Development Metallurgy Eurasia

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Development of metallurgy in EurasiaBenjamin W. Roberts', Christopher P. Thornton^

Vincent C. Pigott

The authors reconsider the origins ofrmetallurgy in the Old W orld and offer us a new model inwhich metallurgy beg n in c. eleventhlninth m illennium BC in Southw est Asia due to a desire toadorn the human body in lifr and death using colourtl ores and naturally-occurring metals. Inthe e rly sixth millennium BC the techniques of smelting were developed to produce lead coppercopper lloys and eventu lly silver. The authors come downfrrmly on the side ofr single inventioseeing the subsequent cultural transmission of the technology as led by groups o fr metalwork

following in the wake of exotic objects in metaLKeywords: Eurasia, copper, gold, silver, transmission, mobility, craftspeople

ntrodu tion

Modern debates regarding the spread of metal use in Eurasia can be traced to the worof Th eod ore W ertime (196 4, 1973), wh o argued that the expertise required to smemetal was such thai it cou ld only have been discovered onc e, and to Colin Renfre

(1969), who proposed multiple independent centres of metallurgical invention. Whilsubsequent surveys highlighted the potentially deterministic role of regional geologi(Charles 1980), and the increased quantity of new data (Muhly 1988), they did not resolthe issue. In the 20 years since, there has been a flood of new data from fieldwork anlaboratory projects, as well as far greater access to regions throughout Eurasia. These havbeen accompanied by new theoretical paradigms in archaeology that have challenged thpurely technological perspectives of the debate and demonstrated how early metallurgy wshaped instead by cultural forces of the societies involved. The foundations of this neapproach can be traced to the eminent materials scientist Cyril Stanley Smith (1981) wh

argued that the adoption of metallurgy derived not from some technical or economnecessity, but from aesthetics and specific socio-cultural desires. People did not needcopper tools; they wanted copper tools. After all, the earliest metal objects were nonecessarily superior to wood, bone, flint, obsidian or ceramics for performing everydtasks, and these other materials continued to be used for thousands of years alongside mettools.

' Department ofl^ehistory an d E urope, British M useum, Great Russell Street. London WCIB 3DG, UK [email protected])

^ Department of Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, 326 0 South Street. Philadelphia. PA 9104-6398,USA Email: cpt2


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Benjamin W Roberts, Christopher P . Thornton Vincent C. Pigott

Our aim is therefore not only to re-evaluate where and how early metallurgy occurred,but also to understand the broader processes underlying its transmission and earliestdevelopment. Within this there are several fimdamental questions that we seek to address.Was metallurgy invented at a single place or invented independently in multiple locations

thr ou gh ou t Eurasia? Is there significant variation w hen different metals are investigated an dcompared? What were the motivations for the invention and innovation of metallurgy andhow did these occur throughout Eurasia?

We will show that metallurgy derived from the desire by the early agricultural and agro-pastoral communities in Southwest Asia {c . eleventhninth millennium BC) to adorn thehuman body in life and death using colourfiil ores and naturally-occurring metals. It isonly in the sub sequ ent m illennia that the application of heat in a contro lled reducin gatmosphere led to the smelting of metallic ores to produce lead, copper, copper alloys, andeventually silver. The use of metals spread throughout Eurasia usually by the acquisition of

metal objects as 'exotica' an d often th en by the mo vem ent of peop le possessing m etallurgicalexpertise. However, the metals, production techniques and object forms used in each earlyregion reflect local standards, implying a process of incorporation and innovation by thecom m unities involved rather than a straightforward or inevitable ado ption .

Metals, origins and chronologiesThe development of metallurgy in Southwest Asia began long before the applicationof fire to naturally occurring metals. Indeed, the use of blue and green copper ores

for beads, pendants and pigments was a critical step in the Neolithic, occurring atearly agricultural and agro-pas toral ist sites datin g to th e e leve nth -nin th millenn ium BC(Figure la) at sites such as Shanidar Cave and Zawi Chemi in north-eastern Iraq, Hallanemi in eastern Turkey and Rosh Horesha in Israel (Yener 2000; Bar-Yosef MayerPorat 200 8) . Th e increased work ing of naturally-oc currin g or 'native' copper as well ascopper and lead ores is demonstrated at sites such as Cayn Tepesi in eastern Turkey,where metallographic analyses have shown evidence of annealing c. 8000 BC. indicatingthe early application of heat to the produ ction process (M add in et al. 1999). Native copperexploitation flourished in this core area through the seventh millennium BC while other

metals, notably lead and (in the early sixth millennium BC) meteoritic iron, appear for thefirst time (Schoop 1999). Although the copper was probably still native, lead objects, suchas the bracelet from Yarim Tepe in northern Iraq, if not actually made ol lead (chey havenever been analysed), were probably smelted (M ller-Karpe 1990).

By the late eighth millennium BC, copper metal appears outside the core area of easternTurkey and northern Iraq, such as the native copper beads from Tell Ramad in south-western Syria (Golden 2009) and from Ali Kosh in south-western Iran (Pigott 1999; Hole20 00 ), spreadin g as far as M ehrgarh in central Pakistan by 60 00 BC (Kenoyer M iller1999; Moulherat et al. 2002). In at least two of these sites, initial copper use is concurrent

with the appearance of obsidian imported from eastern Anatolia (Wertime 1973; Cauvinetal. 1998 ). W hilst seventh-m illennium BC crucibles for either melting or sme lting copper


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Development of metallurgy in Eurasia

> BC>9 BC

>7 BC

>6 BC

>5 BC>4 BC>3 BC>25 BC>2 BC> BC

igure I. a The exploitation o f copper ores and naturally occurring copper metal b the spread oJ copper smelting tech

early copper smelting sites occur in the late sixth/early fifth millennium BC in areas fremoved from the Fertile Crescent, such as Tal-i Iblis in south-e astern Iran (FrameLechcman forthcoming) and Belovode in eastern Serbia (Radivojevic 2007; Boric 2009). Bthe late fifth millennium BC, copper production became more common in eastern Turke{Yener 2000) and began in the southern Levant (Colden 2009) and in Central Europe as Brixlegg in Austria (Hppner et al. 2005). Given the virtually synchronous appearance ocopper sm elting thro ugh out Southwest Asia and Southeast Eu rope, a single central region invention is far more probable than many parallel independent discoveries (Figure b). Th i score region u-as probably in Anatolia, where copper ore and naturally-occurring copper halready been exploited for several m illennia. How ever, future scientific studies com pa ring t


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and speed of the adoption process, with regional innovations creating a mosaic of metal uand metallurgical practices.

The initial arguments for indigenous metallurgy in East and Southeast Asia hingeprimarily on the absence of evidence for significant contact between the central plain China and the metal-using communities of Southwest and Central Asia. However, receresearch on the western and northern borders of China has demonstrated the presenof mostly copper objects from the late fourth/early third millennium BC with links communities on the eastern flank of the Eurasian Steppe, where copper, silver, and gowere in use by the late fourth millenn ium BC (C hernykh 1992; Mei 20 00 ; LinduffMel in press). By the beginning of the third millennium BC, copper, arsenical coppand tin-bronze were being smelted from local ore sources in north-west China. Thus, tdating of copper and tin-bronze metallurgy in central China to the early ro mid-seconmillennium BC implies a relatively rapid adoption rather than an indigenous inventio

{Linduff fi A/. 2000). The sudden emergence of full-blown tin-bronze metal production neighb ouring So utheast Asia from the early to mid-second millenn ium BC , as dem onstratat sites in Thailand and Vietnam, is a consequence of this same movement of ideas anpossibly mctalworking communities from the Steppe and/or Steppe-Forest zones (Whi1997; Higham 200 6; Pigott Ciarla 200 7; Higham Higham 200 9; W hite Ham iltoin press). The current debate therefore concerns how Eurasian metals and metallurgictechnology were transmitted so rapidly across China's vast expanse to northern SoutheaAsia and by what route (Pryce 2009).

Raw materials, technology and techniquesThe integration of archaeological fieldwork and archaeometallurgical analysis over the pafew decades has provided data on the mechanics of early metal production. The role of tharchaeometallurgist is to characterise early metal pro duc tion and metalw orking techniquempirically, and then to comp are these results with o ther sites to explore the local inno vatiothat occurred with the spread of this technology. Furthermore, these changes must be placback into their wider social context and related to contemporaneous transitions in othtechnological and cultural practices. While studies of metal artefacts continue to dominathe archaeometallurgical literature, there is a growing awareness that simple metalworkitechniques were highly localised and passed between individuals, thus making studies technological transmission using metallographic and chemical analyses of metal artefacextrem ely difficult. In con tras t, highly specialised k now ledge is req uire d for successfsmelting of ores to metal, for the production of technical ceramics (e.g. crucibles, mouldand furnaces), for the control of temperature and reaction times, and for the post-smeltiprocesses required to remove impurities from the metal to make it a usable and desirabproduct. To understand these more involved stages in the metalworking process, greatattention has been paid over the past few decades to the importance of technical ceramiand the produ ction of slag for the successful sm elting of ores (e.g. Bayley Rehren 2 00Hauptmann 2007) .


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and prepare the correct raw materials; the importance of a good supply of fuel such ascharcoal; some way to conduct and control air flow such as blowpipes or openings pointedtowards prevailing winds; and the surprisingly low reducing conditions and temperaturesneeded to transform ore into metal (Bourgarit 2007}. T he earl iest production of copper is

often argued to have been carried ou t in small crucibles using very pure oxidic ores such as malachite and azurite tha t were directly reduced throug h the add ition of charcoal, wh ich wou ld have provided a source of carbon mo nox ide. However, achieving the cond itions necessary to completely reduce pure oxidic ores requires air-tight ceramic containers thatcan also withstand the high temperatures needed to melt the resulting product (1086 C forpure copper). Such highly-specialised ceramics had not yet been discovered at the beginningsof metallurgy in most regions, and there is certainly no evidence in early periods for thecons truction of elaborately sealed sm elting structures.

Instead, m any early copp er sme lting sites show evide nce for the use of oxidic and sulph idicores (such as chalcocite or bornite), whether mixed intentionally by the metalworker ornaturally mixed by geological processes, smelted under mildly oxidising conditions. Evenin such an oxidising environment, the combination of oxidic and sulphidic ores will leadto the production of copper via the so-called 'co-smeiting' process, whereby the sulphurremoves the oxygen from the ore at sufficiently high temperatures (Rostoker et al. 1989).In fact, relatively oxidising conditions are beneficial to mixed ore charges as they served topartially roast the sulphides, leading to higher yields of copper instead of unusable 'matte'(i .e. molten copper-sulphide). Thus, the idea of early smelting being based around 'pure'copper oxides in a fully reducing environment may need to be revised (Bourgarit 2007). In

contrast to copper smelting, the smelting of argentiferous lead ores to produce silver wouldhave required reducing con ditions to prod uce the lead and subsequen tly oxidising co nditionsto separate the lead from the silver. Therefore, this would have necessitated understandinga distinctly different approach towards metal production (Hess et al. 1998). The melt ingof naturally occu rring gold nug gets in a crucible wou ld have been fairly straightforwa rd inrequiring only a comparable temperature to copper smelting of 1O64' 'C (Raub 1995). Byfar the easiest metal to produce would have been lead which could be smelted from its oresat low temperature s in relatively weak reducing cond itions (Miiller-Karpe 1990 ).

The initial creation of a copper-arsenic or copper-antimony alloy was, most probably, a

consequence of smelting arsenic or antimony rich copper ores. However, the subsequentwidespread app eara nce of these alloys suggests that delibe rate choices were being m ade in theprod uction process, wh ether in the selection of ores or the mixing of metals. T he majorityof tin ore sources throu gh ou t Eurasia are conc entrated in a narrow geological belt stretchingfrom Europe to Southeast Asia, making them not only relatively scarce, but perhaps alsofacilitating the adoption of bronze throughout the Eurasian landmass via the steppes ofCen tral Asia (Pigott & C iarla 20 0 7) . Recent research has also demon strated that tin-bronz emay have been made from rare copper and tin bearing ores such as stannite (Cu2FeSnS4)or its oxidic weathering products, which are found in at least one location in western Iran

(Nezafati etal. 2 0 0 6) . with in the tin belt in Ce ntral Asia (Borofl^a et al. 2002; Parzinger2002) , as well as in Iberia (Rovira & Montero-Ruiz 2002). Whether these ores led to the


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slightly lower the melting point, improve the quality ofthe cast, increase the hardness othe metal through cold-working, improve the ability to be hot-worked repeatedly and altthe colour (Northover 1989; Lechtman 1996). Nevertheless, the role of tin-bronze in earmetallurgy appears to have been limited un til its widespread appearan ce thr ou gh ou t Eurasin the early to mid-second millennium BC.

Metallurgical transmissionThe metal production process would not have been entirely novel, given that metal waprecede d or paralleled by p yro tec hn o logical activities creating o the r m aterials (e.g. ceramicthroughout Eurasia. However, there are sufficient differences in the necessary thermal anatmospheric conditions required to suggest that being proficient in metal production woulrequire verbal instruction and visual demonstration under experienced individuals or groupfor a successfial transfer of kn owledg e. As smelting exp erimen ts have sh ow n, even simp lsmelting technolog) needed to be carried out within a fairly narrow margin of error or elsthe entire process wou ld fail. Th e chine opr toire encom passing the selection of th e correcraw materials, the sequences and tim ings of actions, the creation and identification o ft hright cond itions, and the addition of substances wo uld have to be mem orised and practiceThe inevitable or deliberate restriction of metal production expertise could have ensurethat at least certain aspects remained in the hands of select groups of metal producers, owere only incom pletely transm itted to other gro ups. Th e transmission o f this m etallurgicexpertise did not simply involve the intrepid wanderings and migrations of independen

metalsmiths as Jnfiuentially envisaged by the great prehistorian V. Gordon Childe (Child1930), but it did involve the movement of metalworkers, perhaps in broader social groupwho were able to access the necessary resources.

The societies who sought to possess metal objects or metal production techniques werhighly infiuential in the ado ptio n process (i.e. no t merely passive recipients of the inev itab lnew technology) and it is im po rtant n ot to over-emphasise the primacy of th e pro duc tioprocess. Even the existence of a part-time metalsmith required the commitment of thbroader community to aid in the metalworking process. This includes supporting him oher in the collective parts ofthe production process such as ore extraction and processinand fuel collection and preparation, providing sustenance for specialised craftspeople, anaiding in the trade and cons um ption of metal objects. The consequence is a process, not onof metal adoption, but also metal innovation, as metal objects and production techniquwere shaped to reflect specific community standards and desires. For example, the majoriof the earliest metal objects in south-east France from the late fourrh millennium BC abeads and pendants, suggesting a desire for ostentatious bodily adornment in the buririte. This cultural proclivity is seen also in a diverse range of similar objects made fromanimal bones, horns, teeth, shells and stones. The subsequent introduction in the midthird millennium BC of the distinguished and highly standardised metal repertoire othe Bell Beaker burial rite demonstrates a marked reduction in the diversity and quantiof metal objects (Ambert 2001). Hence, rather than showing how the presence of met


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occurs in the mid -la te fifth m illennium BC but is not m ore widely adopted until themid-fourth mil lennium BC (Thornton in press) . In the meantime, native copper workingat small non-metal producing sires such as Tepe Yahya continued unchanged. The eventualshift to arsenical copp er paralleled a larger societal preference for imp orted goods, such as riirquoise or arsenical copp er, over locally-available goo ds, such as steatite/ch lorite or native copper. T h e ad o p t i o n o f a ' be t t e r' t echno logy h a d little t o d o wi th mater ial propert ies o r meta l smi ths cho ices , a n d every th ing t o d o wi th ch ang ing cul tural mores a n d c o n s u m e r d e m a n d s .

on ition

Metallurgy in Eurasia originated in Southwest Asia due to the widespread adoption of, andexperimentation in, pyrotechnology and the desire for new materials to serve as aestheticvisual displays of identity, whether of a social, cultural or ideological nature. This can bedemonstrated through the early use of metal for jewellery and the use of ore-based pigmentsalong with the continued use of stone, bone, and other materials for most tools. Thesubsequ ent appearance of metals thro ug ho ut Eurasia is due to the acquisition of metal objectsby individuals and communities re-inventing traditions of adornment, even in regionshundreds of kilometres from the nearest sources of native metals or ores. The movementof communities possessing metallurgical expertise to new ore sources and into supportivesocieties led to the gradual transmission of metallurgy across the Eurasian landmass. Bythe second millennium BC, metallurgy had spread across Eurasia, becoming firmly rootedin virtually all inhabitable areas (Sherratt 2006). The ability to smelt different ores, createdifferent metals or increase metal production did not occur in a linear evolutionary fashionthroughout Eurasia, but rather appeared sporadically over a vast area - a result of regionalinnovations and societal desires and demands.

There is no evidence to suggest that metallurgy was independently invented in any part ofEurasia beyond Southwest Asia, The process of metallurgical transtnission and innovationcreated a mosaic of (frequendy diverse) metallurgical traditions distinguished by form,com position and p roduc tion technique s. It is within this context tha t innovations such asthe earliest working oFgold in the Balkans or the sudden emergence of distinctive tin-bronzewo rking in Southeast Asia should be seen.

Th at said, the beginnings of metallurgy in the Am ericas appear to be entirely inde pen den tfrom Eurasia in their origins and development from the early cold-working of native copperfrom c. 5000 BC in the Eastern Woodlands of North America (Ehrhardt in press) and theearly use of gold from 2000 BC in the central Andes of South America (Aldenderfer et al.2008). However, the subsequent metallurgical trajectories in these regions provide littledoubt that metal objects and metallurgical technologies in the New World were shaped bythe same sorts of social and cultural mores that shaped early metallurgy in the Old World(Lechtman 1999).

The transmission of ideas, objects and practices within and between individuals andcom m unities did not produ ce perfect replications of metal objects and p rodu ction practices


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techniques, but rather were founded on choices made by local individuals anbased on existing cultural n orm s and desires. W hilst scholarship has naturathe many technical aspects of metal produ ction such as mining, smelting, alloyingworking, the evidence indicates that the consumers of metal objects strongly influetheir production and final form. However, the knowledge of how to produceand how to organise the production within a socio-economic system appears to have beenshared across a vast territory. It is the responsibility of archaeometallurgists in the futurto document these similarities and differences empirically. It remains a continuin g quest todiscern patterns o prod uction and use so that we may come to und erstand better the of metals and metalwotkers in the growth of a trans-continental system of command exchange across Eurasia.

AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to thank esley Frame, Heather Lechtman, Oliver Pryce, Miljana Radivojevic, MaVidale and others for sharing their unpu blished data. Care Fiicman for reading an earlier draft a nd StepC ru m m y for creating the maps. T he inspiration tor this paper derived from many discussischolars, thoug h che auth ors are particu larly grateful to the pa nic ipa nts of the .session M od elliOld and N ew World Perspectives at the 73rd m eeting of the Society for American Archaeo logCanada on 26-30 March 2008.

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