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Page 1: Disarmament and International Security council · 2017. 10. 14. · an arsenal for tactical use. Alleged Uses in History Rudimentary forms of biological warfare have been practiced

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Disarmament and International Security council

Committee Introduction

The Conference on Disarmament, established in 1979 as the single multilateral

disarmament negotiating forum of the international community, was a result of the

first Special Session on Disarmament of the United Nations General Assembly (SSOD-

I) held in 1978.

It succeeded other Geneva-based negotiating fora, which include the Ten-Nation

Committee on Disarmament (1960), the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament

(1962-68), and the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament (1969-78).

The current Director-General of UNOG is the Secretary-General of the Conference on

Disarmament as well as the Personal Representative of the UN Secretary-General to

the CD.

The terms of reference of the DISEC include practically all multilateral arms control and

disarmament problems. Currently the committee primarily focuses its attention on the

following issues: cessation of the nuclear arms race and nuclear disarmament;

prevention of nuclear war, including all related matters; prevention of an arms race in

outer space; effective international arrangements to assure non-nuclear-weapon States

against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons; new types of weapons of mass

destruction and new systems of such weapons including radiological weapons;

comprehensive programme of disarmament and transparency in armaments.

The DISEC meets in an annual session, which is divided in three parts of 10, 7 and 7

weeks, respectively. The first week shall begin in the penultimate week of the month of

January. The committee is presided by its members on a rotating basis. Each President

shall preside for a period of four weeks.

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In order to ensure a coherent approach among the six Presidents of the session to the

work of the Conference, as of 2006, an informal coordination mechanism - the P6 - was

established that provides for the six presidents of the session to informally meet, usually

on a weekly basis. Also on a weekly basis, the President meets informally with the

Regional Group Coordinators and China together with the P6 (Presidential

Consultations).

As originally constituted, DISEC had 40 members. Subsequently its membership was

gradually expanded (and reduced) to 65 countries. The council has invited other UN

Member States that have expressed a desire to participate in the DISEC’s substantive

discussions, to take part in its work as non-member States.

DISEC adopts its own Rules of Procedure and its own agenda, taking into account the

recommendations of the General Assembly and the proposals of its Members.

It reports to the General Assembly annually, or more frequently, as appropriate. Its

budget is included in that of the United Nations. Staff members of the Geneva Branch of

the Office for Disarmament Affairs service the meetings of the committee, which are

held at the Palais des Nations. The Conference conducts its work by consensus.

The committee and its predecessors have negotiated such major multilateral arms

limitation and disarmament agreements as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons, the Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile

Use of Environmental Modification Techniques, the Treaty on the Prohibition of the

Emplacement of Nuclear Weapons and Other Weapons of Mass Destruction on the

Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor and in the Subsoil thereof, the Convention on the

Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological

(Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on their Destruction, the Convention on the

Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons

and on Their Destruction and Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.

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Topic A: Biochemical Warfare

Introduction

Biological warfare (BW)—also known as germ warfare—is the use of biological toxins or

infectious agents such as bacteria, viruses, and fungi with the intent to kill or

incapacitate humans, animals or plants as an act of war. Biological weapons (often

termed "bio-weapons", "biological threat agents", or "bio-agents") are living organisms

or replicating entities (viruses) that reproduce or replicate within their host victims.

Entomological (insect) warfare is also considered a type of biological weapon. This type

of warfare is distinct from nuclear warfare and chemical warfare, which together with

biological warfare make up NBC, the military acronym for nuclear, biological, and

chemical warfare using weapons of mass destruction (WMDs). None of these are

conventional weapons, which are deployed primarily for their explosive, kinetic, or

incendiary potential.

Biological weapons may be employed in various ways to gain a strategic or tactical

advantage over the enemy, either by threats or by actual deployments. Like some of the

chemical weapons, biological weapons may also be useful as area denial weapons.

These agents may be lethal or non-lethal, and may be targeted against a single

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individual, a group of people, or even an entire population. They may be developed,

acquired, stockpiled or deployed by nation states or by non-national groups. In the latter

case, or if a nation-state uses it clandestinely, it may also be considered bioterrorism.

There is an overlap between biological warfare and chemical warfare, as the use of

toxins produced by living organisms is considered under the provisions of both the

Biological Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention. Toxins and

psychochemical weapons are often referred to as midspectrum agents. Unlike

bioweapons, these midspectrum agents do not reproduce in their host and are typically

characterized by shorter incubation periods.

The use of biological weapons is prohibited under customary international humanitarian

law, as well as a variety of international treaties. The use of biological agents in armed

conflict is a war crime. Offensive biological warfare, including mass production,

stockpiling, and use of biological weapons, was outlawed by the 1972 Biological

Weapons Convention (BWC). The rationale behind this treaty, which has been ratified

or acceded to by 170 countries as of April 2013, is to prevent a biological attack which

could conceivably result in large numbers of civilian casualties and cause severe

disruption to economic and societal infrastructure.

On the other hand, chemical Weapons rose to prominence during World War 1 when

they were used by both the Allies and the Germans. Each side indiscriminately used

poisonous gases particularly chlorine and mustard gas, deployed by the means of a

canister or through standard munitions such as grenade or artillery, to cause massive

casualties to the enemy. As such, the first large scale attack occurred on 22nd April

1915 at leper in Belgium at the start of the Second Battle of Ypres. At around 17.00

hours, the German began bombarding the area but this time they utilized pressurized

cylinders in order to deliver poison gas. In retaliation on 24th September 1915, the Allied

forces released chlorine gas on Loos. However, the direction of the wind was not in their

favor and so, it blew back the gases into the Allied emplacements. Now, both sides of

the conflict had begun researching chemical weapons and were looking into more

effective ways of delivering them. By the end of World War 1, a total of 124,000

chemical agents had been expended and which had, in turn, caused 100,000 casualties

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in Austria-Hungary, 188,706 in British Empire, 190,000 in France, 200,000 in Germany,

60,000 in Italy, 419,340 in Russia, 72,807 in United States and 10,000 in other

countries.

The death and destruction bought about by the use of chemical weapons caused a

public outrage and forced the global community to re-consider their use and

development. In that regards, several international conferences were held with the aim

of reaching a resolution that would prohibit their deployment and research. These

included the Washington Conference (1921 – 1922), the Geneva Protocol (1923-1925)

and the World Disarmament Conference (1933). Though these conferences managed

to agree to prohibit the use of chemical weapons, there was no consensus on their

research and development. However, these treaties did not have a solid foundation and

despite the general agreement, the use of these destructive weapons continued in the

upcoming years. During the second Italo-Abyssinian War, Italy used chemical weapons

against the Ethopian soldiers and civilians, the Spanish used them in Morocco and the

Japans in China.

The manufacture and stockpiling of chemical weapons continued during the Cold War.

Both the United States and the Soviet Union maintained around tens of thousands of

chemicals weapons. The Soviet Union had even developed a two strike Cold War

military plan, according to which they would first carry out a nuclear strike against the

American cities and then unleash biological and chemical weapons upon them. It was in

the late 1980s, after pressure from the Soveit Union and its NATO allies, that United

States began destroying its stockpiles. However, even to this present day it maintains

an arsenal for tactical use.

Alleged Uses in History

Rudimentary forms of biological warfare have been practiced since the dawn of human

civilizations. During the 6th century BC, the Assyrians poisoned enemy wells with a

fungus that would render the enemy delirious. In 1346, the bodies of Mongol warriors of

the Golden Horde who had died of plague were thrown over the walls of the besieged

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Crimean city of Kaffa. It is doubted that this operation may have been responsible for

the spread of the Black Death into Europe.

The British Army used smallpox against Native Americans during the Siege of Fort Pitt

in. An outbreak that left as many as one hundred Native Americans dead in Ohio

Country was reported in 1764. The spread of the disease weakened the native's

resistance to the British troops led by Henry Bouquet. It is not clear, however, whether

the smallpox was a result of the Fort Pitt incident or the virus was already present

among the Delaware people. It has been claimed that the British Marines used smallpox

in New South Wales in 1789.

In Britain, the 1950s saw the weaponization of plague, brucellosis, tularemia and later

equine encephalomyelitis and vaccinia viruses, but the program was unilaterally

cancelled in 1956. The United States Army Biological Warfare Laboratories weaponized

anthrax, tularemia, brucellosis, Q-fever and others. In 1969, the UK and the Warsaw

Pact, separately, introduced proposals to the UN to ban biological weapons, and US

President Richard Nixon terminated production of biological weapons, allowing only

scientific research for defensive measures. The Biological and Toxin Weapons

Convention was signed by the US, UK, USSR and other nations, as a ban on

"development, production and stockpiling of microbes or their poisonous products

except in amounts necessary for protective and peaceful research" in 1972. However,

the Soviet Union continued research and production of massive offensive biological

weapons in a program called Biopreparat, despite having signed the convention. By

2011, 165 countries had signed the treaty and none are proven—though nine are still

suspected—to possess offensive BW programs.

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By 1900 the germ theory and advances in bacteriology brought a new level of

sophistication to the techniques for possible use of bio-agents in war. Biological

sabotage—in the form of anthrax and glanders—was undertaken on behalf of the

Imperial German government during World War I (1914–1918), with indifferent results.

The Geneva Protocol of 1925 prohibited the use of chemical weapons and biological

weapons.

North Yemen

The civil war in North Yemen began on 1962. It was between the royal partisans of the

Mutawakkilite Kingdom and the supporters of the Yemen Arab Republics led by

Abdullah as-Sallah. The latter were successful in dethroning the newly crowned King,

Muhammad al-Badr who then escaped to the borders of Saudi Arabia where he

managed to garner support from Jordan, Saudi Arabia and United Kingdom. On the

other hand, the republics were supported by Egypt and Soviet Union.

Egypt took part in the war by deploying around 70,000 soldiers to act alongside the

republic forces. As the war intensified, Egypt began struggling against the guerilla

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forces and the local’s growing support for the kingdom. To counter, Egypt decided to

resort to chemical weapons with the aim of eradicating the guerillas and also forcing the

local population to change their support. Hence, on 8th June 1963, Egyptian Air Force

dropped chloroacetophenone tear gas bombs on royalist villages south of Sadah

resulting in the death of the village inhabitants as well as the royalists who had taken

refuge in caves and tunnels. Then on 5th January 1967, nine Egyptian bombers dropped

poison gas, or more specifically 27 phosgene bombs on the village of Kitaf which

reportedly killed more than 200 people. Another chemical attack was carried out on May

1967 on the town of Gahar and as a result of which, 75 people were killed. 243 people

were further murdered when Egypt dropped chemical bombs on the villages of Gabas,

Hofal, Gadafa and Gadr.

Iran-Iraq War

The Iran-Iraq war had come to a standstill but that changed in 1983 when Iran launched

an offensive, Wal Fajr. In order to be more effective, Iran decided to launch attacks at

different places simultaneously and they particularly struck the north of Iraq where

Kurdish forces were also present and hostile to the Iraqi regime. This unnerved Saddam

Hussain as Iran successfully managed to gain some ground and he instructed his

military to stop the offense at any costs even if it meant using chemical weapons. As

such, reports arose according to which Iraq had begun using chemical weapons in order

to halt the Iranian forces.

On 25th October, Iran reported to the UN Security Council that Iraq had bombarded the

Piranshahr area with canisters containing poison gas and as evidence sampled sands

and also attached pictures of the victims. Two further attacks were reported by Iran.

One on the town of Baneh in northwestern Iran which reportedly killed 31 people and

the other on the village of Bandemjan which caused 11 death and injured numerous

others. The use of chemical weapons by Iraq was also confirmed by the UN delegation

that arrived in Iran from 13th March to 19th March 1984. Then on 28th February, reports

arose of Iraq deploying mustard gas in Khaybar which reportedly claimed 700 deaths.

The chemical attack is supposed to be in response to Iran’s successful push and their

capture of Majnoon Islands and the outskirts of Qurna. The scale at which the chemical

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weapons were being deployed increased in 1985. According to the Iranian

representative to the UN, Iraq had used chemical weapons around the Hawizeh

marshes on two separate occasions. As a result, 180 Iranian soldiers had died. Soon

enough, a second later was dispatched by Iran according to which, on 16th March, Iraqi

planes had dropped 6 capsules which Iranian experts believed contained cyanide,

phosphorous and mustard gas. Soon after, four other chemical attacks were carried out.

Altogether, there were 28 such separate occasions between 13th and 20th March. Then

on 9th February 1986, Iran launched an operation, namely Wal Fajr 8, to take Faw and

the peninsula was taken after a week. This was a huge setback for Iraq and to take

back the city it resorted to using Tabun and mustard gas, delivered through artillery, and

managed to inflict 700 casualties. These allegations were confirmed when a UN

delegation led by Dr.Manuel Dominguez, a UN Specialist, visited hospitals in Europe

and examined the victims of these chemical attacks.

Lastly but not the least, the largest chemical attack against civilians was carried out by

Iraq on 16th March 1988. Iraqi Air Force carried out successive sorties dropping

chemical weapons including mustard gas, cyanide and sarin. The attack killed a total of

12,000 and injured a further of 7000 people. The Iraqi official responsible for the attack

was Chemical Ali or Al-Anfal who made it clear that chemical weapon would continue

to be used to ensure complete annihilation of the Kurdish people.

Persian Gulf War

On 25th May 1994, US Defense Secretary William J.Perry and Chairman of the Joint

Chief of Staffs, General John M. Shalikashvili, declared, “There is no evidence,

classified or unclassified, that indicates that chemical or biological weapons were used

in the Persian Gulf”. A similar declaration was made by both, in May 1996, by the then

CIA representative Sylvia Copeland and the Presidential Advisory Committee on Gulf

War Veterans’ Illness.

However, while these statements do seem to indicate that chemical weapons had not

been used on a large scale by Iraq in the war, there are still some intelligence reports

and other sources of evidence that indicate the presence and perhaps, the use of

chemical weapons. The following tables have been taken from an article called

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“Evidence Iraq Used Chemical Weapons During the 1991 Persian Gulf War” by

Jonathan B.Tucker which suggests the presence of chemical weapons.

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Angola

Angola received independence on November 1975 but immediately descended into a

civil war that lasted till 2002. The civil war was a struggle against the Soviet-Union and

Cuban backed People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and United-

States, South-Africa and Zaire backed National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and

National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). Soon enough, both Cuba

and South Africa sent in their forces in order to aid their respective allies.

As the war progressed, reports of both side using chemical weapons emerged.

According to an investigation conducted by the UN and WHO over the mass murders at

Kassinga in 1978, it revealed the South African Special Forces, in order to ensure

complete extermination of the people, had used poison to paralyze their victims before

shooting them. Later in 2000, the Angolan army made an announcement that it had

found chemical weapons in UNITA arms caches in the central highland.

However, South Africa and UNITA weren’t the only reported to be utilizing chemical

weapons and new evidence suggested the use of chemical weapons by the Cubans.

The latter claim was confirmed by Prof. Aubin Heyndrickx, head of toxicology at the

University of Ghent in Belgium and a U.N. specialist on biological and chemical warfare

and when he took environmental samples from the Angolan battle zone and which

showed evident traces of mustard gas and nerve gases. Then in 1993, UNITA claimed

that the MPLA had dropped chemical weapons on the city of Ndalatando and Huambo.

Syrian Civil War

The Syrian civil war began on March 2011 when people started demanding an end to

the authoritarian government of Bashar-Al-Assad and instead raised their voice for

democracy. The Syrian government resorted to using violence to suppress the protests

which caused the situation to further worsen. Militias began to rise up and took up arms

against the government. By 2012, the situation had converted into a full-fledged war.

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But is that true? Should the global community believe a state that has already

committed numerous atrocities against its own citizens? Soon enough, chemical

weapons started being used throughout Syria.

On 23rd December 2012, the first chemical attack occurred. Agent 15, a chemical

weapon, was dropped on Al-Bayadah, Homs. It was then under the control of the Free

Syrian Army and the attack is reported to have 6 rebel fighters. Then on 19th March

2013, there was a sarin gas in the Syrian cities, Khan al-Assel neighborhood of Aleppo

and the Damascus suburb of al-Atebeh. It reportedly killed 26 people and injured

dozens more. An investigation by U.N revealed that it was sarin gas but the report did

not establish the perpetrator of the attack. 5 days later, on 24th March 2013, Syrian

opposition activists claimed another chemical attack by the Syrian military on the town

of Adra which caused two death and injured at least 23 others. There was no formal

investigation carried out by the international community but the local doctors described

the weapons as phosphorous gas. Hardly half a month had gone by, 13th April 2013, the

Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) accused the Syrian army of dropping gas

bombs on Aleppo, then controlled by Kurdish forces. It killed two people and wounded

12 others. Soon after that, on 29th April 2013, a helicopter dropped chemical filled

canisters on Saraqb which killed 1 people and caused breathing problems to eight

others.

On 23rd July 2012, a Syrian Foreign Military released a

statement,

“Any stock of W.M.D. or unconventional weapons that the Syrian

Army possesses will never, never be used against the Syrian people

or civilians during this crisis, under any circumstances,” said Foreign

Ministry spokesman, Jihad Makdissi, according to a New York Times

story from 2012. “These weapons are made to be used strictly and

only in the event of external aggression against the Syrian Arab

Republic.”

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But then the largest chemical attack occurred on 21st August 2013 in the suburbs of the

Ghouta region. At the same time, Syrian forces were trying to eliminate the rebel force

from that area. According to reports, it was a gas attack and it managed to take the

many lives of 1000 people, many of whom were civilians. Once again, the U.N could not

determine the body responsible behind the attack but U.S intelligence forces accuse

Bashar al-Assad for it. Then on 11th April 2014, new reports emerged as per which

chlorine bombs had been dropped on the village of Kafr Zita, then under the control of

opposition forces. Chlorine is not banned under the Chemical Weapons Convention

as it is used for various purposes in daily life but its use as a chemical weapon is

certainly banned. The OPCW announced that it would investigate this attack. Another

chlorine gas attack was reported on 10th August 2016 by Hospital officials and on 7th

September that killed two people, both of them in Aleppo.

The most recent chemical attack occurred on 4th April 2017 on Syria’s Ibid province.

Sarin gas, a nerve agent, was used and killed at least 92 people, 30 of them children.

The Syrian government is believed to have carried out the attack as its aircrafts were

flying over the area at the time of attack.

Chemical Terrorism

Terrorist organizations have now resorted to using chemical weapons to carry out mass

murders. On 27th June 1994, a religious cult known as Aum Shinrikyo carried out a sarin

gas attack on the city of Matsumoto in Japan. The chemical was manufactured by the

group itself as some of their members were experts in virology and it was sprayed from

a modified van. The attack poisoned about 600 residents and rescue staff and killed 8

people. The same organization carried out another chemical attack on 20th March 1995.

This time the group deployed 5 men and instructed them to release the gas in the Tokyo

Subway system. Once done, they took the antidote and escaped. The gas took the lives

of 13 people and poisoned 6000 others. This was followed by two other chemical

attacks on May and July 1995 in which the group used hydrogen cyanide, resulting in

the injury of 4 people.

ISIS has also particularly been reported of using chemical weapons in both Syria and

Ira. According to intelligence reports and independent analyses, it has employed

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chemical weapons at least 52 times and out of which, 19 have been around Mosul. One

instance is on the 1st March 2017 when Isis launched a chemical attack on Mosul. The

terrorist organization is thought to have apparently used mortars to delivers the

chemical agents.

AGREEMENTS AND RELEVANT BODIES

Biological Weapon Institutions

With the onset of World War II, the Ministry of Supply in the United Kingdom established

a BW program at Porton Down, headed by the microbiologist Paul Fildes. The

research was championed by Winston Churchill and soon tularemia, anthrax,

brucellosis, and botulism toxins had been effectively weaponized. In particular,

Gruinard Island in Scotland, during a series of extensive tests was contaminated with

anthrax for the next 56 years. Although the UK never offensively used the biological

weapons it developed on its own, its program was the first to successfully weaponize a

variety of deadly pathogens and bring them into industrial production. Other nations,

notably France and Japan had begun their own biological weapons programs. Later in

1942 British military planned the Operation Vegetarian. It was a British military plan

disseminate linseed cakes infected with anthrax spores onto the fields of Germany.

These cakes would have been eaten by the cattle, which would then be consumed by

the civilian population, causing the deaths of millions of German citizens. Furthermore, it

would have wiped out the majority of Germany's cattle, creating a massive food

shortage for the rest of the population that remained uninfected. Preparations were not

complete until early 1944. Operation Vegetarian was of course only to be used in the

event of a German anthrax attack on the United Kingdom. The cakes themselves were

tested on Gruinard Island, just off the coast of Scotland. Because of the widespread

contamination from the anthrax, the land remained a no-go area until 1990. The five

million cakes made to be disseminated in Germany were eventually destroyed in an

incinerator shortly after World War II ended in 1945.

When the USA entered the war, allied resources were pooled at the request of the

British and the U.S. established a large research program and industrial complex at

Fort Detrick, Maryland in 1942 under the direction of George W. Merck. The biological

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and chemical weapons developed during that period were tested at the Dugway Proving

Grounds in Utah. Soon there were facilities for the mass production of anthrax spores,

brucellosis, and botulism toxins, although the war was over before these weapons could

be of much operational use. In this process the US army Biological warfare laboratories

were set and activities were carried out. Not only this but many operations were part of

US army entomology warfare. Following these were the projects carried out namely

Project Bacchus, Project Clear Vision, Project SHAD and Project 112 in the name of

military and war research.

The Soviet Union began a biological weapons program in the 1920s. During World War

II, Joseph Stalin was forced to move his biological warfare (BW) operations out of the

path of advancing German forces and may have used tularemia against German troops

in 1942 near Stalingrad.

By 1960, numerous BW research facilities existed throughout the Soviet Union.

Although the USSR also signed the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), the

Soviets subsequently augmented their bio-warfare programs. Over the course of its

history, the Soviet program is known to have weaponized and stockpiled the following

eleven bio-agents (and to have pursued basic research on many more):

1) Bacillus anthracis (anthrax)

2) Yersinia pestis (plague)

3) Francisella tularensis (tularemia)

4) Burkholderia mallei (glanders)

5) Brucella spp (brucellosis)

6) Coxiella burnetii (Q-fever)

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7) Venezuelan equine encephalitis virus (VEE)

8) Botulinum toxin (botulism)

9) Staphylococcal enterotoxin B

10) Smallpox

11) Marburg virus

These programs became immense and were conducted at 52 clandestine sites

employing over 50,000 people. Annualized production capacity for weaponized

smallpox, for example, was 90 to 100 tons. In the 1980s and 1990s, many of these

agents were genetically altered to resist heat, cold, and antibiotics. In the 1990s, Boris

Yeltsin admitted to an offensive bio-weapons program as well as to the true nature of

the Sverdlovsk biological weapons accident of 1979, which had resulted in the deaths of

at least 64 people. Defecting Soviet bioweaponeers such as Colonel Kanatjan Alibekov

confirmed that the program had been massive and still existed. An agreement was

signed with the US and UK promising to end bio-weapons programs and convert BW

facilities to benevolent purposes, but compliance with the agreement — and the fate of

the former Soviet bio-agents and facilities — is still mostly undocumented.

Saddam Hussein (1937–2006) initiated an extensive biological weapons (BW) program

in Iraq in the early 1980s, in violation of the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) of

1972. Details of the BW program—along with a chemical weapons program—surfaced

only in the wake of the Gulf War (1990–91) following investigations conducted by the

United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) which had been charged with the post-

war disarmament of Saddam's Iraq. By the end of the war, program scientists had

investigated the BW potential of five bacterial strains, one fungal strain, five types of

virus, and four toxins. Of these, three—anthrax, botulinum and aflatoxin—had

proceeded to weaponization for deployment. Because of the UN disarmament program

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that followed the war, more is known today about the once-secret bioweapons program

in Iraq than that of any other nation. During UN inspections in 1998, it emerged that

Hussein had had prisoners tied to stakes and bombarded with anthrax and chemical

weapons for experimental purposes. Human experiments began in the 1980s during the

Iran–Iraq War after initial experiments on sheep and camels. Dozens of prisoners are

believed to have died in agony during the program. According to an article in the

London Sunday Times:

In one incident, Iranian prisoners of war are said to have been tied up and killed by

bacteria from a shell detonated nearby. Others were exposed to an aerosol of anthrax

sprayed into a chamber while doctors watched behind a glass screen. Two British-

trained scientists have been identified as leading figures in the programme. …

According to Israeli military intelligence sources, 10 Iranian prisoners of war were

taken to a location near Iraq's border with Saudi Arabia. They were lashed to posts

and left helpless as an anthrax bomb was exploded by remote control 15 yards away.

All died painfully from internal haemorrhaging. In another experiment, 15 Kurdish

prisoners were tied up in a field while shells containing camel pox, a mild virus, were

dropped from a light aircraft. The results were slower but the test was judged a

success; the prisoners fell ill within a week. Iraqi sources say some of the cruellest

research has been conducted at an underground facility near Salman Pak, southwest

of Baghdad. Here, the sources say, experiments with biological and chemical agents

were carried out first on dogs and cats, then on Iranian prisoners. The prisoners were

secured to a bed in a purpose-built chamber, into which lethal agents, including

anthrax, were sprayed from a high-velocity device mounted in the ceiling. Medical

researchers viewed the results through fortified glass. Details of the experiments

were known only to Saddam and an inner circle of senior government officials and

Iraqi scientists educated in the West. … The facility, which is understood to have been

built by German engineers in the 1980s, has been at the centre of Iraq's experiments

on "human guinea pigs" for more than 10 years, according to Israeli military sources.

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The most notorious program of the period was run by the secret Imperial Japanese

Army Unit 731 during the war, based at Pingfan in Manchuria and commanded by

Lieutenant General Shirō Ishii. This unit did research on BW, conducted often fatal

human experiments on prisoners, and produced biological weapons for combat use.

Although the Japanese effort lacked the technological sophistication of the American or

British programs, it far outstripped them in its widespread application and indiscriminate

brutality. Biological weapons were used against both Chinese soldiers and civilians in

several military campaigns. In 1940, the Japanese Army Air Force bombed Ningbo with

ceramic bombs full of fleas carrying the bubonic plague. Many of these operations were

ineffective due to inefficient delivery systems, although up to 400,000 people may have

died. During the Zhejiang-Jiangxi Campaign in 1942, around 1,700 Japanese troops

died out of a total 10,000 Japanese soldiers who fell ill with disease when their own

biological weapons attack rebounded on their own forces. During the final months of

World War II, Japan planned to use plague as a biological weapon against U.S. civilians

in San Diego, California, during Operation Cherry Blossoms at Night. The plan was set

to launch on 22 September 1945, but it was not executed because of Japan's surrender

on 15 August 1945.

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Geneva Protocol

The Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or other

Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, usually called the Geneva Protocol,

is a treaty prohibiting the use of chemical and biological weapons in international armed

conflicts. It was signed at Geneva on 17 June 1925 and entered into force on 8

February 1928. It was registered in League of Nations Treaty Series on 7 September

1929.[4] The Geneva Protocol is a protocol to the Convention for the Supervision of the

International Trade in Arms and Ammunition and in Implements of War signed on the

same date, and followed the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907.

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It prohibits the use of "asphyxiating, poisonous or other gases, and of all analogous

liquids, materials or devices" and "bacteriological methods of warfare". This is now

understood to be a general prohibition on chemical weapons and biological weapons,

but has nothing to say about production, storage or transfer. Later treaties did cover

these aspects — the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) and the 1993

Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC).

In the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, the use of dangerous chemical agents

was outlawed. In spite of this, the First World War saw large-scale chemical warfare.

France used teargas in 1914, but the first large-scale successful deployment of

chemical weapons was by the German Empire in Ypres, Belgium in 1915, when

chlorine gas was released as part of a German attack at the Battle of Gravenstafel.

Following this, a chemical arms race began, with the United Kingdom, Russia, Austria-

Hungary, the United States, and Italy joining France and Germany in the use of

chemical weapons. This resulted in the development of a range of horrific chemicals

affecting lungs, skin, or eyes. Some were intended to be lethal on the battlefield, like

hydrogen cyanide, and efficient methods of deploying agents were invented. At least

124,000 tons were produced during the war. In 1918, about one grenade out of three

was filled with dangerous chemical agents. Around 1.3 million casualties of the conflict

were attributed to the use of gas and the psychological effect on troops may have had a

much greater effect. As protective equipment developed, the technology to destroy such

equipment also became a part of the arms race. The use of deadly poison gas was not

only limited to combatants in the front but also civilians as nearby civilian towns were at

risk from winds blowing the poison gases through. Civilians living in towns rarely had

any warning systems about the dangers of poison gas as well as not having access to

effective gas masks. The use of chemical weapons employed by both sides had inflicted

estimated 100,000-260,000 civilian casualties during the conflict. Tens of thousands of

more (along with military personnel) died from scarring of the lungs, skin damage, and

cerebral damage in the years after the conflict ended. In the year 1920 alone, over

40,000 civilians and 20,000 military personnel died from the chemical weapons effects.

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The Treaty of Versailles included some provisions that banned Germany from either

manufacturing or importing chemical weapons. Similar treaties banned the First

Austrian Republic, the Kingdom of Bulgaria, and the Kingdom of Hungary from chemical

weapons, all belonging to the losing side, the Central powers. Russian bolsheviks and

Britain continued the use of chemical weapons in the Russian Civil War and possibly in

the Middle East in 1920.

Three years after World War I, the Allies wanted to reaffirm the Treaty of Versailles, and

in 1922 the United States introduced the Treaty relating to the Use of Submarines and

Noxious Gases in Warfare at the Washington Naval Conference. Four of the war

victors, the United States, the United Kingdom, the Kingdom of Italy and the Empire of

Japan, gave consent for ratification, but it failed to enter into force as the French Third

Republic objected to the submarine provisions of the treaty.

At the 1925 Geneva Conference for the Supervision of the International Traffic in Arms

the French suggested a protocol for non-use of poisonous gases. The Second Polish

Republic suggested the addition of bacteriological weapons. It was signed on 17 June.

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United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540

United Nations Security Council resolution 1540 was adopted unanimously on 28 April

2004 regarding the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The resolution

establishes the obligations under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter for all

Member States to develop and enforce appropriate legal and regulatory measures

against the proliferation of chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons and

their means of delivery, in particular, to prevent the spread of weapons of mass

destruction to non-state actors. It is notable in that it recognizes non-state proliferation

as a threat to the peace under the terms of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter,

and creates an obligation for states to modify their internal legislation.

Furthermore, the resolution requires every state to criminalize various forms of non-

state actor involvement in weapons of mass destruction and its related activities in its

domestic legislation and, once in place, to enforce such legislation. By virtue of its

universal scope and mandatory nature, resolution 1540 marks a departure from

previous nonproliferation arrangements and adds a novel layer to the nonproliferation

regime. Before the resolution was adopted, the non-proliferation regime was based on

many partly overlapping arrangements, none of which established universal mandatory

obligations.

There exists a modest consultative compliance mechanism, but negotiations to

establish an international organization for the prohibition of biological weapons to

oversee implementation and conduct monitoring and verification have broken down in

2001. The lack of transparency makes it difficult to assess the status and effectiveness

of states parties’ measures to implement and comply with the BTWC. UNSCR 1540 has

established a monitoring system based on states’ declarations on implementation

through the reports provided to the 1540 Committee. The resolution does not provide a

compliance regime, but rather favors cooperative efforts since non-compliance can be

caused by lack of awareness or capacity. But if states persist in their non-compliance

despite assistance, then the Committee will report this to the UNSC. Resolution 1540

also fulfills a function compliance role since it requires BTWC states parties to review

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their compliance with its obligations while they can use the more detailed criteria for

national implementation in the resolution.

The Australian Group

The Australia Group is an informal group of countries (now joined by the European

Commission) established in 1985 (after the use of chemical weapons by Iraq in 1984) to

help member countries to identify those exports which need to be controlled so as not to

contribute to the spread of chemical and biological weapons.

The group, initially consisting of 15 members, held its first meeting in Brussels, Belgium,

in September 1989. With the incorporation of Mexico on August 12, 2013, it now has 42

members, including the European Commission, all 28 member states of the European

Union, Ukraine, and Argentina. The name comes from Australia's initiative to create the

group. Australia manages the secretariat.

The initial members of the group had different assessments of which chemical

precursors should be subject to export control. Later adherents initially had no such

controls. Today, members of the group maintain export controls on a uniform list of 54

compounds, including several that are not prohibited for export under the Chemical

Weapons Convention, but can be used in the manufacture of chemical weapons. In

2002, the group took two important steps to strengthen export control. The first was the

"no-undercut" requirement, which stated that any member of the group considering

making an export to another state that had already been denied an export by any other

member of the group must first consult with that member state before approving the

export. The second was the "catch-all" provision, which requires member states to halt

all exports that could be used by importers in chemical or biological weapons programs,

regardless of whether the export is on the group's control lists. Delegations representing

the members meet every year in Paris, France.

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Paris Conference of Chemical Weapons

While the Geneva Protocol was a great initiative taken against chemical weapons, it

was lacking. It did ban the use of chemical weapons but not address their

manufacturing and stockpiling. Not to mention, despite it being ratified by many

countries, chemical weapons continued to be used in the upcoming years.

On 15th December 1989, a conference was organized by France and Finland which

aimed to adopt a consensus with regards to the chemical weapons. It was called at the

recommendation of United States which was concerned at the chemical weapons

program of Iran and Libya. Given Libya’s known relations with terrorist organization and

its plan to build a chemical weapon facility, the U.S felt the need of an immediate plan

that would ban the production of chemical weapons and disallow their exports.

Representative from 149 countries attended the five-day conference. At the end of

session, a declaration was issued. It reaffirms the countries commitment to the Geneva

Protocol and prioritizes the formation of a resolution that would enforce a ban of

manufacture, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. The Paris Conference also

reemphasizes that the states should adhere to the recent resolution against the use of

biological weapons. Furthermore, the declaration also hints towards measures such as

sanctions that could be taken against states that utilize chemical weapons. However, it

fails to mention export controls regarding those weapons.

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1990 Chemical Accord

On a superpower summit meeting on Washington D.C in June 1990, the United States

and Soviet Union signed the U.S.-Soviet Chemical Weapons Accord, also officially

known as the “Agreement on Destruction and Non-Production of Chemical

Weapons and on Measures to Facilitate the Multilateral Convention on Banning

Chemical Weapons”.

This treaty between the two superpowers was meant to serve as an example, for other

nations, of an initiative taken stop the production and stockpiling of chemical weapons.

As of then, there wasn’t a proper resolution adopted by the international that would ban

these practices and neither were there export controls which would ensure that no

exchange of chemical weapons take place. The United States was already concerned

by the development of a chemical weapons program in Libya and their use in the Iran-

Iraq and the Persian Gulf War. Not to mention, they also had a valid concern that the

weapons could fall into the hands of terrorist organization.

In the 1990 Chemical Accord, both United States and Soviet Union agreed to crease the

production of these weapons as well as reduce their then chemical stockpile. With

regards to this, they decided that they would destroy 50% of their chemical stocks by

1999 and reduce them to 5000 agent tons. To ensure that each country would stick to

the commitment, there would be on-site inspection during the destruction process. The

monitoring would continue even after that and data regarding the declared chemical

stockpile would be exchanged on a yearly basis. The destruction of the chemical

weapons began after Soviet Union became dissolved, from the year 1990 and in 1993,

U.S, Russia and 150 other nations signed a treaty to ban chemical weapons.

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Chemical Weapons Convention

The Chemical Weapons Convention was a result of negotiation of 12 years. It was

adopted on 3rd September 1992 by the Conference on Disarmament and came into

force on 13th January 1993. The Convention serves as a multilateral platform for

banning of manufacturing, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. It also prohibits the

transfer of chemical weapons between states and neither does it allow the use of

agents to qualm riots.

To summarize the CWC, states parties must declare their chemical weapon stockpiles

that they possess and the facilities that function to produce or research chemical

weapons. In this regards, they must also draft plans to deconstruct such facilities and

destroy the chemical agents. They are also required to submit receipts of chemical

weapons or the equipment used to manufacture them since 1946.

The Convention classifies the chemical weapons into three categories; Category 1,

Category 2 and Category 3. Category 1 are those that can be used either as chemical

weapons or to manufacture. Category 2 and category 3 consists of those chemical

agents that, once again, can be used as weapons but have legitimate applications as

well. To differentiate between the two, the former category has small-scale applications

while the latter has large-scale applications. CWC requires that the destruction of

category 1 chemical weapons start two years after CWC enters into force for a state-

party. States must destroy all of their stockpiles within 100 years. Destruction of

category 2 and category 3 chemicals must start within 1 year after CWC enters into

force for a state-party.

In order to ensure that the states are in compliance with the rules of the convention, it

promises on-site inspections. These include routine-inspections of chemical weapon

facilities, challenge inspection that can be conducted at any facility or location and

investigations into alleged uses of chemical weapons. If the states are not found of

being compliant to the Convention, then the matter shall be forwarded to the United

Nations Security Council and General Assembly and strong measures shall be taken.

QARMA

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1) What is the cause of militarization?

2) How is the global structure, political and economic being affected by all these

measures?

3) How does this affect the third world countries? What measures can be taken to

resolve these issues?

4) How do these actions affect those countries that are either not involved directly,

have trade relations with those involved or are alias with them or are not even involved

even indirectly? What measures can be taken to resolve these issues?

5) How have the past actions failed to resolve the issue at hand?

6) What diplomatic regulations must be in place to contain the issue at hand?

7) How will the taken measures be executed for long term sustainability?

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References:

https://www.unog.ch/80256EE600585943/%28httpPages%29/BF18ABFEFE5D344DC1

256F3100311CE9?OpenDocument

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1200679/

http://www.pbs.org/opb/historydetectives/feature/chemical-

weapons/http://theweek.com/articles/460335/brief-history-chemical-warfare

http://www.emedicinehealth.com/biological_warfare/article_em.htm

https://c.aarc.org/resources/biological/history.asp

http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1198743X14641744

http://world.time.com/2014/01/20/iran-still-haunted-and-influenced-by-chemical-

weapons-attacks/

http://bora.uib.no/bitstream/handle/1956/9153/128400983.pdf?sequence=1

http://www.iranchamber.com/history/articles/chemical_warfare_iran_iraq_war.php

https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/Timeline-of-Syrian-Chemical-Weapons-Activity

http://edition.cnn.com/2017/04/05/middleeast/syria-sarin-chemical-weapons-

explainer/index.html

https://www.cia.gov/library/reports/general-reports-1/terrorist_cbrn/terrorist_CBRN.htm

https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/bwc

https://www.un.org/disarmament/wmd/bio/

https://www.un.org/disarmament/geneva/bwc/

https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/cwcglance

https://www.opcw.org/chemical-weapons-convention/

https://www.un.org/disarmament/wmd/sc1540/

http://www.ipu.org/splz-e/civ1540/1540.pdf

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https://www.britannica.com/event/Geneva-Protocol

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Topic B: Militarization of the Arctic

Introduction

With the rapid melting of ice in the Arctic region, the long-isolated region is becoming a

more accessible zone for commercial fishing, fresh water, minerals, coal, iron, copper,

oil, gas, and shipping. Thus, the region is increasingly catching the world powers’

attention.

Arctic states – Canada, Denmark (via Greenland), Russia, Norway and the U.S. – are in

rush to exploit all these opportunities from the region, which is believed to hold huge oil

and natural gas resources. With such lust for resources, there is the likelihood that the

slow militarization, which has already been initiated by the stake-holding states, will be

intensified, jeopardizing the peace and stability of the region and the globe.

As of yet, the Arctic region is largely untouched by mankind. However, with the ice caps

melting, access to the Arctic oil and gas reserves, which is estimated to be worth

hundreds of billions of dollars, will become easier – a prediction that has already

sparked a military competition in the region. Such militarization of the region is likely to

increase with almost all the countries urging for increasing their military deployments

and exercises, and there appears little hope & opportunity for any diplomatic resolution

(or political agreement) regarding the disputes. It can be well presumed that without any

diplomatic resolution (or political agreement), the current non-hostile debate over the

Arctic could turn into a violent confrontation.

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It seems our globe does not lack reasons to engage in chaos. The two world wars

began as European conflicts, only to turn gradually into world wars. Likewise, if the

disputes over the control of the Arctic resources are not resolved quickly, it could turn

into a larger military conflict that would not just involve the Arctic countries, but would

also drag a larger part of the world into this conflict. And for sure, the start of such war

would mean the cold, yet beautiful, Arctic region would become the targets of war

machines– destroying the environment and the stability of the region and the globe.

Resources

An assessment conducted by the United States Geological Survey (USGS), in 2008,

revealed that about 22% of the world’s undiscovered conventional oil and natural gas

resources (equivalent to about 412 billion barrels oil) are stored in the Arctic seabed.

This estimate reportedly contains 15% of the world’s remaining oil, 30% of its natural

gas deposits and 20% of its liquefied gas. The survey further states that approximately

87% of these untapped resources are located in the seven Arctic basin provinces; East

Greenland Rift Basin, West Siberian Basin, Yenisey-Khatanga Basin, Amerasian Basin,

Arctic Alaska Basin, East Barents Basin, and West Greenland-East Canada Basin.

Recent expeditions also have discovered more than 400 oil and gas field in the north of

Arctic, about 500 of them in the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Region (KMAR) and also

in other areas of the Arctic Circle. However, the biggest oil field region was discovered

in the coastal areas of Alaska and Siberia.

The Arctic Circle is also flush with minerals. The Russian Arctic is known for having

abundant deposits of copper, coal, gold, nickel, tungsten, and diamond, the North

American Arctic for: uranium, copper, nickel, iron, natural gas and oil, Canada’s Yukon

province for quartz, coal and gold and finally Greenland has deposits of cryolite, coal,

marble, zinc, lead and silver. The total approximate value for the discovered Arctic

minerals is around 1.5 to 2 trillion dollars. A large amount of the Arctic minerals are

concentrated in Russia. About 20,000 of mineral deposits have been discovered and

30% are being presently mined by the country. For Russia, the export of these minerals

stood at 37 billion dollars in 2005 and for the United States 3.9 billion dollars in 2008.

Canada’s mining industry contributed 3.4% to the national GDP in 2007. Last but not

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the least, in 2007 Norway produced 80 million tons of various minerals valued at 1.5

billion dollars.

However, many regions of the Arctic have yet to be deeply explored and it is likely that

a huge quantity of oil resources or minerals are present there. This has further

encouraged these seven countries to lay down their claims over parts of the Arctic

Circle. Lomonosov Ridge and Beaufort Sea are two such areas which are being hotly

contested especially because they may hold hydrocarbon reserves. Hence, why it has

become more necessary to diplomatically solve the situation as quickly as possible.

Shipping Routes

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As the ice melts, shipping routes for vessels to transit the Arctic are opening up. The

main trans-Arctic routes are the Northeast Passage, the Northwest Passage, the

Transpolar Sea Route, the Northern Sea Route and the Arctic Bridge. If developed

successfully, each of these routes have the potential to alter world trade and greatly

boost the global economy. The Northeast Passage, also known as the Northern Sea

Route, lies in the economic exclusive zone of Russia and connects the Atlantic and

Pacific Oceans. Being just one-third of the total distance through the Suez Canal, it can

reduce transit time by 12 to 15 days. Moreover, it is expected to save at least $180,000

in fuel costs.

The Northwest Passage, connects the Pacific and Atlantic Ocean through the

Canadian Arctic Archipelago and is 7000 km shorter than the current route through the

Panama Canal. It offers numerous benefits from reducing the ship routes from Europe

to Eastern Asia by 2,500 miles to granting Canada the opportunity to easily and

economically set up its mineral market. Moreover, it also has the capability to allow

much larger ships to transit through it which can’t be done through the Panama or Suez

canals.

The Transpolar route, lies completely in international waters as determined by the

UNCLOS. It links the Strait of Bering and the Atlantic Ocean of Murmansk through the

Arctic’s central part and is considered the shortest route as compared to the Northwest

and Northeast Passage. However, due to the presence of multi-year ice it has still yet to

attract the attention of the global players.

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Lastly, the Artic Bridge links Murmansk in Norther Russia with Churchill in Canada. It

was proposed by the Canadians in the 1900s with the intent of linking the two seaports.

The route will give Russia an easier access to Northern American and give Canada

access to the Northern Sea Route from Murmansk. The global marine sector is also

expected to fare better since it’ll provide Asian nations the opportunity to trade with the

Western Countries and vice versa. expected to fare better since it’ll provide Asian

nations the opportunity to trade with the Western Countries and vice versa.

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MILITIRIZATION

In the prevailing scenario, all the Arctic countries, which are involved in the territorial

and maritime disputes among themselves, have been moving towards militarizing the

region in order to acquire each of their respective objectives in the region. Norwegian

foreign secretary Jonas Gahr Stoere already expressed that the presence of “military,

navy and coastguard” in the region is necessary. Canada planned deep water “naval

facility” at Nanisivik, which lies at the entrance to the disputed Northwest Passage.

Canada promised (under former PM Stephen Harper’s administration) to build armed

ice-breakers, several patrol ships and several vessels in order to proceed towards

gripping the Arctic. In 2011, Canada conducted large-scale “military exercises” in the

region.

In August 2015, the U.S. permitted Shell to drill for oil in the Chukchi Sea, which falls

within the periphery of Alaskan Arctic. The U.S. “Coast Guard” has already deployed

“sophisticated ships, aircrafts and other maritime assets” in the Alaskan Arctic for the

duration of Shell’s drilling in the Arctic. Through such presence, the U.S. is not only

trying to exploit energy resources of the Arctic region, but also trying to keep its “military

presence” deep inside the region.

On the otherside, in 2007, Russian scientists dived to the seabed in the Arctic Ocean

and planted a titanium Russian flag (Russia claimed that it was flag of Russia’s ruling

party) in order to beef up their claims. Russia has already moved to restore a Soviet-era

“military base” and other “military outposts” in the Arctic. In early 2015, Russia exercised

Arctic “military patrols” from its Northern Fleet, involving “38,000 servicemen, more than

50 surface ships and submarines and 110 aircrafts”. More interestingly, Russia is

currently planning to jointly explore for oil in Russia’s Arctic fields with China, which is

increasingly becoming a strong “military power” besides being an economic giant.

Through such move, Russia is trying to make sure that Russia has a “rising military

power” like China involved into its stake in the Arctic region so that such cooperation

favours Russia at the time of escalation of any “military conflict”.

DISPUTES AND TERRITORIAL CLAIMS

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The Arctic region is located around the North Pole and surrounded by landmasses of

the aforementioned five countries. Since the Arctic region was “inaccessible” until the

end of 20th century because of the layers of thick ice, there were less territorial disputes

until the beginning of this (21st) century. However, ice are melting rapidly in the Arctic

region because of the global warming, clearing this ice-covered region from ice. The ice

of the region is already reduced by as much as 50% from 1950s. The region is warming

faster than other areas across the globe. Such rapid melting of ice is making the region

a more “accessible” zone. The melting of the sea ice has been opening up trade routes

(during the summers) between Asia and Europe through the Arctic Ocean; the same

region where such trades routes were unimaginable even couple of decades ago. In

2007, the Northwest Passage between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans opened for the

first time in memory.

The constant change in the climate and the increasing accessibility to the region would

make the extraction of oil and gas from the region much easier. Estimations from

different corners reveal that the region is speculated to hold oil reserves of upto 13% of

the global total of undiscovered oil, upto 30% of natural gas, and also other precious

metals. Such ‘speculations’ and ‘accessibility' have given rise to plenty of disputes that

have emerged among the aforementioned five countries surrounding the region.

However, among those disputes, the most intensified ones are: (i) regarding boundaries

in the Beaufort Sea and the status of the Northwest Passage between the U.S. and

Canada, (ii) regarding Hans Island between Canada and Denmark (via Greenland), (iii)

regarding the Lomonosov Ridge – a mountain range across the region — among

Canada, Denmark and Russia, (iv) and regarding the maritime border from the Bering

Sea into the region between the U.S. and Russia. Following are brief details on each of

these disputes,

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(i) Boundaries in the Beautfort Sea and the status of Northwest Passage:

Canada supports an extension into the sea of the land boundary between Yukon and

Alaska. The U.S. does not, but instead supports an extended sea boundary into the

Canadian portion of the Beaufort Sea. Such a demarcation means that a minor portion

of Northwest Territories EEZ in the polar region is claimed by Alaska, because the EEZ

boundary between Northwest Territories and Yukon follows a straight north-south line

into the sea. The U.S. claims would create a triangular shaped EEZ for Yukon/Canada.

The disputed area is about 21,440 km2 (8,280 sq mi) in size. The precise translation of

a phrase in the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1825, which was written in French, is part

of the issue. The convention makes reference to the 141st Meridian "in its prolongation

as far as the Frozen ocean."

Canada claims the passage as part of its "internal waters" belonging to Canada, while

the United States regards it as an "international strait" (a strait accommodating open

international traffic). The Canadian Coast Guard and Royal Canadian Navy have

commissioned a new ice breaker along with multiple offshore patrol ships to guard and

patrol the waters.

(ii) Hans Island between Canada and Denmark (via Greenland):

The Danish "Celebration Expedition" of 1920 to 1923 accurately mapped the whole

region of the Northern Greenland coast from Cape York (Kap York) to Denmark

Sound (Danmark fjord). In 1933, the Permanent Court of International Justice declared

the legal status of Greenland in favour of Denmark. Denmark claims that geological

evidence points to Hans Island being part of Greenland, and therefore that it belongs to

Denmark by extension of the Court's ruling. In 1972, a team consisting of personnel

from the Canadian Hydrographic Service and Danish personnel working in the Nares

Strait determined the geographic coordinates for Hans Island. During negotiations

between Canada and Denmark on their maritime boundary in 1973, both states claimed

that Hans Island was part of their territory. No agreement was reached between the two

governments on the issue. The maritime boundary immediately north and south of Hans

Island was established in the continental shelf treaty ratified by Greenland and Canada

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and then submitted to the United Nations on December 17, 1973, in force since March

13, 1974.

“The Government of the Kingdom of Denmark and the Government of Canada, Having

decided to establish in the area between Greenland and the Canadian Arctic Islands a

dividing line beyond which neither Party exercising its rights under the Convention on

the Continental Shelf of April/29/1958 will extend its sovereign rights for the purpose of

exploration and exploitation of the natural resources of the continental shelf…”

(iii) Lomonosov Ridge (among Canada, Denmark and Russia):

In the 2000s, the geological structure of the ridge attracted international attention due to

a 20 December 2001 official submission by the Russian Federation to the UN

Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf in accordance with the United

Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (article 76, paragraph 8). The document

proposed establishing new outer limits for the Russian continental shelf, beyond the

previous 200-nautical-mile (370 km; 230 mi) zone, but within the Russian Arctic sector.

The territory claimed by Russia in the submission is a large portion of the Arctic

reaching the North Pole. One of the arguments was a statement that the underwater

Lomonosov Ridge and Mendeleev Ridge are extensions of the Eurasian continent. In

2002 the UN Commission neither rejected nor accepted the Russian proposal,

recommending additional research.

Danish scientists hope to prove that the ridge is an extension of Greenland, and

Denmark became another claimant to the area in 2014. Canada, also a claimant,

asserts that the ridge is an extension of its continental shelf. In April 2007, Canadian

and Russian scientists were sent to map the ridge as a possible precedent for

determining sovereignty over the area. In late June 2007, Russian scientists claimed

that the ridge is an extension of Russia's territory, and in 2011 a Russian scientist said

that Russia and Denmark claim different parts of the ridge and the claims are not

conflicting. Other sources indicate that some areas are disputed.

Canada is expected to make further claims. Denmark and Russia have agreed to follow

certain procedures when making claims. If the Danish claims are accepted by the

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Commission in summer 2015, the distribution of areas may still be a matter of

negotiation between claiming countries - a process which can take several years. The

rhetoric used in making claims is also subject to discussion.

A 21-member UN arbitration panel is considering the competing claims, with the focus

on the Lomonosov Ridge.

(iv) The Maritime Border From The Bering Sea into the region between the U.S.

and Russia:

The need for the maritime boundary arose after the United States purchased Alaska

from the Russian Empire. At the time, national maritime interests were restricted only to

the three-mile limit. The purchase treaty did mention a boundary across the Bering Sea;

however, with the introduction of the 200-mile limit by the Law of the Sea, the border

issue became pressing, since neither side could produce the maps used during the

original purchase negotiations. Furthermore, the two sides agreed that the boundary

was intended to be a straight line on a map, but they did not agree which map projection

was used: Mercator or conformal. This resulted in about 15,000 square nautical miles of

disputed area. The 1990 line split the difference between the two lines and introduced

several "special areas", which were beyond the 200-mile zone, but in which the sides

ceded their rights to the opponent. The larger portion of the disputed area in the Bering

Sea was agreed to belong to the United States; the United States Congress quickly

ratified the agreement, but the Soviet Union failed to ratify the agreement before its

collapse in 1991. Many in Russia have criticized Mikhail Gorbachev and Edvard

Shevardnadze for rushing the deal, ceding the Russian fishing rights and other maritime

benefits, and insist on renegotiation. The United States continues efforts to enforce the

boundary line against the encroaching Russian fishing vessels, in order to build up the

evidence of "general state practice" that the 1990 agreement is indeed the marine

border between the two countries.

The United States Senate gave its advice and consent to ratification as early as on

September 16, 1991, and has no intentions to reopen the issue. In its turn, the US–

USSR agreement is the confirmation of the earlier United States – Russia Convention of

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March 18 (O.S.)/March 30 (N.S.), 1867. This sea border is also known as the Baker-

Shevardnadze line or Baker-Shevardnadze agreement

Therefore, all countries surrounding the region are involved in disputes regarding the

ownership and control over different parts of the region. Along with these five Arctic

countries, China and the UK are also involved in the dispute through their claims over

the Svalbard archipelago, which happens to be within the region.

Some of the Arctic countries that are claimant to the disputes have been attempting to

come to a solution through the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf

(CLCS) and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

However, a constructive solution, which would bind all the claimants to the Arctic

disputes to abide by it, could not be reached through these CLCS and UNCLOS. This is

because, both CLCS and UNCLOS lack the appropriate mandate from countries across

the world, including the aforesaid five Arctic countries, to impose “legally binding”

decisions or provisions for any maritime disputes. Therefore, the absence of a binding

legal regime creates scopes for intense territorial and maritime disputes concerning the

control, exploration and exploitation of the energy resources in such a region that is

becoming increasingly accessible for such purpose (i.e. purpose of energy exploration

and exploitation).

It seems our globe does not lack reasons to engage in chaos. The two world wars

began as European conflicts, only to turn gradually into world wars. Likewise, if the

disputes over the control of the Arctic resources are not resolved quickly, it could turn

into a larger military conflict that would not just involve the Arctic countries, but would

also drag a larger part of the world into this conflict. And for sure, the start of such war

would mean the cold, yet beautiful, Arctic region would become the targets of war

machines– destroying the environment and the stability of the region and the globe.

Efforts towards Peace And Cooperation In The Arctic

Murmansk Initiative

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The Murmansk Initiative was put forward on the 1st of October, in 1987, by Mikhail

Gorbachev, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. It

proposed:

A). Coordination on Resource Extraction.

B). A Nuclear Free Zone in Northern Europe

C). Limitations on Military Activity

D). Organization for Arctic Scientific Research Coordination

E). Joint Plan for Environmental Protection and Management of the Arctic Circle.

F). Putting the Northern Sea Route into Operation

To point out a few things in this regards, the USSR was more than willing to deconstruct

its nuclear test facility on the Novaya Zemlya island in its Arctic region given that the

United States either stop their nuclear tests or reduce the stockpiles. Not to mention, in

1974, the USSR had already agreed to provide guarantees for a Nordic NWFP and

once again, in 1981, reaffirmed the commitment.

Moreover, Mikhail Gorbachev suggested negotiations and talks between the Warsaw

Pact and NATO with the focus on reducing military activity in the Baltic, Norwegian,

Northern and Greenland seas. He also proposed a conference to be held that would

discuss banning military activity in international straits and on shipping routes. Lastly, he

floated the idea of a joint energy program for Northern Europe and share of resources in

the Kola Peninsula.

The Murmansk Initiative was welcomed by the Western government. Many of the

present actions taken with the aim of ensuring peace and cooperation in the Arctic

Circle are said to be a fruit of this initiative.

Artic Council

The Arctic Council is composed of Canada, United States, Russia, Demark (Via

Greenland), Norway, Iceland, Sweden and Finland. Permanent participant status is held

by Arctic indigenous groups which are Aleut International Association, Arctic

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Athabaskan Council, Gwich’in Council International, Inuit Circumpolar Council, Russian

Association of Indigenous People of the North and the Saami Council. Observer status

has been granted to China, India, South Korea, Singapore, Italy and Japan.

The forum aims to encourage and provides a platform for the member states to

cooperate together in order to protect the environment and the indigenous people

residing in the Arctic region. For this purpose, the Council has six different bodies. Not

to mention, to date the Council has successfully managed to pass three legally binding

agreements, the latest in 2017. However, it is important to mention that the Council

does not deal with military disputes.

The Arctic Council came into being on 19th September 1996 when all eight of the Arctic

states ratified the Ottawa Declaration as per which, the Council was now declared as a

high-level intergovernmental forum. The following Ottawa Declaration announces the

formation of the council and states its responsibilities.

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DECLARATION ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ARCTIC COUNCIL

THE REPRESENTATIVES of the Governments of Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland,

Norway, the Russian Federation, Sweden and the United States of America (hereinafter

referred to as the Arctic States) meeting in Ottawa;

AFFIRMING our commitment to the well-being of the inhabitants of the Arctic, including

recognition of the special relationship and unique contributions to the Arctic of

indigenous people and their communities.

AFFIRMING our commitment to sustainable development in the Arctic region, including

economic and social development, improved health conditions and cultural wellbeing;

AFFlRMING concurrently our commitment to the protection of the Arctic environment,

including the health of Arctic ecosystems, maintenance or biodiversity in the Arctic

region and conservation and sustainable use of natural resources.

RECOGNIZING the contributions of the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy to

these commitments;

RECOGNIZING the traditional knowledge of the indigenous people of the Arctic and

their communities and taking note of its importance and that of Arctic science and

research to the collective understanding of the circumpolar Arctic;

DESIRING further to provide a means for promoting cooperative activities to address

Arctic issues requiring circumpolar cooperation, and to ensure full consultation with and

the full involvement of indigenous people and their communities and other inhabitants of

the Arctic in such activities;

RECOGNIZING the valuable contribution and support of the lnuit Circumpolar

Conference, Saami Council, and the Association of the Indigenous Minorities of the

North, Siberia, and the Far East of the Russian Federation in the development of the

Arctic Council;

DES l RING Lo provide for regular intergovernmental consideration of and consultation

on Arctic issue.

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HEREBY DECLARE:

1) The Arctic Council is established as a high level forum to:

2) provide a means for promoting cooperation, coordination and interaction among

the Arctic States, with the involvement of the Arctic indigenous communities and other

Arctic inhabitants on common Arctic issues 1 , in panicular issues of sustainable

development and environmental protection in the Arctic

3) oversee and coordinate the programs established under the AEPS on the Arctic

Monitoring and Assessment Program (AMAP); Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna

(CAFF); Protection of the Arctic Marine Environment (PAME); and Emergency

Prevention, Preparedness and Response (EPPR).

4) adopt terms of reference for, and oversee and coordinate a sustainable

development program.

2. Members of the Arctic Council are: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, the

Russian Federation, Sweden and the United States of America (the Arctic States).

The Inuit Circumpolar Conference, the Saami Council and the Association of Indigenous

Minorities of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation are

Permanent Participants in the Arctic Council. Permanent participation equally is open to

other Arctic organizations of indigenous peoples*2 with majority Arctic indigenous

constituency, representing:

1) a single indigenous people resident in more than one Arctic State; or

2) More than one Arctic indigenous people resident in a single Arctic state.

The determination that such an organization has met this criterion is to be made by

decision of the Council. The number of Permanent Participants should at any time be

less than the number of members.

The category of Permanent Participation is created to provide for active participation

and full consultation with the Arctic indigenous representatives within the Arctic Council.

3. Observer status in the Arctic Council is open to:

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(a) Non-Arctic states;

(b) Inter-governmental and inter-parliamentary organizations, global and regional; and

(c) Non-governmental organizations

That the Council determines can contribute to its work.

4. The Council should normally meet on a biennial basis, with meetings of senior

officials taking place more frequently, to provide for liaison and co-ordination. Each

Arctic State should designate a focal point on matters related to the Arctic Council.

5. Responsibility for hosting meetings of the Arctic Council, including provision of

secretariat support functions, should rotate sequentially among the Arctic States.

6. The Arctic Council, as its first order of business, should adopt rules of procedure for

its meetings and those of its working groups.

7. Decisions of the Arctic Council are to be by consensus of the Members.

8. The Indigenous Peoples' Secretariat established under AEPS is to continue under the

framework of the Arctic Council.

9. The Arctic Council should regularly review the priorities and financing of its programs

and associated structures.

THEREFORE, we the undersigned representatives of our respective Governments,

recognizing the Arctic Council's political significance and intending to promote its

results, have signed this Declaration.

SIGNED by the representatives of the Arctic States in Ottawa, this 19th day of

September 1996.

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)

Before UNCLOS came into existence, there was no body that had established an

international piece of legislation according to which the rights and duties of states

regarding the seas and oceans could be governed. It was in the middle of 20th century

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when there was overexploitation of resources and missile pads started being placed in

the oceanic beds that states began to feel the need for such a charter. Hence, after

World War 2, in 1949, the United Nations International Law began formulating draft

resolutions.

From 24th February till 29th April 1958, the first conference was held by the United

Nations. Though the international community adopted the four resolutions that the UN

had begun formulating in 1949, they failed to determine the territorial sea of a nation.

These four resolutions were: The Convention On The Territorial and Contiguous

zone, The Convention on the High Seas, The Convention on Fishing and

Conversation of Living Resources of the High Seas, and The Convention On The

Continental Shelf. A second conference (UNCLOS II) was held starting from 17th

March in 1960 but that also failed. It was the third conference that bore fruits.

UNCLOS III, also known as the constitution of oceans, was signed in 1982 and came

into effect in 1994. Up to date, 158 countries have ratified this convention including the

Arctic countries except the US. According to Article 56(1a) of UNCLOS, the territorial

sea of a country is 12 miles or 22km beyond its coast, its economic exclusive zone is up

till 200 nautical miles and the contagious zone of a country is until 24 nautical miles.

However, if a state has made claims for regions above the 200nm to be included in its

economic exclusive zone, the UN convention requires that it submit scientific evidence

to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. The CLRS shall then

analyze the submitted evidence and make the final recommendation to the UNCLOS in

accordance with Article 76 and the Statement of Understanding adopted on 29th August

1980. The final decision undertaken by the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea shall

be binding.

Illulssiat Declaration

On 28th May 2008, the Illulssiat Declaration was announced by the five coastal cities of

the Arctic Ocean, namely United States, Canada, Denmark, Russia and Norway. The

Declaration reaffirms the sovereignty and the legal ownership of the five Arctic states. It

recommits the Arctic states to the United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea

(UNCLOS) and in doing so, rejects the need for a local regime to govern the Arctic

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Ocean. In the light of this statement, it also calls for any overlapping territorial claims to

be quickly and efficiently settled. The Declaration reasserts that the Arctic states are

responsible for the development and protection of both the environment of the Arctic

region and the indigenous people living there. To that end, they have taken several

measures such as deciding to share data among themselves and other non-Arctic

states.

BLOC Positions

Canada

To Canada, the Arctic is an important asset. About fourth of the Canada’s region

consists of Arctic and is home to man clay of the indigenous people there. The

Canadian government has again and again stressed the importance of protecting both

the environment and particularly, the natives of the area. As also obvious, when Canada

tasked the Arctic Environmental Protection Agency with to first and foremost protect and

serve the interest of those residing there.

Canada has also been aggressive in its Arctic Defense Policy. To reaffirm its

sovereignty, the state has developed two military bases in the region and there is also

high military activity there. The latest defense policy review identifies three key areas for

the government to focus on: surveillance, communications and tactical movement. It

also further recognizes the threat posed by Russia and so, encourages the

development of military.

Denmark

The Kingdom of Denmark is composed of Demark, Faroe Islands and Greenland. It is

due Greenland that the Kingdom has a claim over the Arctic islands.

Denmark’s Arctic policy revolves around cooperation and coordination with the other

Arctic states. In 2011, the Kingdom published its strategic policy which is divided into

four different chapters. The first chapter is called, “A Peaceful, Secure and Safe

Arctic”. It stresses that the Arctic states must resolutely follow the UNCLOS and must

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cooperate together for the sake of Arctic’s environment and its indigenous people. The

second chapter is called, “Self-Sustaining growth and development”. It calls for

exploitation of resources in the Arctic to be done under the international law, within the

Economic Exclusive Zone of a state and advocates the use of renewable sources of

energy in the interest of the planet. The third chapter,” Development with Respect for

the Arctic’s Vulnerable Climate, Environment and Nature” requests scientific

expeditions to be taken over the Arctic in order to produce a better understanding of its

climate and the impact of global warming on the Circle. The last chapter, “Close

Cooperation with International Partners” requests coordination with the international

community in order to preserve the environment and protect the natives and so, also

lists worldwide organizations.

Though it seems that the Kingdom is committed to taking steps in coordination with the

global community, yet it holds a strong military presence in the Arctic Ocean. It is still

prepared to invest millions of kroners in order to increase its military presence in the

Arctic and plans to invest 360 million kroner initially and an additional 120 million kroner

in order to enhance its military capabilities. Just recently, Denmark has also been in

talks with Canada, U.S and Norway in order to determine whether a satellite program

can be established in order to carry out surveillance over the Far North of the Arctic.

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FINLAND

Finland is one of the members of the Arctic Council and will be chairing the organization

for the next two years. Though, Finland doesn’t share a coast in the Arctic ocean it still

intends to be an active player in the Council and is especially focused towards

economic prosperity gained from the Arctic Circle.

Finland released its revised Arctic strategy policy in 2013. It prioritizes the following

seven areas: Security and sovereignty, environment protection and management,

protection for the indigenous people, inclusion of EU in the Council, institutionalization

of the Arctic Council, and infrastructure for the region and economy. Though Finland

has also enthusiastically supported peaceful talks, it has engaged in joint military

activities with its Nordic neighbors mainly because it feels threatened by Russia who it

has a border with.

Iceland

Like Finland, Iceland does not share a coast with the Arctic Ocean and is not included in

the Arctic 5. Even in formal meetings, Iceland is not recognized as being equal to the

Arctic 5. However, it does hope to be recognized as a major player in the world.

Iceland’s Arctic policy was issued in 2011. The policy endorses the Arctic Council and

emphasizes that all decisions regarding the Arctic Circle be taken by this body and no

country has the right to make its own independent decisions. It also highlights the

importance of protecting the environment and the indigenous people and

simultaneously, calls that any territorial claims be verified on the legal basis provided by

the UNCLOS. Given that the Economic Exclusive Zone of Iceland extends to the

Greenland Sea adjoining the Arctic Ocean, the policy specifically encourages

cooperation between the two countries.

Moreover, for non-Arctic states the geostrategic location is extremely important. Iceland

has an economical breakdown in 2008 and received foreign investment from countries

like China. In return, it has open possibilities for these countries to profit from the Arctic

Ocean.

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Norway

Norway a member of the Arctic 5. Norway’s Arctic policy came out in 2005 and focuses

on international cooperation, business development, knowledge development

infrastructure, environmental protection and emergency preparedness. However, the

main focus of Norway likes on being able to have its business develop and profit

through activities in the Arctic region. To quote “the government is proposing to

intensify efforts in the areas of business- oriented research, infrastructure and

emergency preparedness in particular.”

Norway has also carried out joint military activities with Russia. However, it would seem

that its recent relations with Russia have been sour. The country is patrolling its borders

and is busy in keeping an eye on Russian activities in the Arctic. It has also agreed with

United States and United Kingdom to place Russia under surveillance and plans to

send hundred thousands of soldiers to the border.

Russian Federation

Russia is a prominent member of the Arctic 5. Its Arctic policy was approved in 2009 by

the Russian President Medvedev and is valid till 2020. The policy adopts a military

approach towards the Arctic Circle and avoids any mention of Russia’s nuclear policy

which clearly indicates its unwillingness to holds talks on those grounds.

According to the document, Russia intends to set up a strategic resource base on the

Arctic that would then target the socio economic problems in the country. This is a major

goal for the country because of the present sanctions imposed on it and so, Russia has

to fend for itself. The Arctic policy also focuses on the Northern Sea Route and hopes to

be able to use it to access the Arctic’s shelf resources and plans to transform it into a

proper route for international vessels to transit through.

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The policy also requests peace through cooperation be maintained in the Arctic but also

outlines that it’s not possible due to hostile attitude adopted by the other Arctic states

towards it. It also mentions that the present global and security architecture that exists

cannot possibly ensure peace as it is completely biased towards the NATO and the

Western countries. Hence, also why it becomes necessary for Russia to tremendously

increase its military forces on its Arctic border. In the light of this, several military bases

have been constructed in the region and it is also being daily patrolled.

United States of America

U.S is an important member of Arctic 5 and its Arctic policy was released on 2009. U.S

has acknowledged but has yet to sign the UNCLOS. The document emphasizes the

importance of Arctic to U.S. It outlines the national altered policies on homeland security

and defense, the impact of climate change and human activities on the area, endorses

the role of Arctic Council and points towards utilization of the Arctic resources under

international standards. United States also has early warning systems, missile defense

systems and SSBNs in the Arctic region. The U.S is also in conflict with Canada on the

Northwest Passage. The latter claims that the area comes under Canada’s jurisdiction

while the U.S refuses to recognize that and maintains that it is international water.

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Questions A Resolution Must Answer (QARMA)

1) How have the past actions failed to resolve the issue at hand?

2) What diplomatic regulations must be in place to contain the issue at hand?

3) What measures need to be taken to resolve the dispute and induce peace in the

region?

4) How will these measures be executed for long term sustainability?

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References:

Bibliography:

Foizee, Bahauddin. "Growing Militarization in Arctic amid Increasing Disputes." Editorial.

06 Mar. 2016: n. pag. Modern Diplomacy.

Griffiths, Sian. "US-Canada Arctic Border Dispute Key to Maritime Riches." Editorial.

n.d.: n. pag. BBC News. BBC, 02 Aug. 2010.

Hobart King (2014): What Is The NorthWest Passage? , Geology.com

Tuner, J.T Philips, G.J. Marshall, J.S. Hosking, J.O. Pope, T.J. Bracegirdle, P.Deb.

2017: Artic

Sea Ice News And Analysis. National Snow & Ice Data Centre.

Natural Resources In The Artic: Sputnik

https://www.newsdeeply.com/arctic/background/natural-resources-and-sustainable-

development

http://geology.com/articles/arctic-oil-and-gas/

http://arctic.ru/resources/

http://www.arctis-search.com/Arctic+Mineral+Resources

https://people.hofstra.edu/geotrans/eng/ch1en/conc1en/polarroutes.html

http://www.discoveringthearctic.org.uk/1_northwest_northeast_passages.html

http://geology.com/articles/northwest-passage.shtml

https://people.hofstra.edu/geotrans/eng/ch1en/conc1en/polarroutes.html

http://barentsobserver.com/en/topics/russia-canada-resume-arctic-bridge

http://www.marineinsight.com/marine-navigation/what-is-arctic-bridge-sea-route/

https://books.google.com.pk/books?id=5MpsCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA182&lpg=PA182&dq=

murmansk+initiative&source=bl&ots=ER-

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a53fZ1Y&sig=7OFeDFmyQ_dbIj1N3ZZzRQl4c3o&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiBgOm7

xIjVAhVJUhQKHaPTD2s4ChDoAQgwMAI#v=onepage&q=murmansk%20initiative&f=fal

se

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urmansk+initiative&source=bl&ots=KSFrn6IeMg&sig=TvFejnk39r7h5CpGhDic2p7xFIw&

hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwirtf3svYjVAhWJOhoKHQP0AOIQ6AEITTAI#v=twopage&q=

murmansk%20initiative&f=true