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    Mussolini, Doctrine of Fascism (1932)

    The following selection is an excerpt from an article on Fascism which Mussolini wrote (with the helpof Giovanni Gentile) for the Enciclopedia Italiana in 1932. Following this selection I have included twoversions of the Fascist Decalogue (1934 and 1938) and brief passage on myth from one of Mussolini'sspeeches of 1922.

    Fundamental Ideas

    1. Like every sound political conception, Fascism is both practice and thought; action in which adoctrine is immanent, and a doctrine which, arising out of a given system of historical forces, remainsembedded in them and works there from within. There is no concept of the State which is notfundamentally a concept of life; philosophy or intuition, a system of ideas which develops logically or isgathered up into a vision or into a faith, but which is always, at least virtually, an organic conception ofthe world.

    2. Thus Fascism could not be understood in many of its practical manifestations as a partyorganization, as a system of education, as a discipline, if it were not always looked at in the light of itswhole way of conceiving life, a spiritualized way. The world see through Fascism is not this material

    world which appears on the surface, in which man is an individual separated from all others andstanding by himself () The man of Fascism is an individual who is nation and fatherland, which is amoral law, binding together individuals and the generations into a tradition and a mission, suppressingthe instinct for a life enclosed within the brief round of pleasure in order to restore within duty a higherlife free from the limits of time and space; a life in which the individual, through the denial of himself,through the sacrifice of his own private interests, through death itself, realizes that completely spiritualexistence in which his value as a man lies.

    3. Therefore it is a spiritualized conception, itself the result of the general reaction of modern timesagainst the flabby materialistic positivism of the nineteenth century () Fascism desires an activeman, one engaged in activity with all his energies: it desires a man conscious of the difficulties thatexist in action and ready to face them. It conceives of life as a struggle, considering that it behovesman to conquer for himself that life truly worthy of him, creating first of all in himself the instrument

    (physical, moral and intellectual) in order to construct it. Thus for the single individual, thus for thenation, thus for humanity. ()

    4. This positive conception of life is clearly an ethical conception. It covers the whole of reality, notmerely the human activity which controls it. No action can be divorced from moral judgment; there isnothing in the world which can be deprived of the value which belongs to everything in its relation tomoral ends. Life, therefore, as conceived by the Fascist, is serious, austere and religious: the whole ofit is poised in a world supported by the moral and responsible forces of the spirit. The Fascist disdainsthe "confortable" life.

    5. Fascism is a religious conception in which man is seen in his immanent relationship with a superiorlaw and with an objective Will that transcends the particular individual and raises him to consciousmembership in a spiritual society. Whoever has seen in the religious politics of the Fascist regime

    nothing but mere opportunism has not understood that Fascism besides being a system ofgovernment is also, and above all, a system of thought.

    6. Fascism is a historical conception, in which man is what he is only in so far as he works with thespiritual process in which he finds himself, in the family or social group, in the nation and in the historyin which all nations collaborate. From this follows the great value of tradition, in memories, inlanguage, in customs, in the standards of social life. Outside history man is nothing. ConsequentlyFascism is opposed to all the individualistic abstractions of a materialistic nature like those of theeighteenth century; and it is opposed to all Jacobin utopias and innovations. It does not consider that"happiness" is possible upon earth, as it appeared to be in the desire of the economic literature of theeighteenth century, and hence it rejects all theological theories according to which mankind wouldreach a definitive stabilized condition at a certain period in history.

    7. Against individualism, the Fascist conception is for the State; and it is for the individual in so far ashe coincides with the State, which is the conscience and universal will of man in his historical

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    existence. It is opposed to classical Liberalism, which arose form the necessity of reacting againstabsolutism, and which brought its historical purpose to an end when the State was transformed intothe conscience and will of the people. Liberalism denied the State in the interests of the particularindividual; Fascism reaffirms the State as the true reality of the individual. And if liberty is to be theattribute of the real man, and not of that abstract puppet envisaged by individualistic Liberalism,Fascism is for liberty. And for the only liberty which can be a real thing, the liberty of the State and of

    the individual within the State. Therefore, for the Fascist, everything is in the State, and nothing humanor spiritual exists, much less has value, outside the State. In this sense Fascism is totalitarian, and theFascist State, the synthesis and unity of all values, interprets, develops and gives strength to thewhole life of the people.

    8. Outside the State there can be neither individuals nor groups (political parties, associations,syndicates, classes). Therefore Fascism is opposed to Socialism, which confines the movement ofhistory within the class struggle and ignores the unity of classes established in one economic andmoral reality in the State; and analogously it is opposed to class syndicalism.

    9. Individuals form classes according to the similarity of their interests, they form syndicates accordingto differentiated economic activities within these interests; but they form first, and above all, the State,which is not to be thought of numerically as the sum-total of individuals forming the majority of the

    nation. And consequently Fascism is opposed to Democracy, which equates the nation to the majority,lowering it to the level of that majority.

    10. It is not the nation that generates the State, as according to the old naturalistic concept whichserved as the basis of the political theories of the national States of the nineteenth century. Rather thenation is created by the State, which gives to the people, conscious of its own moral unity, a will andtherefore an effective existence.

    11. The nation as the State is an ethical reality which exists and lives in so far as it develops. To arrestits development is to kill it. Therefore the State is not only the authority which governs and gives theform of laws and the value of spiritual life to the wills of individuals, but it is also a power that makes itswill felt abroad, making it known and respected, in other words, demonstrating the fact of itsuniversality in all the necessary directions of its development. It is consequently organization and

    expansion, at least virtually. Thus it can be likened to the human will which knows no limits to itsdevelopment and realizes itself in testing its own limitlessness.

    12. The Fascist State, the highest and most powerful form of personality, is a force, but a spiritualforce, which takes over all the forms of the moral and intellectual life of man. It is the form, the innerstandard and the discipline of the whole person; it saturates the will as well as the intelligence. Itsprinciple, the central inspiration of the human personality living in the civil community, pierces into thedepths and makes its home in the heart of the man of action as well as of the thinker, of the artist aswell as of the scientist: it is the soul of the soul.

    13. Fascism, in short, is not only the giver of laws and the founder of institutions, but the educator andpromoter of spiritual life. It wants to remake, not the forms of human life, but its content, man,character, faith. And to this end it requires discipline and authority that can enter into the spirits of men

    and there govern unopposed. Its sign, therefore, is the Lictors' rods, the symbol of unity, of strengthand justice.

    (ii) Political and Social Doctrine

    1. Fascism was not given out to the wet nurse of a doctrine elaborated beforehand round a table: itwas born of the need for action; it was not a party, but in its first two years it was a movement againstall parties. The name which I gave to the organization defined its characteristics. Nevertheless,whoever rereads, in the now crumpled pages of the time, the account of the constituent assembly ofthe Fasci Italiani di Combattimento will not find a doctrine, but a series of suggestions, of anticipations,of admonitions, which when freed from the inevitable vein of contingency, were destined later, after afew years, to develop into a series of doctrinal attitudes which made of Fascism a self-sufficientpolitical doctrine able to face all others, both past and present.

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    2. Fascism is today clearly defined not only as a regime but as a doctrine. And I mean by this thatFascism today, self-critical as well as critical of other movements, has an unequivocal point of view ofits own, a criterion, and hence an aim, in face of all the material and intellectual problems whichoppress the people of the world.

    3. Above all, Fascism, in so far as it considers and observes the future and the development of

    humanity quite apart from the political considerations of the moment, believes neither in the possibilitynor in the utility of perpetual peace. It thus repudiates the doctrine of Pacifism -- born of a renunciationof the struggle and an act of cowardice in the face of sacrifice. war alone brings up to their highesttension all human energies and puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the courage tomeet it. All other trials are substitutes, which never really put a man in front of himself in the alternativeof life and death.

    6. After Socialism, Fascism attacks the whole complex of democratic ideologies and rejects them bothin their theoretical premises and in their applications or practical manifestations. fascism denies thatthe majority, through the mere fact of being a majority, van rule human societies; it denies that thismajority can govern by means of a periodical consultation; it affirms the irremediable, fruitful andbeneficent inequality of men, who cannot be leveled by such a mechanical and extrinsic fact asuniversal suffrage. Democracy is a regime without a king, but with very many kings, perhaps more

    exclusive, tyrannical and violent than one king even though a tyrant.

    9. The theory of Fascist authority has nothing to do with the police State. A party that governs a nationin a totalitarian way is a new fact in history. References and comparisons are not possible. Fascismtakes over from the ruins of Liberal Socialistic democratic doctrines those elements which still have aliving value. It preserves those that can be called the established facts of history, it rejects all the rest,that is to say the idea of a doctrine which holds good for all times and all peoples. If it is admitted thatthe nineteenth century has been the century of Socialism, Liberalism and Democracy, it does notfollow that the twentieth must also be the century of Liberalism, Socialism and Democracy. Politicaldoctrines pass; peoples remain. It is to be expected that this century may be that of authority, acentury of the "Right," a Fascist century. If the nineteenth was the century of the individual it may beexpected that this one may be the century of "collectivism" and therefore the century of the State. Thedoctrine itself, therefore, must be, not words, but an act of life. hence, the pragmatic veins in Fascism,

    its will to power, its will to be, its attitude in the face of the fact of "violence" and of its own courage.

    11. In the Fascist State the individual is not suppressed, but rather multiplied, just as in a regiment asoldier is not weakened but multiplied by the number of his comrades. The Fascist State organizes thenation, but it leaves sufficient scope to individuals; it has limited useless or harmful liberties and haspreserved those that are essential. It cannot be the individual who decides in this matter, but only theState.

    12. The Fascist State does not remain indifferent to the fact of religion in general and to that particularpositive religion which is Italian Catholicism. The State has no theology, but it has an ethic. TheFascist State does not create a "God" of its own, as Robespierre once, at the height of theConvention's foolishness, wished to do; nor does it vainly seek, like Bolshevism, to expel religion fromthe minds of men. Fascism respects the God of the ascetics, of the saints, of the heroes, and also God

    as seen and prayed to by the simple and primitive heart of the people.

    13. The Fascist State is a will to power and to government. In it the tradition of Rome is an idea thathas force. In the doctrine of Fascism Empire is not only a territorial, military or mercantile expression,but spiritual or moral. Once can think of an empire, that is to say a nation that directly or indirectlyleads other nations, without needing to conquer a single square kilometer of territory. For Fascism thetendency to Empire, that is to say, to the expansion of nations, is a manifestation of vitality; itsopposite, staying at home, is a sign of decadence: peoples who rise or re-rise are imperialist, peoplewho die are renunciatory. Fascism is the doctrine that is most fitted to represent the aims, the states ofmind, of a people, like the Italian people, rising again after many centuries of abandonment of slaveryto foreigners. If every age has its own doctrine, it is apparent from a thousand signs that the doctrineof the present age is Fascism. That is is a doctrine of life is shown by the fact that it has resuscitated afaith. That this faith has conquered minds is proved by the fact that Fascism has had its dead and its

    martyrs.

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    The Fascist Decalogue (version de 1934)

    1. Know that the Fascist and in particular the soldier, must not believe in perpetual peace.2. Days of imprisonment are always deserved.3. The nation serves even as a sentinel over a can of petrol.4. A companion must be a brother, first, because he lives with you, and secondly because he thinks

    like you.5. The rifle and the cartridge belt, and the rest, are confided to you not to rust in leisure, but to bepreserved in war.6. Do not ever say "The Government will pay " because it is you who pay; and the Government is thatwhich you willed to have, and for which you put on a uniform.7. Discipline is the soul of armies; without it there are no soldiers, only confusion and defeat.8. Mussolini is always right.9. For a volunteer there are no extenuating circumstances when he is disobedient.10. One thing must be dear to you above all: the life of the Duce.

    The Fascist Decalogue (version de 1938)

    1. Remember that those who fell for the revolution and for the empire march at the head of your

    columns.2. Your comrade is your brother. He lives with you, thinks with you, and is at your side in the battle.3. Service to Italy can be rendered at all times, in all places, and by every means. It can be paid withtoil and also with blood.4. The enemy of Fascism is your enemy. Give him no quarter.5. Discipline is the sunshine of armies. It prepares and illuminates the victory.6. He who advances to the attack with decision has victory already in his grasp.7. Conscious and complete obedience is the virtue of the Legionary.8. There do not exist things important and things unimportant. There is only duty.9. The Fascist revolution has depended in the past and still depends on the bayonets of itsLegionaries.10. Mussolini is always right.

    Benito Mussolini, On Myth (1922)

    We have created our myth. The myth is a faith, it is passion. It is not necessary that it shall be a reality.It is a reality by the fact that it is a good, a hope, a faith, that it is courage. Our myth is the Nation, ourmyth is the greatness of the Nation ! And to this myth, to this grandeur, that we wish to translate into acomplete reality, we subordinate all the rest.