which imagery
or inspiration appears to have been drawn. This is related to any product featuring the
word Celtic or obviously associated subject matter.
Unsurprisingly, Celtic style knot work is the most prominent element in the commercial
scene - accounting for over one third of the total material. I would suggest this is
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11. Table 2. Celtic Miscellany on the High Street
1.30%1.60%
4.70%
4.70%
8.20%
12%
14%
18.50%
35%
Celtic knotworkEarly Christian manuscriptsUnrelated to Celtic sourcesChristian manuscript typefacesSculpted stone crossesHistorical artefactsSceneryArchitecturePictish
attributable to the attractive abstract nature of the designs, which has ensured the
endurance of this type of art style through the centuries.
This aspect appeared in an incredible range of settings that probably no other art style
manages to. It encompasses a multitude of products from jewellery, mugs and CD
covers to memorial stones and body tattoos (see Fig. 12).
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12. Celtic knot work
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13. Decoration inspired by manuscript illustrations.
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Designs based on the illuminated manuscripts of the Early Christian era, such as the
most famous Book of Kells, came second accounting for under a quarter of the total
material surveyed. This source can be traced to its development in post-Roman Britain
and Ireland, long after any Celtic culture existed on the continent, although stylistic
elements from the continental art subsisted in this form (see Fig. 13).
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14. Style of content unrelated to label.
A telling third largest portion of the material was apparently unrelated to any obvious
Celtic source (in the popular sense of the word or otherwise). This sector showed no
general basis in the historical sources of Celtic style, which supports my suspicions of a
considerable extent of market exploitation; cashing in on the phenomenon (see Fig.14).
The remaining 32.5% consists of material derived from manuscript typefaces, Pictish
art, actual Celtic historical artifacts, crosses and scenery (see Fig. 15)!30
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15. Typical Celtic imagery.
One thing that is immediately obvious from this survey is the high profile of material
attributed to the Early Christian era; illuminated manuscripts, typefaces, crosses. The
only trace of any reference to pre-Christian sources is the few examples of pure La
Tne style evident in images of historical artifacts and that, most often found on the
more academic materials; book covers etc. (see Fig.16). I believe this illustrates too
the low rank of pure La Tne style art in the general conception of Celtic art. For a
distinctive style upon which this Celtic style is supposed to be based, it is remarkably
nondescript to the general public. It seems most of our modern Celtic culture draws its
symbolism from post-Roman Scottish and Irish culture.
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16. La Tne imagery.
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DEFINED BY TOURISM
There is also reason to believe that the commercial element of modern Celtic culture is
not a simple reflection of the Scottish consumer. The majority of products (especially
the unrelated items) could be aimed at the tourism market. Tourist information
centres and souvenir shops boasted the highest concentrations of Celtic themed
products some of them selling little else. This shows a large part of the demand is
from foreign consumers, who have an appetite for Celtic items and identify them with
Scotland (see Fig. 17). Of course it may be a case of what comes first the chicken or
the egg?. It may be the demand from visitors that causes the shops to stock Celtic
items, or the visitors may be coerced into identifying Celtic with Scotland because
certain shops stock so many items of a Celtic vein. It is an interesting point to
consider.
There are of course less exclusively tourist-oriented products such as books, music and
jewellery that would not be so prevalent without a demand from the general
population. That being said, I would suspect that the Scottish public is, to an extent,
responsive to the tourist generated commercial trend rather than instigating it.
Most people are participants in this Celtic phenomenon to the extent that there is a
general awareness and appreciation of its aesthetic. People find the visual symbolism
and ambiguities attractive, almost subconsciously, so that when confronted with an
articulated personal concept of Celtic identity or values, people tend to be more
bemused and unsure. This recalls the observations of Ian Bradley (1999) that the
initial enthusiasm for Celtic culture seems invariably to come from nationalities outside
the Celtic nations (consider: biographies of Celtic saints written in European
monasteries, enthusiasm for Scottish lore in France and Germany, popularity of tartan
with the Japanese etc.).
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17. Celtic souvenir merchandise.
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GEOGRAPHICAL FACTORS
Another indicator of the commercial emphasis on tourism is the geographical
distribution of material across the country. The east coast (Perth, Dundee, St.
Andrews, Edinburgh) has a strong presence of Celtic culture, concentrated in St.
Andrews, which, I suspect, is a lot to do with its history as a religious centre.
Edinburgh also has a high presence due to its major tourist draw. Aberdeen down
through Fife is the Pictish heartland, which is another contributing factor no doubt.
Contrasting with this; the south west (including Glasgow, Greenock and Ayr) was very
low in Celtic material, especially in Glasgow which is surprising considering its
importance as a cultural centre. The Charles Rennie Macintosh element may have
something to do with this, and the absence of any notable Celtic history in the region
probably gives the issue less relevance locally and is consequently less prominent.
The highest concentration was in the north-west which of course includes Iona and the
Hebrides, Skye and the Highlands. These areas have a very strong and tangible history
of Celtic culture and an equally large tourist base. The Gaelic language is also very
prominent here, which gives a three-pronged basis for a thriving Celtic culture in these
areas.
This connection between Celtic culture and tourism is by no means absolute. It could
be that these areas (the east and north-west) have stronger local Celtic heritage and
people are more aware of the Celtic dynamic as a result. I know that in the Highlands
that was very evident.
Again the endurance of Gaelic language and tradition, and their comparable isolation
from the national main stream, makes the people far more aware of their history and I
think that is a major factor causing the high levels of Celtic elements in these areas.
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I believe this research shows that a large part of the commercial expression of Celtic
culture can be traced to external romantic interest in the uniqueness of the Highlands
and Islands and Southern Ireland. The Scots seem to have begun to acknowledge their
heritage and develop their identity in response to the imposition of this Celtic persona
by outsiders on their appealing cultural idiosyncrasies.
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CHAPTER 5: DECONSTRUCTING THE MODERN CELTIC HORIZON
[The term Celtic is] a magic bag into which anything may be
put and out of which anything may come. (Tolkein 1967)
Modern Celtic culture impacts a vast cross-section of everyday culture and society in
Britain today. Because of its chameleon nature it has found a niche in almost every
form of cultural expression, the arts, literature, academia etc. I would like to outline
two of the various streams of this expression, casting a critical eye on the make up of
each, and discover how true the above statement of J.R.R. Tolkein's really is.
There are four main streams of Celtic culture in our society. Art and design, music,
literature and spirituality are the most prominent categories. Art and design can be
divided into sub-categories; general merchandise, jewellery/metal craft and design for
print. I will also address the music sector.
GENERAL MERCHANDISE
This sector is probably the one most influenced by commercialism and is largely
devoted to the tourist/gift market.
The Celtic Aromatherapy Burner (Fig. 18) is an example of the abuse of the Celtic
label. It shows a product, which has in itself nothing intrinsically Celtic about it, indeed
this type of product is part of a modern popularism of therapeutic products. It is a
clear example of commercial distortion of a popular ideal. The Celtic label and style has
literally been applied to the packaging in order to widen the products appeal; taking
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advantage of a lucrative market. If you took the actual product alone, there would be
nothing to identify it with the Celtic style.
The Celtic Body Decoration Pack (Fig. 19) is a good example of the continuing
evolution of the Celtic art style. The designs may not be strictly or historically Celtic
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18. Celtic Aromatherapy Burner.
but rather use the Celtic style as an inspiration and framework for new design. One
can see the same principles at work in creating a unique expression of the style;
recalling the words of George Bain (1951), By understanding the methods, new
designs and even new methods in this peculiar art may be produced. I believe there is
continuity in the product as it shows interaction with the style and there is a nice
parallel with the stories of painted/tattooed Celtic warriors on the battlefield. It is a
genuine expression of the modern Celtic culture and is true to its ideal.
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19. Celtic Body Decoration Pack.
Fig. 20 shows the two iconic styles of Scottish culture so often side by side on the
shop counter; Celtic art and Mockintosh (designs based upon the style of Charles
Rennie Mackintosh). Fig. 21 illustrates how well suited the material from the Christian
manuscripts such as The Book of Kells lends itself to the gift market; the designs adapt
to suit any framework or purpose.
Finally, a small insight into global Celtic culture is given us in Fig. 22. This shows part
of a full window display in a batik shop in Skye, with traditional Asian craft products
and materials, but utilising Celtic knot work and motifs. This perfectly illustrates the
assimilation of an entirely separate other culture into the Celtic style, or, one might
argue, the assimilation of Celtic into that culture. What is most peculiar is how well it
fits into the foreign environment, and we can see how adaptable and truly global the
culture has become. Fig. 23 shows a page from a charity fair trade catalogue with
Celtic themed products that were crafted in . . . India!
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20. Celtic and 'Mockintosh' design earthenware.
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21. Kells decoration on crockery.
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22. Skye Batiks; cross carving and cushions with Celtic motifs.
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23. Tearcraft catalogue products.
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24. The Tara Brooch, early 8th century.
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JEWELLERY AND METAL WORK
The jeweller George Waterhouse exhibited the Tara Brooch (Fig. 24) in the Great
Exhibition of 1851. Queen Victoria was enchanted with the piece and bought a copy
of the brooch from Mr. Waterhouse. Here we see the beginning of the commercial
exploitation of the growing enthusiasm for Celtic lore. The Celtic style has been a
major aspect of this sector for longer than any other and it is obviously well suited to
this particular medium due to its ornate, adaptive and decorative properties.
Due to the strong tradition of metalwork and jewellery in the history of Celtic culture, it
is not surprising that this medium is saturated with the influence of the Celtic style.
Consequently, being so readily applied in metal work, there is a lot of very imaginative
design and accurate representational work in jewellery, but there is also the mark of
cheap exploitation of a popular style with work that is very bland and false.
Fig. 25 shows some products regarded as traditional Celtic or Scottish pieces. The
Quaich (from Gaelic cuach meaning cup) is definitely derived from mediaeval
tradition rather than any Celtic period but being an icon of Scottish tradition seems to
invariably lead to a Celtic treatment. Indeed, I have rarely seen this particular item
without Celtic knot work decorating its surface.
The Penannular brooch has its root firmly in common Celtic heritage, as can be seen
from its similarity to the Tara Brooch above. This historical root legitimises the already
attractive and popular design of many items of jewellery and is an effective marketing
tactic.
Celtic art is one of the few styles, especially in terms of metal craft that is equally
appropriate for the male demographic in the market place, and this is illustrated by the
wide range of gift products designed for men, for example, the hip flask.
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25. Silver quaichs. The penannular brooch. Silver hip flasks.
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The Celtic cross is, as ever, a source of inspiration for the metalworker and jeweller.
The pieces in Fig. 26 show how the Celtic cross is always a popular theme and can
offer endless possibilities of variation while still being iconic in its symbolism. Indeed,
Fig. 27 is a poignant statement of how that symbolism has become part of the national
identity, alongside more political icons of nationality.
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26. Celtic cross pendants.
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27. 'Scotland' and 'Cross' pendants.
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28. Hair clasps and pendants made in Ireland.
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29. Enamel jewellery, featuring more 'La Tne' style designs.
There is evidence of experimentation and pushing the boundaries in developing the
Celtic style in jewellery. Figs. 28 and 29 shows products recalling more ancient
materials such as bone and enamel and an emphasis on hand crafted simplicity and
quality. Fig. 30 is an excellent example of the potential for something new, fresh and
beautiful using the same methods that have been used for centuries in the Celtic
design tradition.
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30. Pendant with 'Kells style' bird design.
These are the rare examples of progression and vision. The power of the Celtic label is
evident (see Fig. 31) and has quite superficial applications. I believe it nigh on
impossible to find a jeweller's shop in Scotland that does not sell Celtic styled wedding
rings, for example (Fig.32). Products where it is employed at a purely cosmetic level,
the watches in Fig. 33 for example.
There is also unashamed use of the name 'Celtic' in brands and product ranges that
are, at best, loosely derived from Celtic styles (see Fig. 34).
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31. Notice in shop window; interesting emphasis on 'Celtic' over 'Rennie Mackintosh'.
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32. Celtic wedding rings 33. Celtic decorated watches.
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34. Loosely derived Celtic designs.
DESIGN FOR PRINT
The use of Celtic style in graphic design varies from the purely cosmetic, decorative
usefulness of knot work etc. to the design of identities for shops and companies or as
part of the intrinsic personality of a product. There is no copyright on Celtic art and so
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it is a free for all as far as utilising the Celtic image goes. The downside of this is of
course over-use breeds disinterest and loses its attractability. The benefits are;
employing a visual language that already has built-in connotations and symbolism and
of course, is also very popular.
Most instances of Celtic influences in design for print were simply for decorative
purposes, perhaps to reinforce a service/product/name that in itself carried little
impact.
The most common situation was regarding a product or service that wanted to enforce
its Scottishness. For example, Fig. 35, Leaflet for Timberbush Tours. Although the
logo is very much a unique design (although it does recall the Celtic style floret) they
also use a very Celtic typeface which also has a strong Gaelic connotation nowadays
and conveys a Highland theme. The knot work running through the leaflet acts as
attractive decoration, but supports the identity of the service far more than any
ordinary decorative technique would. It carries all the qualities so beloved of Celtic
culture - ancient, remote, mystical, heartland qualities. Thus imposing these attractive
aspects on to the service provided by this company - tours into the ancient, scenic,
heartland of Scotland.
A similar use of imagery is seen in Fig. 36, Leaflet for Scottish Youth Hostels. The knot
work on the front is the only use anywhere in the leaflet and just seems like easy space
filler to back up the Scottish idea.
There are examples of good use of Celtic imagery as part of the design rather than
attractive decoration.
Fig. 37 shows a leaflet for ONeils, an Irish bar chain. A Celtic floret forms part of the
logo that also uses typical Celtic manuscript style type. The subtle use of what
appears to be a specifically designed Kells style motif in the background through out
the leaflet, coupled with the obvious Celtic feel of the logo and type used, give an
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35. Timberbush Tours leaflet. 36. Scottish Youth Hostels Leaflet.
irresistibly Irish Celtic feel. But the use of a clean contemporary graphic approach
apart from these elements gives a feeling of modernity as well; avoiding a lot of cliche.
The net result is a strong Celtic theme, from an Irish perspective (the name "ONeils")
but also modern and progressive, it succeeds in marrying Celtic, traditional and
cool. All of course are very popular trends at present.
Another good example is Fraoch Heather Ale, Fig. 38. The product simply claims to be
a beverage that has been brewed in Scotland for the last 2000 years. It has chosen a
very clever combination of imagery to enforce its persona of longevity and uniqueness.
The overall scheme on the bottle label is of a Pictish theme, with a very appropriate
and humorous reference to the drunken horseman from a Pictish stone in Invergowrie.
This gives an almost historically attested (by means of using an actual historical
artifact) testimony to the use of this drink by Scotland's ancient inhabitants.
The Pictish symbols reinforce the aura of twilight peoples, with runic style type
recalling the Vikings and the cross and manuscript typeface: - early Christianity,
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missionaries, monks etc. This is a very successful application of Celtic imagery and
symbolism as part of a brand identity.
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37. Leaflet for O'Neil's Irish Bar. 38. Fraoch Heather Ale.
Fig. 39 shows examples of various levels of application from the cutting edge graphics
of contemporary music to the domestic realm and amateur treatments. It is important
to note the accessibility of the style to any, regardless of specialism. At one end of
the spectrum we see the high-end designers trying to push the style into new
expressions of modern Celtic culture and at the other universal appeal simply as an
effective and appealing decorative tool.
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39. Bed & Breakfast sign in Portree; Tartan Amoebas CD with spiral motif;
newspaper advert for a craft fair.!51
MUSIC
Celtic music is one of the fastest growing, if not the fastest, sector of the music
industry today. It is enjoying a boom, which surfaced in the 1990s, and the explosion
of enthusiasm for Irish dance and traditional music.
I was intrigued by comments made by one shopkeeper on the matter of Celtic music
that made me realise that its popularity has mushroomed far more suddenly than other
sectors of modern Celtic culture. He noted how in the space of a few years, it has
become customary to have traditional Irish musicians and albums alongside Scottish
ones on the shop shelf. This was unheard of previously, in his experience the demand
was for Scottish product, but now the interest in Celtic brings in more non-Scottish
products as well. It is not inconceivable that the sensation of the Riverdance show and
its succeeding world tour (see Appendix 3.1) in the mid-nineties is largely responsible
for the sudden increase in the profile of Celtic music across the globe.
Much of Celtic music leans on the Celtic language heritage of the country from which it
is derived, rather than the innate Celticness of the content as pertaining to a historical
culture.
In this way Celtic music has become an umbrella for many forms of traditional music in
Scotland, Ireland, Wales, Brittany, Galicia (Spain) and even England. This also means
that the style of the music is not so important as the nationality of the artist and in
some cases this is enough to attach the Celtic label to the work.
The most typical treatment in terms of the graphic design of the music albums is
shown in Fig. 40. The main tool is the use of three elements: an image of some
historical landscape or scenery, and the suggestion of Celtic style decoration in the
graphic motif, all reinforced by the broad calligraphic script typeface.
The actual musical content is a collection of "jigs, reels and airs" from "Ireland's finest
musicians", which a few years a go would not have been regarded as particularly
'Celtic' at all (See also Appendix 3.2).
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40. Celtic Spirit CD cover design.
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41. Salsa Celtica; contemporary mix of musical traditions.
Fig. 41 is an example of the truly international personality of Celtic music. Salsa
Celtica, "the great Scottish Latin adventure", epitomises the close links that are felt
between the Celtic nations and their dispersion around the globe.
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There are many instances where cheap commercialism rears its head. Fig. 42 shows
two compilations. The only thing vaguely Celtic about Celtic Love Songs is the
typeface and floret on the front, perhaps the nationalities of the featured artists, but
certainly not the style of music. And the incongruity of the photograph on the cover is
underlined by the fact that the couple is in traditional English wedding dress. The
Celtic Journey album is more closely linked with the lore of the Scottish clan era;
castles and majestic stags could not be more cliched images to use. The Celticness of
the album is 'ensured' by using a sympathetic typeface and the use of some knot work
decoration. These are abuses of the Celtic ideal in my opinion.
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42. Celtic Love Songs, Celtic Journey: Here's To The Highlands.
The largest part of the music products come from the Celtic Spiritual stream, there is a
plethora of Christian Celtic product and Spiritual/Inspirational collections (see Appendix
3.3). These works draw on the wealth of material from the Early Christian and
monastic heritage in the British Isles. The spiritual music does tend to be more in
harmony with the original Celtic source in terms of use of traditional instruments and
hymns (although most of these were not written earlier than the 12th century) than
the more contemporary stream.
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Some artists such as Michael Card do attempt to apply the ideal in a personal and
modern context. His album Starkindler (See Fig.43) is devoid of Celtic imagery but the
strap line
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43. Starkindler: A Celtic conversation across time.
on the cover reads "a celtic conversation across time" - betraying his influence. He is
not naive in presenting his own style as Celtic, but rather finds inspiration and value in
the passion and multi-disciplinary means of expression employed by the Celts.
These ancient melodies are a reflection of that desire.... most of the lyrics
come to us from a much later time...And so these songs represent a worshipful
conversation over time; melodies from the ancient Celts, words from a later
period of revival, and now our versions."
I think that sums up the situation for Celtic music today very well.
It is a pity that the innovations in Celtic music are not reflected in the graphic design
that accompanies it. There is debatably a dilution of pure Celtic source in the
embracing of new cultures, musical approaches and instrumentation that comes along
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with it. But to restrict the Celtic music genre in terms of a historical culture's
particular style or use of instruments would be to consign it to the museums. It is
more evident in this sector than possibly any other how our modern society seems to
be generating its own Celtic identity.
MULTIPLE STREAMS
The above outlines only a small cross section of my research which could be expanded
into the realms of literature, current events, religion, but a discourse could be written
on each area, it is so vast. Indeed, I have only presented a necessarily limited overview
of our material culture in Britain in the 21st century.
I would very much like to analyse the dynamics revealed in the literary market; the
medium where fact and fiction are usually so distinctly identified is infused with the
prevalent mystique surrounding Celticness, whether it is a historical study or a fantasy
novel you are reading. And the regular reports of cultural events and exchange in the
news between Irish and Scottish parties; Celtic music festivals drawing artists and
spectators from all over the world; collaborative projects attended by Irish and Scottish
representatives at State level, the list goes on. The parallel with the (controversial)
Celtic revival affecting religion; expressed not only in music but literature and liturgy as
well, and the affinity with New Age spirituality.
It is an extremely intriguing and thought provoking subject and I hope my analysis of
examples from our own material culture helps to give physicality to the historical issues
outlined earlier and, in some measure, a reflection against which the various theories
may be superimposed.
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CONCLUSION
My original intention in examining this issue of Celtic culture was to discover what, if
any, firm historical basis there is upon which to test the current expressions of the
Celtic ideal. Investigations uncovered a subject whose origins and physical make-up
(historically speaking), even from a scholarly point of view, are as mysterious and
ephemeral as its modern cultural expression. Significant debate surrounds our
understanding of the historical Celtic people and this conception is ever changing as
new understanding and evidence is unearthed.
In terms of summarising the ramifications involved; it is clear that if there was no mass
infiltration of the Celtic peoples of the Continent into the British Isles that the
indigenous population there must have been influenced by close cultural contact with
La Tne culture on the continent. It would therefore be these peoples of Britain and
Ireland (as opposed to Celts) who were responsible for cultivating the artistic style
which gave birth to what we now call Celtic Art. Pictish symbol stones, fine metal
work, illustrated manuscripts and stone crosses, that are the very embodiment of our
perception of what Celtic culture is, are all concentrated in the British Isles.
The Celts of the Continent left very little in terms of tradition or culture to transcend
the centuries and influence today. They were, for the most part, wiped out by the
Romans. And so we are left with the name of a people that no longer exists (that is if a
unified Celticness ever existed on the Continent), transferred on to the produce of
their neighbours who were probably quite separate in terms of identity and traditions.
The reader will no doubt appreciate the gravity of this issue in relation to Celtic culture.
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The flip side of the argument for 'invented' Celtic people is that we have a paradoxical
situation. The same principles that disprove the Celts support a modern Celtic identity
and therefore release it from the pressure of scrutiny and comparison with the past,
which I for one had set out to apply.
The truth, as is often found, is probably somewhere in between the two extremes of
historical people and modern fantasy. Leaving us only with what we see around us that
can be observed and analysed, albeit from our various biases.
From my own primary research it is certainly evident that the Celtic idiom is of
tremendous power and influence, politically, culturally and commercially. The early
developments of nationalism in the various Celtic nations show how powerful this ideal
was. It is now we are seeing that focused in our materialistic 21st century society,
into the global commercial machine, with the dilution and exploitation that inevitably
occurs as a result of any popularisation of any ideal.
In the words of victor Hugo;
"There is one thing stronger than all the armies in the world.
And that is an idea whose time has come."
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REFERENCES
Bain, George (1951), Celtic Art: The Methods of Construction.
London: Constable & Company Ltd.
Bradley, Ian (1999), Celtic Christianity:
Making Myths and Chasing Dreams.
Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press
James, Simon (1999), The Atlantic Celts: Ancient People
or Modern Invention?
London: British Museum Press.
Laing, Lloyd & Jennifer (1992), The Art of The Celts.
London: Thames and Hudson.
Raftery, Barry (1994), Pagan Celtic Ireland:
The Enigma of the Irish Iron Age.
London: Thames and Hudson.
Sandison, David (1998), The Art of The Celts.
London: Hamlyn.
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PRIMARY RESEARCH
High Street surveys in 11 Scottish towns, June - August
2000:
Ayr, Biggar, Dundee, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Greenock,
Perth, Portree, St. Andrews, Stornoway, Ullapool.
Informal interviews with:
Mrs. B. Graham, Capercaillie Gifts, Ayr.
Mr. K. W. McNaughton, Ceol Na Mara, Ullapool.
Mrs. C. Howells, widow of D. G. Howells, Professor of
Celtic Languages, Glasgow University.
Internet research:
www.celticheartbeat.com
www.cnn.com
www.celticmusic.com
www.mccelticdesign.com
www.celtarts.com
www.ceolas.org
Photographs:
11-22, 24-33, 37-41 by Colin Campbell.
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http://www.celticheartbeat.comhttp://www.cnn.comhttp://www.celticmusic.comhttp://www.mccelticdesign.comhttp://www.celtarts.comhttp://www.ceolas.org
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS
Allen, J. Romilly (1904), Celtic Art in Pagan and Christian Times.Methuen & Company: London.
Armit, Ian (1998), Scotland's Hidden History.Tempus Publishing Ltd: Stroud.
Bain, George (1951), Celtic Art: The Methods of Construction.Constable & Company. Ltd: London.
Batchworth Press Ltd. (1959), Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology.London.
Bradley, Ian (1993), The Celtic Way.Darton Longman & Todd Ltd: London.
(1999), Celtic Christianity: Making Myths and Chasing Dreams.Edinburgh University Press: Edinburgh.
Chadwick, Nora (1970) The Celts.
Penguin Books: Middlesex.
Cummins, W. A. (1995), The Age of the Picts.Alan Sutton Publishing: Stroud.
Davis, Courtney (1997), Celtic Initials and Alphabets.Blandford: London.
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Duncan, Anthony (1992), The Elements of Celtic Christianity.Element Books Ltd: Shaftesbury.
Ellis, Peter B. (1993), Celt and Saxon: The struggle for Britain AD 410-937.
(1995), Celtic Women.Constable & Company Ltd: London.
Foster, Richard (1999), Streams of Living Water.Harper Collins: London.
Jacobs, Joseph (2000), Celtic Fairy Tales.Parragon: Bath.
James, Simon (1999), The Atlantic Celts: Ancient People or Modern Invention?British Museum Press: London
Laing, Lloyd & Jennifer (1992), The Art of The Celts.Thames and Hudson: London.
Low, Mary (1996), Celtic Christianity and Nature.Edinburgh University Press: Edinburgh.
Macdonald, Fiona (2000), Step into the Celtic World.Hermes House: London.
Mackey, James P. (1995), An Introduction to Celtic Christianity.T & T Clark: Edinburgh.
Ministry of Public Building & Works (1964), The Early Christian and Pictish Monuments.H.M.S.O: London.
Pennick, Nigel (1997), The Celtic Saints.Thorsons: London
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Raftery, Barry (1994), Pagan Celtic Ireland: The Enigma of the Irish Iron Age.Thames and Hudson: London.
Rennie, J. A. (1951), In the Steps of the Clansmen.Rich & Cowan: London.
Sandison, David (1998), The Art of The Celts. Hamlyn: London.
Squire, Charles (2000), Celtic Myths and Legends.Parragon: Bath.
Woodham, J. M. (1998), Nostalgia, Heritage and Design,20th Century Design, Chapter 9: Pages 205-219.Oxford University Press: London.
ARTICLES
Beimborn, Dan (200), 'Innovation in Traditional Irish Music.'www.celticmusic.com, April 12.
Ross, Davis (2000), 'Islands Festival marks Gaelic Kinship.'The Scotsman, August 21.
Irish-American News (1999), Interview with Michael Carrol.March 1999.
Maclean, Catriona (2000), 'Ceilidh San Iar Thuath brings top Scots Acts to Ness.'Stornoway Gazette, July 13.
Stewart, Donald W. (2000), 'Where will we find the community of the millennium?' Stornoway Gazette, March 30.
Stornoway Gazette (2000), 'Iron Age Bracelet found on Barvas
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Machair'August 31.
'Launch of Hebridean Celtic Festival 2000'.June 3.
Titley, Alan (2000), 'Is the Gaelic Soul for Sale?'Stornoway Gazette, March 30th.
Wilkinson, Loren (2000), 'Saving Celtic Christianity', Christianity Today, April 24,pages 78-85.
TELEVISION
MacInnes, Dr. John (2000), Na Ceiltich.Opus Television, August 13, ITV.
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APPENDIX 1 - La Tne Evidence
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(a). Warrior burial from Mill Hill, Deal, Kent (c.200 BC). The warriors sword and shield are similar to continental Celtic weapons, but are distinctly British variants - especially
the shape of the shield, continental shields had rounded ends.
(b). Irish sword-scabbard plates in copper alloy decorated with La Tne ornament from Lisnacrogher, Co. Antrim. Closely related to contemporary British examples, these
pieces nevertheless represent a distinctly Irish style. 3rd century BC.
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APPENDIX 2 - Ethnic Identities: Recurrent Themes
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APPENDIX 3.1
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APPENDIX 3.2 - The Celtic Landscape in CD design.
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APPENDIX 3.3
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Celtic Decoration Imagery.
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More 'derived' concepts.
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Historical reference to Celts. Contemporary interpretation of Celtic Lore.
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Imagery used in spiritual music CD design.
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