Susan Ganje

su.morrissey@gmail.com

Graduate Student Religions of Asia & Africa, SOAS, University of London

Assignment for Origins & Development of Yoga in Ancient India with Dr. Ted Proferes

12th

November 2012

Depictions of the Vrtyas of Ancient India in Recent Scholarship

The vrtyas of the Vedic texts have been and continue to be a perplexing subject for scholars. They mainly figure in the Vrtyakha (book 15) of the Atharvaveda and also later in the early Brahmanical texts (the Brhmaas). The texts mentioning the vrtyas are often obscure and, according to Samuel, the meaning of the term, vrtya, or at least his role has changed considerably over time (2008: 115). Nonetheless, Eliade (1969), Samuel (2008), Heesterman (1985) and other noted scholars have been able

to piece together a picture where the vrtyas emerge as complex characters representing opposing qualities and functions. They do not fit within the fold of Vedic but yet they potentially serve that very

society. They are seen with a mystical and religious dimension, yet they are associated with darkness,

transgressive practices and aggressive behaviour. The work of scholars provide us with possible

interpretatios aoud the goups soial idetity ad its place in society, its function both secular and religious, its powers and authority and its beliefs and practices. It is this cultural and religious

significance put forward by scholars which this paper seeks to explore.

The vrtyas are represented as a brotherhood of young men who were warriors and cattle-raiders (Samuel, 2008: 183). In terms of gender the vrtyas were uncontestably male. Dressed in special attire of black clothing and turbans and equipped with an unstrung bow and a stick, they were believed

to have been nomadic, roaming mainly in north India. In the role of warrior and cattle raider, at least

two functions have been proposed. Heesterman interprets the raiding missions as a practical solution

for these men to find food and cattle during the scarcity of the lean season (1985: 19). They may also

have had a military function, potentially serving the ruling clan. For Eliade, based on the work of Hauer,

it is possible that the vrtyas may have belonged to the adae-guard of the ya iades (Eliade, 1969: 105; Hauer, 1927). Samuel elaborates and explains that if the vrtyas served as a means for society to organise its young unmarried men, then perhaps all men may have spent some time as a

member of such as a group, which may have, at least originally, acted as the fightig force of the tribal

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group in times of war (2008: 116). Further developing this point, Samuel suggests that such vrtyas may have assisted in the expansion of Vedic-Brahmanical culture from the Kuru-Pala region (2008: 116).

These introductory characteristics of the vrtya as a member of a male group of warriors possibly serving the ryan clans lead to the question of how have scholars understood the vrtyas in terms of their broader identity of origin and place in society. To first place the vrtyas in their historical context has been a difficult task for scholars. One major issue is accurately dating the texts where the

vrtyas appear, another is that they figure in different texts which span a great period of time. To complicate matters scholars believe that the Atharvaveda may be a collection of texts related to life in

an earlier period (Samuel 2008: 25). Samuel proposes the beginning of the vrtya tradition as dating to the tenth to the eight etuies BCE usig Witzels hoology (1985: 237). During this period the Kuru clan and later the Pala clan were believed to dominate (Samuel, 1985: 52) and these large clans may have exchanged their roaming vrtyas (Jamison,Witzel, 2003: 47). Not all scholars are in agreement on the origins of the vrtya, notably Winternitz understood the vrtyas to be representatives of a non-ryan population. It is also noteworthy that the vrtyas are later portrayed differently as their role may have changed and by the time of the Laws of Manu (around first century CE) they seem to be degraded

and viewed as an ill-respected outcast group (Samuel, 2008: 237).

While perhaps existing as a sub-group of a Vedic clan within the Indo-ryan cultural tradition, the vrtyas are seen as living outside the Vedic system. The vrtya is presented as a young man who is not yet married and has not yet attained full adult status. It appears that Vedic society had an order and

regiment and an unmarried young man would not have received full status as a householder along with

its privileges. The vrtya is thus left ehid as he does not practice the vows of the Vedas nor has he an occupation in agriculture or trade (Heesterman, 1962: 8). A ritual, called the vrtyastoma, seems to confirm that the vrtyas were indeed considered outsiders as it is believed that this ritual was organised to restore the vrtyas back in to Bhmanic society (Eliade, 1969: 103).

The vrtyas may have been a means for society to organise their young men, which Falk and Witzel hae likeed to the odel of the age-set syste of ogaisatio of young men in other cultures (Samuel, 2008: 116). Fo Falks ok, Samuel has understood that a man may potentially stay a vrtya or become a group leader if he was not successful in attaining the status of householder (2008: 116).

Another phenomenon potential impacting the formation of these brotherhoods was the shift from

pastoralist to agricultural society (Samuel, 2008: 116). This change may have resulted in problems with

the distribution of inheritance and the younger sons, without an inheritance, may have been forced or

motivated to join a group of vrtyas.

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While the exact origins of the vrtya may be lost to history, this figure, however, has been linked to other groups. Eliade sees links between the vrtyas and the keins of the gveda. The kei (or muni) has been described as a estati portraying shamanic characteristics in Vedic rituals (Eliade, 1969: 105). Eliade sees syols of agial flight, a feature of shamanistic traditions in the vrtyas mahvrata ritual, but a clear comprehension of the influencing factors is difficult as these images also figure in Brhmanic literature (1969: 104, 105). Another similarity is that both the kei and the vrtya are associated with the god Rudra. Heesterman suggests that the raharin, the dkita and the vrtya were originally aiats of the sae asi type : . The life of the raharin, a Vedic male celibate student, is outside the old Heestea, : as, like the vrtya, he has not yet reached the stage of householder. For Heesterman this mode and the others modes of life outside the old epeset stages though hih the saifier ust pass : . Noting similarities between these different groups of outsiders, Heesterman concludes that the raharin and vrtya belong to the preclassical stage of deelopet : , , hile the vrtya is possibly the predecessor of the dkita (1993: 178). Samuel suggests that the rahari may be seen as a kid of iilised ad spiitualised esio of the oigial ole of vrtya as young male warrior : . He comes back to the point of how society organised and made use of its young men and that the ultual ad physi aloisatio of youg e see ith the vrtya role may have potentially been transformed into something else with the role of the raharin (2008: 185). Scholars have also suggested the ramaas, the precursors to Buddhists and Jains, may have been influenced by the vrtyas in terms of their way of organising men into a group and their association with death (Samuel, 2008: 128; Dundas, Bolle).

An insightful custom of the vrtya was his participation in specific rituals. This ritual function, understood as relating to agricultural fertility and productivity, is significant (Samuel, 2008: 183). Witzel

understood this ritual function as preserving elements of the old Vedic ritual before the Kuru

reformation (Samuel, 2008: 115) as the older rituals were mainly sacrificial. It is believed that the rituals

were performed secretly in the forests on behalf of the community (White, 1991: 96). According to

White, the vrtyas acted as priests in their rituals, which may have included bovine and even human sacrifices (1991: 96), portraying a potential dark and transgressive dimension. The vrtyas had a midwinter twelve day sacrificial ritual which Falk has linked to the Indo-European tradition of the Roman

Lupercalia and the twelve nights of Christmas (Samuel, 2008: 116). In the Vedic context, Rudra,

suggested as the prototype of ia, is the equivalent of Odin, the god of Northern Europe whose dog or wolves, like those of udas slay the sacrificial cow in the food shortages of mid-winter to help bring about the return of prosperity the following year Sauel, : .

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Regarded as the ost otoious of the vrtya rituals is the mahvrata, which involved sexual union between the brahmacrin and a prostitute (Samuel, 2008, 116; Gonda, 1961). For Eliade this ritual featured a number of elements relating to ahai fetility agi (1969: 104). He also notes that sexual uio eoes a ythial tehiue ithi the taditio of Tata : , thus raising the question as to whether the transgressive practice represented a seed that sprung centuries later.

During the mahvrata ritual reference was made to the three breaths, pra, vyna, and apna (Eliade, 1969: 104, Hauer). Eliade doubts that the reference to the breaths signified the practice of pryma, but may have represented a respiratory discipline with the retention of breath (1969: 104). While it is

not clear that this was the source of breathing techniques crucial in the development of yoga, it is

nonetheless noteworthy.

The divinization of the vrtya is a remarkable theme in the study of the vrtya. The Vrtyakha is known for its glorification of the vrtya and its potential self-identification with iva. A scene is depicted where upon the arousal of Prajapti, the vrtya eoes Mahdeva (presumed to ea iva) and then becomes the Chief vrtya (Ekavrtya), holde of Idas o and moves in four directions (Samuel, 1993: 238). Eliade describes the Ekavrtya as probably representing the divinized archetype of the vrtya, pointing to the texts where Ekavrtya is the divinity who originated the vrtyas and later representing a cosmic principle (Eliade, 1969: 103; Hauer, 1927). For Samuel this is the first

occurrence of self-identification with a deity known to him and the resemblance of this practice with the

practices of deity yoga which featue i the late taditios of aiva and Vajaya Tata is stikig (1993: 238).

The hoie of ia as deity o god is also important as ia epesets the power of disorder, destruction and transgression ut fo ho there are positive results to be gained (Samuel, 1983: 114). Rudra, also associated with the vrtyas, is desied y Heestea as the ioletly dagerous diie ahe : . The association with ia ad uda potetially eflets the opposig atue and function of vrtyas and the theme of darkness or impurity needed to bring about good fortune and renewal. The vrtyas are depicted as forces of darkness associated with transgressive practices but yet they are needed for the welfare of society (Samuel, 2008: 117).

Asceticism and worldly renunciation are associated with the vrtya who we have seen as living outside society as a celibate. The vrtya is depicted as standing for one year and the word vrata has ee taslated as oath o o. The ascetic disciplines are of significance for yoga whether or not the references in the early texts were related (Eliade: 102). For Heesterman the vrtyas are the statig point for the ahiial odel of ithdaal ad euiatio (1985: 19) and indeed he notes that

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world renunciation has ee of uial ipotae i the deelopet of Idia eligious thikig (Heesterman, 1985: 39; Dumont, 1960: 33-62).

With their depictions of the vrtyas, scholars show us their significance culturally and religiously for Vedic society and potentially post-Vedic traditions. They have unveiled cultural insights into the

possible identity of the vrtyas, their functions, their influences and how Vedic society organised its young unmarried men. They also unveil a broad range of themes which were or later became the

cornerstones of Indian spirituality and religious practice, including rituals, breathing techniques, deity-

identification, aestheticism and renunciation.

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