DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 199 609 CS 205 688

TITLE Rhetoric and Public Address: Abstracts of DoctoralDissertations Pliblished in "Dissertation AbstractsInternational," January through June 1980 (Vol. (10

Nos. 7 through 12).INSTITUTION ERIC Clearinghouse.on Reading and Communication

Skills, Urbana, Ill.0_ PUB DATE 80

TOTE 13p.: Pages may be marginally legible.

EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage).DESCRIPTORS Annotated Bibliographies,: Churches; *Communication

Research: Connected Discourse; Content Analysis;*Discourse Analysis: *Doctoral Dissertations:Organizational Communication: *Persuasive Discourse:Political Science; Politics; *Public Speaking:Religibus Organizations: *Rhetoric; *RhetoricalCriticism: Speech Communication: Unions; WomensStudies

ABSTRACT.

This collection of abstracts is-part of a continuing'series'providing information on recent doctorgl dissertations. The'20titles deal with-A variety of topics, including the following: (1)

the campaign communication during the Carter-Pord television debates:(2) apprehensiveness and performance in public speaking; (3) a

history and criticism 9f-the Vietnam antivar;movement: ((4). a case

study of institutional rhetoric and radical :Change (the contemporaryRoman Catholic Church in America): (5) synthesizing methodologies'used,:in the study of political communication during the 1976 UnitedStates presidential election campaign: (6) the audience effects of

4 apoliogetic discourse: (7) rhetorical vision and black social reality:(8),a case study of organizational apologia. (the American Federationof Labor, 1945-1956): and rhetorical analyses of thespeeches/discourses of (9) Dorothy bay for the Catholic Workermovement, (10) British Conservative Party leader Margaret Thatcher.,

(11) Charles Betts Galloway, (12) Carl Schurz, (13) Cleveland mayoralCandidate Arnold Pinkney, (14) Richard Nixon on Vietnam, (15) UnitedStates Senator Wayne Morse on Vietnam, (16) Supreme Court JusticeWilgam 0. Douglas on the First Amendment, (17)'U. S. presidentialca#aidate George McGovern, (18) Hu Shih on the Chinese Literaryre4olution (1915-1920), (19) selected women speakers during1850'1860, and (20) the American conservation movement, 1865-1913.(PI)

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Rhetoric and Public Address:

Abatracts of Doctoral Dissertations Published in DissereationAbstratts International, January through June 1980 (Vol% 40

414 Nos. 7 through 12)

Compiled by the Staff of tke0

ERIC Clearinghouse on'Reading and Communication Skills

"PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THISMATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY

obniversity Microfilms

International

TO THiEDUCATIONAL RESOURCESINFORMATION _CENTER (ERIC)"

.

The dissereatiom titles contained here are published with

permission of the University Microfilms International,

publishers of Dissertation Abstracts International

(copyright01980 by Universfty Microfilms International),

and may not be reproduced without their p'rior permission.

0%.

Thin bibliography has been compiled as part of a continuing series designedto make informption on relevant dissertations aOlilable to users 01 the ERIC

system. Monthly issues of Dissertation Abstracls International are reviewed inorder to compile abstracts of dissertations on related topics, which thus becomeaccessible in searches of the ERIC data base. Ordering information, for the dis-sertations themselves is included at. the end of the bibliography.

Abstracts of the following dissertations are included in this collection:

Anderson, Ruth Diana

THE CHARACTER AND'COMMUNICATION OFA MODERN-DAY ,PROPHET: A RHETORICALANALYSIS OF DOROTHY DAY AND THECATHOLIC WORKER MOVEMENT

Brydon, Steven Robert

THE CARTER-FORD TELEVISION DEBATES:A STUDY IN CAMPAIGN COMMUNICATION

Bunetta, Teresa Hicks

MARGARET THATCHER, BRITAIN'SSPOKESMAN FOR A NEW CONSERVATISM: '

A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PARTYCONFERENCE SPEECHES (1975-1978)(VOLUMES I AND II)

Frye, Paul Arthur

'APPREHENSIVENESS AND PERFORMANCE INPUBLICISPEAKING

Handford, Charlene Jeanette

A RHETORICAL STUDY Qe SELECTEDCEREMONIAL SPEECHES OF CHARLESBETTS GALLOWAY, 1893-1908

Harwood, Glenn Reid

THE MOVEMENT FOR ASSIMILATION: ACRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE. RHETORICOF CARL SCHURZ

Hensley, William EdWard

THE VIETNAM ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT:HISTORY AND CRITICISM

4

NI%

Hunter, Deborah France& Atwater

ARNOLD PINKNEY AND THE 1971 CLEVE-LAND MAYORAL CAMPAIGN: THE CASEFOR THE STRATEGY OF FLEXIBLERESPONSES

Jablonski, Carol Jean

INSTITUTIONAL RHETORIC AND, RADICAL CHANGE:THE CASE OF THE CONTEMPORARY ROMAN CATHO-LIC CHURCH IN AMERICA,'1947-1977

Kay, pck

A SYNTHESIS 4 METHODOLOGIES USED 14 THE

STUDY OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION APPLIEDTO THE 1976 SIDENTIAL ELECTION CAM-

PAIGN

McClearey, Kevin Eamon '

AUDIENCE EFVECTS OF APOLOGIA: A SOCIALSCIENCE AdALYSIS OF FOUR SUBGENRES OFAPOLOGETIC DISCOURSE

Mead, Judith Lee

A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF REPRESENTATIVESPEECHES OF SELECTED WOMEN SPEAKERS INAMERICA: 1850-1860 '

Murphy, William Francis

RHETORICAL PROCESSES AND PATTERNS IN THErNIXON ADDRESSES ON VIETNAti AND RELATED,NEWS COVERAGE '

Neal, William Patrick

SENATOR WAYNE L. MORSE AND THE QUAGMIRE'OF VIETNAM, 1964 1968

Oravec, Christ ne

..STUDIES IN TEE RHETORIC OF THE CONSERVA-.TION MOVEMENT IN AMERICA, 1865-1913

4 \

Ribeau,ISidney Allen

RHETORICAL VISION--BLACK SOCIALREALITY

Rwigers, Raymond Sinclair

JUSTICE WILLIAM 0.'DOUGLAS ON THEFIRST AMENDMENT:. RHETORICAL GEN-RES IN IUDICIAL OPINIONS

Rosenthal; Robert Edward

A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE 1972PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF GEORGESTANLEY MCGOVERN

Rybacki, Karyn Charles

A GASE STUDY OF ORGANIZATIONALAPOLOGIA: THE AMERICAN FEDER-ATION OF LABOR, 1945-1956

Wei, Shulun

A STUDY OF.HU SUR'S RHETORICALDISCOURSES ON THE CHINESE LITER-ARY REVOLUTION: 1915,20

\_ ,

7

,

111F ( "HaRAC1 ER AND COMMUNICATION OE A MOIII.RN-

DAY PRONIF 1: A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS 01 I/0110111Y

DAY AND -11111 ("A 1)401IC WORKER MOV1 M1.N IOidei No NOthl`.0

ANDFIVION Ruin 11iANA, I'll I) 1 /fillet _say 4 0/ e. xyri, 19 19 ,),,pp

Adviser: Di Dominic A 1 Alms()

This study desinbed, analyred, and evaluattd seler ted sperr ha of

Dorothy Day, leader f h ( 'LI ) I Ps Io. I..c ,._.t.ii.n Joi_et movement A levww of the

hteratwe in the (halm telistits of InOVellient, and theidin of kaders ofmovemenct indicated that a leader, of a radnal term manorial movement

ITIUSt vocahie the radical dmansiaction with the political establishment andst the same tone propose lefoons within the religious establishment Thehterature indicated that the leader of a radical iefoi mammal movementdirected towar(Is both a political and relignms establislum:nt would be:0) 1m-sorra/hi familiar with both the political sot tat and thr I eligiousmystical neeth of humanity: (2) able to colminum ate a ioraningful mesyge

to both the teligious and political establishments. and ( I) able to atom andmaintain followers Seven hypotheses emerged flow the literature and werelater evaluated after a description of the life and philosophy of Doi othyDay; the philosophy, programs. and issues of the Catholic Woilrermovement. and the extrinsic and ioUinsie analysis of the discourse ofDorothy Day was dehneated The first hypothesis was: Dm othy Day'srhetoric should demonstrate a sensitivity to two audicrucs resulting in dual

purposes Simultaneously, her thelmic should radi011y confront thepolitical system and moderately leform their-hoofs system This hypothais,,was confirmed in that Doily Day radically objected to the impersonal,greedy, violent ethic stimulated by the A MenGill ca st system and alsosilapromoted policies. programs, and values of a new order, ased on reforms

in the religious cLstabhshment Ilypothesis Two suggested that DorothyDay's slietolic should function to attract and intensify the commitment ofthe workers within the movement Because Dorothy Day's speeches to the

Selmal public did not address the members within the movement, noconclusion can be drawn about the intensification of corninitment by the

workers However het rhetoric did Milan numerous new members.

Hypothesis Three was: Dorothy Day's rhetoric should encompass the

prophetic-oracle structure of proclamation. condemnation, and prediction.This hypothesis was partially confirmed in that she did follow theproclamation and condemnation aspect of the oracle but did not utilize theprediction cornponent Hypothesis Four was Dorothy Day's rhetoricshould use appeals to the emotions through vivid stories and extendedexaMples 114 hypothesis was confirmect Hypothesis Five predicted thatDorothy Day's rhetoric would include revolutionary, con flontationalstrategies when addressing the political establishment and more moderate,reformational strategies when addressing the rehgious estabhshment. Thishypothesis was confirmed Hypothesis Six was: Dorothy Day's rhetoricshould dernonsoate an intense identification with the nee.,11s of the destituteof humanity and the purpbses of God This hypothesis was confirmed inthat Dorothy Day's life and communication reflected an awareness of theneeds of people and the design of God Hypothesis Seven was: DorothyDay's rhetoric should portray a -higher wisdom, a more profound senseofjust justice to sund above inctosistencies by articulating overarchingprinciples" Dorothy Day did not waver in her message of the ultimate goodof love and peace_ She met the various issues of the day by adhering to thesimpk but radical principles espoused in Matthew 25: to feed the hungry, toclothe eft naked, and to offer hospitality to the sick and imprisonedHypothesis Seven was confirmed.

Clearly, Dorothy Day's rhetoric remained a pervasive, propheticinfluence to both the political and religious establishmenu between theyears 1963 and 1976. In the tradition of the pi ophets, she called for a simple,spedfic action to be taken in order to alleviate the injustices existing in theanent political, social, and religious establishments Dorothy Day usedappropriate rhetorical Strategies to enhance her gaols.

THE CARTER FORD TELE VISION DEBATES: A STUDY INCAMPAIGN COMMUNICATION

BRYDON, Steven Robert, Ph.D. University of Southern Cali-fornia, 1979. Chairman: Professor Walter R. Fisher

. This study Combined a transaction31 model of political com-munication with dramatism to descrille, to analyze, and to eval-uate the 1976 presidential debates. -Audience needs for andviewer uses of the information provided by the encountersformed the basis for critical evaluation. Debate functions weredetermined by an examination of relevant empirical research.The description, analysis, and evaluation of the candidate's

.41111Mteparfbrmances were biased on videotapes and transcripts.

. The debates pc: lot timed several functions 'lime debate for-mal folced the i undulates to address policy is Slier:, althoughthe Issues lathed did not reflect maim publu i oil( el els Thedebates functioned an a catalyst for viewerl, bonding policyisue positions, par ty wrier ences, and candidate 'me i !Nsialttieinto o v e r a l l Imager. of the candidates Most votem a wel e rein-forced t athel th an i (inverted try the debates, and it fa unlikelythat the election's outeome was.altered by the enc ~items Audi-ence pet c rid loos were influenced !nattily try media- created ex-

,.pectations and poet debate inter pt e tat ion aThe debates attracted and retained large audiences, although

viewer did not find them ent 4.11:x111111g Time debates stimli-lated campaign (mite irSt and. inteipem".onal discussion, bUt hadlittle effect on voter turnout The env (Xintela c ont 1 Ibuted mar-ginally to the legitimation of the elecho al prim- eas through theuse of historical sites and the use of debate The agleernentby the candidates to debate did, however, signal a significantbelief in the validity of 4he democratic system

Panelists asked About issues, forced clarification, and pro-vided refutation of candidate claims Panelist a failed to eflectmajor public cone e iii a and demonstrated bias in the final ebate.

Jimmy Caller identified himself -with the people a thepeople with the pi esidency .slle reaf fit med a faith in the people'.ability to govern and offered himself as ii vehicle to do theirwill. Carter promised to AU), a divided people. His strategywas to demonst rate that tie Was knowledgeable and specificabout issues, competent, arid willing to apologize for past rnis-tikes. Carter 4irtivertectiGe raid Ford's image by identifyinghim with Richard Nixon and the Republican party, and disasso-ciating him from the people Carter accused Ford of distortionin a number of hts statements.

Ford identified himself with the institution of the presidency,which he claimed had been returned to a position of integrityand trust under tTis administ ration. A major obstacle for Fordwas,the svay he came into office and his pardon of Nixon. Ford

, argued that he had earned a full term as President by doing agood job, unifying the people, and reaffirming basic Americanvalues. Ford's attempt to demonst rate his competence wasundermined by his misstatement about Soviet domination ofEastern Europe, which was widely publicized in the media.Ford's attempts to subvert Carter's image were largely un-successful. His identification of Ca rter with the Democraticmajority in Congress was inappropriate for a Minority partycandidate who needed Democ ratic support.

The debates were successful in presenting voters with in-formation about the candidates, their issue positions, and theirimages of the presidency. Unlike the 1960 presidential debates,neither candidate suffered f rom an inferior television image.Although the 1976 debates contributed to the legitimatiiin of thedemocratic process, the attempts by both men to subvert theiropponent initimited the- legitimation of the presidency and themen who sought it.

, i. The results of this study were compared to findings from

studies of the 1960 presidential debates. Recommendationswere proposed for future presidential debates. Implicationsfor theory and research were discussed.

MARGARET THATGIElit, BRITAIN'S SPOKESMAN FOR A NEWCONSERVATISM: A RtIETORICAL ANALYSIS OP THE PARn'CONFERENCE SPEEMES (1975-1978) (VOLUMES I AND 11)

Order No. 7927513

BUNETTA, TERkSA HICKS, PH.D. The Louisiana State University alndAgricultural and Mechanical Cot, 1979. 257pp. Supervisor: ProfessorOwten Peterson

In February, 1975, Great Brit'ain's Conservative and Unionist Partyelected the Right Honorable Margaret Thatcher, M. P. to the position ofLeader of the Party. The Conservative Party was at that time a minorityparty; thus Mrs Thatcher became the Leader of Her Majesty's Otiposhion.Mrs. Thatcher became the first woman in Britain ever to head a rrikisr

pbiltical party. She emerged after an intense ideological' stniggla within theConservadve Party. In the battle for the party leadership she defeatedEdward Heath, then leader of the Party and former Prime Minister. Fromthe time of hertlection in February, 1975, until the defeat of theGOVernment in April, 1979, Mrs. Thatcher continued.to rally strength and

,unity as the leader of the party. She led a shift in the ideological focus of theConservative Party from the left to the right; instead of a party in sympathy

with the social demociats and what sonie regal ded as -a palatable tuand ofBritish Socialism". the Conservatives wider Margaret thatcher he aineproponents of free entel prise and de-nationalization

On Wednesday. March 28. 1979, Prime Minister lames t albghan'sMinority Government fell Ihe vote was 11 I 1 10 on a «rnsure motionbrought by the Opposition that amounted to a vote of Lonfidenr e After his

defeat Callaghan went to Buckingham Palace to propose that Queen

Elizabeth dissolve Parliament as Stxin as the essential business was finish5dand set the electron of a new llouse of ( ommons for May 1

Although several biographies of Margaret Thatcher HI e in print, noneanalyze; the rhetorical skill which she had demonstrated throughout hercareer The period of this study is of particular interest to the citric. duhngthe four year penod (1975-1978) Mrs Thatcher rose in pi ominente withinher own party and gained a wider acceptance by the public as- a plospective

Prime Minister As leader of the Conseivative Party. Mrs Thatcher became

the voice and standard bearer for a new conservatism 1 o a great eitent sh-e

was the one responsible for convincing the public that the ( 'onservativeswere able to govern mote effectively than labor. and must importantly. thatthey would do sa as a result of her leadership

This study foeuses on the party conference speeches delivered by Mrs.

Thatcher annually from 1975-1978 On these occasions Margaret Thatcherspoke to both the members of the Conservative Party in Ow immediateaudience and to the general public through the medium of television: thuson these occasions, she spoke ttuonsiderably larger audiences than she did

on any other occasions during the period Those party_conferences providedthe leader of the Conservative Party with an oppominity to outline analternative course for the nation and her party The writtelkdranscnpts of thespeeches re veal Margaret Thatcher's dominant theme to be the necessity in

leading Bruain out of soaahsm and re-establishing a free market economyThese speech* offer the rhetoncal critic an opportunity to eilaluate the

effectiveness of a speaker whose goal for each speech was to depict theplight of Great Bntain for a widely diversified audience.The intellectualand emotional make-up of the-audiences presented the speaker withchallenges unlike any she encountered on other speech occasions.

Margaret Thatcher's party conference speeches from 1975-1978 arelikely to have contributed to her credibility as a future head of state. Thisstudy examines her goals as a speaker, the way in which she sought toachievithem and the general effectiveness of her party conference speeches

from 1975-1978.

APPREHENS1VENTSS AND PERFORMANCE LN PUBLICSPEAKING Oldfr No. 8003132

Flew, PAtn. ARTHUR. Pit D. University of Denver. 1979 16A2pp.

This empirical study was concerned with describing the relationshipberliveen communication apprehension (CA) and performative quality inpublic speaking Previous researchers (e.g Fnemuth. 1976; McCroskey,1976) suggested that as an individdal's level of fear or anxiety increased, hisor her public communication effectiveness decreased_ Research on "Panic-Feer in asthma, however, suggested that for individuals with relativelystrata ego controls a high level of fear er anxiety may be beneficial.

A theoretical model of CA in public speaking was derived from thedterature on communication apprehension, reticence, speech anaiety, stageMight, the characteristics of good and poor speakers, the Panic-Fearresearch, and speech communication theory. The rpodel suggested that thelevel of intensity of CA in conjunction with the individuart typical copingresponse style in stres§ful situations determined public speakingperformative outcomes.

The tesearch hypothesis predicted that individuals with high CA butadaptive or moderate Panic-Fear coping response styles would outperformothen on classroom speeches. McCroskey's (1978) PRCA was used asmeasure Of CA and the MMP1 Panic-Fear scale (Dirks. Jones & Kindler%1977) was used to indicate differential coping respodse styles. Collegestudents enrolled in speech communication courses at the University ofDenver panidpated in the study, and classroom instructors providedperformance evaluation seores on student speeches.

Analysis of the data indieateduo relationship between PRCA or Panic-

Fear sod evaluation scores on any given speech. However, supplementaryanalysis indicated that individuals with high PRCA and moderate. Panic"Fees scores improved more across three speeches than people who had

moderate PRCA and moderate Panic-Fear scores. While only approaching

significance (between .05 and ,10), these results suggested that

people. with adaptive coping msponse styles may utilise high levels tiftattainunication apprehension productively.

Additional hypothesis testing indicated that %%omen had higlict PRCA%Cores than did men (I. 7 (19. p OW However dalcierue waSfound between %cite-% on speech evaluation !Armes Males tended to &COMlower Oian females on both the NW A aitri-thf.,MMPI PAM( / cal sfAit(1: I I Si. p 0(11) I hiC stryvestO that sianic wontrn reportetperieni ing mole ( A, inch 111.1s ICIld 10 iitili,i u 01111ICA phObll denial

strategies to r ripe with feelings of feat in timely.PRCA st rites «in elated negauvelv `4 ) with plight speaking

expenem e bin no squill( am reckinonstop %sac found between l'RCA scoresand chtonologu al age Speel. MI1.111011 st Oles \Me IRA %IF Ian antlyrelated either to public spe.ak mg ex penen«. 01 to 11R( 'A mores I lowever,student m.ores on a midterm examination (metaled phsfAvely with Hewspeaking e% ahration scones (r 21 on Speer h 1. (in Speech 2;

4 5 on Speech 3) These findIngs suggested that public speakingperformance was enhamed through expr c to theuretival ((incepts relatedHT public speaking While the results i I I that CA decreased as publicspeaking experience increased, thc lae tionship between! eitherPRCA sun es or public speaking experience scor es and performanceevaluations suggested that increased confidence does not necessarily meanimproved public speaking performance

hnplications of the them coral model and empirical findings fotheteachings of public speaking. CA intervention strategies, andcommunication apprehension theory were discussed.

A RHETORICAL STUDY OF SELECTED CEREMONIAL

SPEECHES OF CHARLES BETTS GALLOWAY, 1893.1908

Order No. 8013118

HAT:DR/RD. CH &RI I NI HAM iii, Ptt D The I oumana Stine University

and Agricultural anti M echonlail ('ol 19-79 276pp Supers isor: Dr.

Harold MixonThis dissenation anal).res six ceremonial addresses delis er ed by Charles

Betts Galloway between 1891 and 1908. Of the six discourses the pccasiona

included the dedication of Millsaps Collese, the dedication of a new nate

capitol, the Seventh Annual Conference for Education in the South, a

commencement day address, and two lecture series Dedicated to a varietyof causes. Gilloway utilized these ceremonial events to express his personalsentiments regarding the value of Christian education, the role of the NewSouth, educational and legal justice for Necks. tihe actions of Jefferson Davis

and the South before and during the Civil War,Ithe church's suppon ofmissions, and the influence of Protestant Christianity over government.

The study produced five conclusions First, Galloway apparently tookgreat care in researching and preparing his speeches Often stating or clearlyimplying his theme arid purpose, the orations suggest that the speaker

followed a carefully thought-out plan His personal scrapbook containsclippings of quotations, lines of verse. etc., which he possibly utilized in Itigpublic discourses, and his oratory occasionally contained ideas employed by

other speakers such as the separate-but-equal theory of race relatioftpretiously atIvocated by.Booker T. Washington in his "Atlanta ExpositionAddret.- Not totally dominated by unrealistic idealism. Galloway's

orations reveal a practiial strategist who worked as best he could with Nebo

1,, opportunities were available and utilized his knowledgeof his region, his

education, and his extensive travels as sources.Second, Galloway took up the New South cause as a result of his

experiences in the South before, during, and after the Ovil War.Undoubtedly his years as a student at the University of Mississippi amoog

such Confederate veterans as 1-- Q. C. Lamar made a lasting impression. Ai

a young minister hk up such controversial causes as prohibition, and

during his years assa baop he was more outspoken on behall'of Nut!opponunititsfor blacks and other progrtssive ideas, defying ppwerNI

leaders such as lames K. Vardaman. Unlike the politician who was forced *

worry about the next election and the minister who could be relocated;Galloway's secure position within the church and his high level of ethos

enabled him to speak out on political and social ideas. These circumstances .1

combined to make him a logical person to assume the role of a New South

spokesman in Mississippi.Third, through his praist of the South's great past and heroic leaders,

ralloway encouraged a feeling-of self confidence within that region, thereby

Paving the way for the advocacy Of the New South creedFourth, in some ways Galloway was similar to other New South

advocates.who were too young to have served in the Civil War but reached

maturity during Reconsuuction. Specifieally; Galloway held other traits ia

common with spokesmen such as Walter Hines Page of North Carolina amfRiched Hathaway Edmonds of Viyginia who wanted educational beneffn

fot bla( is and Bishop A tticus Green Haygood of (;roigia arid IlenryWatterson of K rum( k y who smelt an end to se( tionalism lbough theSouth possessed a +(altering of New South ads mates, }irgrl rntrid in thesouthrastein MAU'S, (;alloway was apparently the inapt spolesman iii

Mississippi10-11. In spite of the lijinLed int unistani es of his tune and legion.

Galloway was immense]) popular and managed to assert influence oversocial and pcilitical Mlles and in determine the otnuse of esents within his.state However, his primary significance seems as a foiciunnel of others whowere to folio% with more liberal ideas, his oratory marking the beginning of

a long and arduous campaign for prceress and civil liberties in Mississippi.

THE MOVEMENT FOR ASSIMILATION: A' CRITICALANALYSIS OF THE RHETORIC OF CARL SCHURZ

Order No. 8005761

HARWOOD, GI INN REID, hi D Univrtsily of Oregon, 19-19 260pp. -Adviser Challey leistner

The purpose of this research has been to analyze the rhetoric Cif CarlSchurz, Secretary of the Intenor from 1877 to 1881, as it applied to the

* advocacy of a federal poliCy of assimilation of Amencan Indians Schun led- an organised, instounonalued and collective effort to !noddy federal Indianpolicy veithin the Department of Interior Schurz used persuasiveArateliesstralegies analogous to the descnptions of Ralph R 5mitli andRessel R. Windes 'to convince Cong less to accrpt the innovati6n of generalallounent The allotment system ot the severalty plan would change federalIndian policy from concentration and reservatiog to the innovation ofassimilation.. The pohcy of severalty called for afiotment of Indian lands infix simple to individual Indians vielo would be granted patents for specifiedsections of land_

Sehurr's innovational movanent Ibr the adoption of general allotmentfoct4ted its innovative persuasive strategies and rhetorical efforts on themembess of the Congressional committees who held the legitimate power todtange policy. He denied the existence of conflietween ses crafty and theexisting values of Amencan society. He developed an argument which_emphasized the weaknesses of traditional institutjonsspecifically the 'N

military and the Department of the Interiorand the strengths of traditional.values. Finally, he created a dialectic between the innovational movement'sscene and its purpose: the assimilation of American Inctans into the whitemainstream.

Schurz': strategy was designed to win votes in Congressionalcoounitten. The strategy was not intended to alienate Congressmen andSenators from their fonstituencies by publicly stiffing up emotionalreactions to volatile sectional issues. For these reasons, Schurz chose not todeliver traditional public speeches on the issue of Indian affairs until he leftoffice in 1811 While in office Schurz used intra.bureaucratic documents andtestimony before Congressional committees to persuade Congress to adoptallotment

Sdiuris persuasive strategy illustrated the adaptability of clvsicalcanons to persuasion in innovational movements. An analysis of Schwa'sbureauaatk documents illustrated that Schurz created a prima facie case for

dgein established Indian policy.

uKlany of the provisions of Schures plan were adopted by the House rdRepresentatives on May 28, 1880. Although no final action dealing with theallotment of Indian lands was taken by the Forty-fifth or Forty-sixthCoot resses, the innovatiOnal movement for Indian reform was effective.TheDawes Severalty Act which became law on February 8, 1887 comaisedmany of the same proyisions that were presented to the House by Schurzbad on January 27, 1879.

S.

THE VIETNAM ANTI-WAR MOVEMENT: HIStORY ANDounasm Order No. 8005771

HENSLEY, WILLIAM EDWARD, PH D University of Oregon, 1979. 291pp.

Adviser: Charley A. Leistner

This study fpcused on a number of rhetorical issues pertaining to theVietnam anti-war movement_ How effective was the movement in changingpublic opinion and possibly influencing military policy? What rhetorialapproedies were available to leaders of the movement and which of thesewere selected forqmplementation? Did the overall approach change during .

She period? Were any panicular sparoaches more effective than others? Inthe study concentrated on the period from March 1965 to May

Tht method of investisadon used was historkal-critical. The mated*onadaed nand from accounts of protest activities in newspapers. protest

literatuse, sad intlivtdual repasts, to protest messoles themselves (speeches .

pemphiets, placards), and public opinion data:Several theories from the

Itentaare of protest ind persuasion were also applied to the historicalmassedal to esSess their usefulness in analyzing the anti-war movqnent

, . .

1he findings of the study indicate that two general modes of poles*arose One, a mole modetate fonn (ailed "argumentative pi otesf," sought tomaintain a dialog mei the war issue by establishme an ele.ment of commonmound with the opposing side This Was done by advoi:iting a moderatewithdrawal poll( v. leeping the style of the protest respei furl, seekingsuppoit from establishin t ityit minim ie is. Mill !Wilting the proteSt messageto the wai issue A e ru ore radical form c.dled -counter sntementprotest,- sooght tO tablish a separate onflict mg view on wai which wasnot constrained b eptability factors In general, this latter loondemonstrated t sign& ance of the orinter statement through the numberof follmvens tacted and thmugh punishment power Methods used toachieve thi ineludelf ailvoiating an unmodified witbdiawal policy,atter-11pm to embr ate all protest philosophies staging newsaltuthyactivit . and on occasion disnipting elements of public life and

moment-The data in& Med that anti war protest heiame mole radiezl as the

mos einem and war involvement grew, Although protests organized underatinter slat ement philosophy wete successful at pr oducing massimenouts,There was a pronounced 1 eactroll against such style by a majority

of he public Argumentative piotest was successful at engaging 3 number ofestablishment figures in their act nitre's. which by 1969 became substantial.

Overall, this research suggesttd that the Vietnam piotest was not overlyeffective at changing public opinion or military policy Although publicattitudes toward the war changed over the course of several years, much of --the newly held attitudes were separated from adherence to antilwarmovement viewpoints.

ARNOLD R. PLNXNEY AND THE 1911 CLEVELkND MAYORALCAMPAIGN: THE CASE FOR THE STRATEGY OF FLEXIBLERESPONSES Order No. 8005673

Htmmt, DI-HOIWI FRANCES A TwATFA, Pit D. State University ofNew

York at Bidfalo, 1979. 232pp.

The study vas designed to critically examine the use of flexibleresponses by the black Independent, Arnold R. Pink ney in the 1971Cleveland mayoral campaign. The 1971 aeveland mayoral campaign begasafter the primaries on September 28. 1971. The general issues in thecampaign related to jobs, housing, finances of the city, health services.recreational facijitieS, transportation, neighborhood and downtownredevelopment, public safety, and improvements within the policedepartment_ The situationally controlled issues centered on Carl B. Stokes,his administration, and his actionsslueing the campaign. The winnen of theDemocratic and Republican nominations were James Carney and RalphPerk respectively. Mayor Stokes and the black community were responsiblefor Carney's upset victory over pany-supponed Anthony Garofoli. Stokeshad a personal and political grievance against Garofoli and used the blackvOie to defelat him in the primary. Shortly after the primaries, Stokeechanged his endorsement from Carney to Pinkney. This particular acdoo t.

0 caused considerable confusion in the playing arena. Segments of theCleveland population were already weary of Stokes' personality

. confrontations, parfy squabbles, power struggles, and political maneuvering.In order tb assess Pinkney's communication failure, the study explored thecontext of the political players and playing arena, the nature of flexibleresponses, and Pink ney's political discourse strategies and speaking Style.

Six flexible responses wtre identified in political campaigns. The HunterParadigm of the manifest categories of flexible responses were: (1) directresponse; (2) indirect response; (3) others response; (a) directive and(b) non-directive; (4) action response; (a) positive or (b) negative, (5) pre-

anptive response, and (6) no response Direct response was identified as an

open vocal or written reaction to a charge laid against a political player by

the opposition Indirect response was identified as an illusion that somethingsaid by the opposition is contrary ta the political player's position. Others

response was isolated as the response by the political player's campaignorganization and the response may be directive, controlled by the politicalplayer or non-directive controlled by the organization. Action response was

defined as a physically demonstrative reaction to the opposition's chargesbythe political player. The actibn may be positive or negativedepending uponthe naturi of the charges by the opposition. Preernptive response wasexplained is a verbal atuck against the opposition based on the assumptionthat the opposition is plinning to attack_ No response was defined as makingno observable response to an opposition charge. These responses may beapplied in other than accusatory situations and do not have to bericcusations made by an opponent.

Pintney's primary response was no response. Pinkney chose this strategypartly because of h4 special relationship with Carl Stokes and partlybecause of his personality. By not responding to Perk's attacks on hispersona during the campaign, Pinkney became inflexible hod his persona

was damaged.Future studies of a comparative nature may be made of political players

in campaigns by utilizing the Hunter Paradigm of the strategy of flexible

.

fi responses. A political player may be able to fortify his persona-during acampaign by using a combination of the strategy of flexible responses..

7., 4.,-,\4,:;ietem,o'oN'..- .... , ,.- -, . ,--' "

INS1 ITUTIONAL RIIETORJC. AND RADICAL CHANGE: 11 IF

CASA OF 11W CONTEMPORARY ROMAN CATHOLIC !WA

IN AMLRICA, 1947-1977 Order No 81)0S8911

JABLONSKI. ('AKOI JrAN, Pit I) Purdue University, 1979 19?pp Miuor

Professor. Rodenck P. Ilartir

, Although studies in sociology and rhennic have documented the

rhetorical responses made by institutional leaders to agitating andcompeting groups. little has been done to determine how the ihetoncaddressed lb institutional pubhcs reflects the cuirents of social andinstitutional change Such rhetoric might be affected by changes in aninstitution's philosophical world-view and hierarchical structure As

Kathleen Jamieson, Michael McGee, and Edwin Black have argued, the

ways in which a public is addressed and defined rhetoncally can reveal therhetor's vision of the people's needs, their common rhetoncai situation, andthe rhetor's view of Mir shared social reality Moreover, as Kenneth Burkeand Hugh I)uncan have shgvn, rhetonc reflects the power relationshipshared by leaders and mennAls of institutions and should thus reveal

alterations thereinnet study explores the effects radical social and institutional change has

on the ongoing public communication addressed by institutional leaders totheir constituency. Specifically, it (1) explicates the functional relationship

existing between institutional evolution and public discourse: (2) develops

a theoretical and methodological framework for investigating the rhetoricalcorrelates of change: and (3) applies this framework to an institution whichappears to have experienced radical change, i c., the contemporary RomanCatholic Church in America

To see how the rhetoric of the. Church's leaders was affected by thephilosophical and hierarchical changes brought about in the Church as a

result of the Second Vatican Council. this study examines 115 pastoral

letters issued by the Roman Catholic bishops in America between 1947 and

1977..As a form of on-going communication between the bishops and theirdiocesan following, the letters provided a basis for infemng the rhetorical

patterns of institutional continuity and change.For the most part, the bishops consistently employed rhetorical patterns

of institutional continuity throughout the thirty years examined. They wereauthoritarian, absolutistic, defensive, and esoteric in their pronouncements:they expected hearers to supply doctrinal warrants for their claims andappealed to doctrinal bases of listeners' support The ceremonial context in

which the tette* were typically read, coupled with the highly rigidified roleof the bishop, militated against any dramatic revisions in the rhetorical form

of the pastoral lett r.Nonethekss, the bishops' letters did reflect some rhetorical

manifestations of institutional change. During the late sixties and early

seventies, they qualified their arguments more often angrequently usedtestimony to bsterTheir claims. They adopted a positiveXnd preferential

. approach to their argumentation, and became more concerned about

. shaping hsteners' interpretationS of "good" 'and "e\t." While many of themodifications in the bishops' messages were unique W4he late 1960's and*tidy 1910's, there is some evidence to suggest that some of the later letters

, hive not reverted entirely to the rhetorical patteins typical of the 1940's and

1950's.This study suggests that institutional Itisdurse may be less responsive to

the pressures of change than it is to the formal expectations for hierarchicalrhetoric In times of change, it may be that the conservative imptilseundergirding institutional rhetoric serves a stabiliting function. Futurestudies will be necessary to completg the rhetorical history of thecontemporary Roman Catholic Church and to determine whether rhetoricalpatterns Of the sort noted here are manifest in other institutionsexperiencing radical change.

A SYNTHESIS OP METHODOLOGIES USED IN THE STUDY

OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION APPLIED TO THE 1976

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN Order No. 8010151

KAY, JACK, PH.D. Wayne State University, 1979. 394pp.

The purpose of this study is four-fold: (1) to describe the dominantmetho4s and theories used in the study orpolitical communication; (2) toevaluate the strengths and weaknesses of current theories andmethodologks; (3) to synthesize current* competing methodologies into a

comprehensive approach or model for studyiegpolitics! cdnununication;.liand (4) to *ply the newt; proposed model to several aspects of the 1976

presidential eledloa campaign.

I our methods of political communication analysis are identified asdominant in academic research demographics, sir r vey research, agendasetting and dramansm Far h method is I e irwed and ealuated in terms ofusefulness and arirpiar ir iii dvs( !dung. intelpicting. and es:doming pollOcaloampaigns Die «inclusion readied is that ea( h method provides valuabk,although homed, insight to the natme of politual campaigns

In order to pull together material on campaigns and to better understandelection campaigns, a synthesis model is proposed Brock's dramaustic filmstrip model, as supplemented with the methods of den lographim surveyresearch, agenda setting and dramatism is offered as a metamethod forstudying campaigns The film strip model identifies three stages to politicalcampaign analysis single frame anahsis time sequence anah %is. anddramatistic inteiaction analysis

rhe dram:lustre-film strip model is applied tq three aspects of the 1976presidential election campaign (1) the 1976 Dernotratic presidentialnomination campaign. (2) the 1976 Repuhlir an presidential nominationcampaign, and (1) the 1976 pi esidenhal general election campaign Basedupon these applications as well as upon a critical analysis of the model, it isconcluded that the dramaustic film stop model constitutes a most valuablecontribut ion to political communication research. The metamethod offers amore complete system for studying election campaigns than is presently'available The model provides a specific scheme which guides researchers intheir effort to discover important events in election campaigns The modelalso offers a mechanism for synthesizing critical and quantitativeapproaches, thus enabling rhetorical critics to go beyond speculativejudgMents Specific limitations of the model include its time consumingnature and its failure to identify hefty approaches should be used

AUDIENCE EFFECTS OF APOLOGIA: A SOCIAL SCIENCEkNALYSIS OF FOUR SURGENRES OF APOLOGETICDISCOURSE Order No. 8002758

MCCLEAREY. KEVIN EAMON, PH.D. University of Kansas, 1979. 119pp.

(1) Statement of the Protilern7-While critics of rhetorical communicationhave identified subgenres of apologetic discourse through isolatingrecurrent language strategies of rhetors, little is known about the prismaticeffects of discourses in these sybgenres and how those effects might alterarguments about generic form. This study, therefore, sought to assess theeffects of four speeches (each one enacting a different subgenre of apologia)on an audience's perceptions of the moral character, competence, andculpability of a rhetor whose moral character had been.attacked.

(2) Procedure One hundred eighty subjects read a counterfeit set ofcharges against a rhetor's moral character and then (depending upon groupassignment) either read a fufl or partial apologia replying to the theists orserved as control group members. They then responded to four dependentmeasures assessing their perceptions of the culpability_credibility (characterand competence), and rhetorical stance of the apologist. Eight nullhypotheses were tested by using factor analysis, analyses of variance, andchi-square contingency tables.

(3) Results It was found that (a) each of the apologias heightenedsignificantly perceptions of moral character and reversed effectivelyperceptions of culpability, (b) audience members responded to strategiesinherent in the discourse, not to the rhetorical stlilice of the apologist, (whichpreviously has defined subgenres of apologia), and (c) audience memberscould identify accurately, nevertheless, the rhetorical stance of the apologist.

(4) Conclusions. It was argued that previous ways of defining therelationship among rletorical strategies, rhetorical stances, and audienceeffects have been ambiguous and inadequate. It was limper argued that, ifevidence From social science research is to be brought to bear meaningfullyupon investigations of rhetorical genres, then there must be a close anddtrect correspondence between the dependent measures used in researchand the criterial effects sought by a rhetor enacting a particular form ofdiscourse.

A RILL! ORICAL ANALYSIS OF RFPRESEN1 A 1-INT SPH.CIIESOF SEW 1 Fr) WOMEN SPFAKERS IN AMFRI(A7 IScO IMO

Oider No 800144

MI-AD, Jul ill li I 11, Pit 1) Universirs. of Denver, 1979 119pp

The research pi oblem was two fold lust orically. col esentatiYe speechesof selected women speakers taken from the period 1/00 I /160 in Amehcawere studied to discover and indicate then influe4ice on One of the greatmovements of the day which was women's rights R helot Hall). the studywas designed to evaluate the relative effectiveness revealed by thosespeeches to discover if the speeches given by the selected women wouldoonstitute rhetoric of a revolutionary social movement arid therefore berepresentative of revolutionary social movement rhetoric in general Themethod of research used in this study was the historical.critical method asdefined byi Jeffry Auer following six specific steps- (1) Problem,(2) Working hypothesis. (3) Reseaich design; (4) Collection of oidence,(5) Analysis of data: and (6) Generalization

The study was divided Into four chapters Chapter One provided anintroduction of the subject and outhned theyurposes and procedures of thework_ ampler Two-defined and described revolutionary social movementsas differentiated from rebellions and revolts It also set forth the ideologieswhich are present in the rhetonc of revolutionary social niovements, andshowed why revolutionary rhetonc is different froni the rhetoric of rebellionand revolt Chapter Three looked at each woman speaker and each speechindividually, beginning with a bnef biographical sketch of the speaker.'endproceeded to a rhetorical analysis of the speech. using the rhetoncal methodsuggested by Thonssen and Baird which gives consideration to the matters 441

of invention, I pscaproof. emotional proof, ethical proof. structure, style.delivery and the e IFctiveness of the speech and speaker. The second sectionof Chapter Three "as concerned with a rhetohcal analysis of therepresentative speeches of the selected women speakers as they representthe rhetonc of a particular social mmement, using the rhetoricalmethodology for analyzing social movements offered by I lahn andGonchar Chapter Four presented a summary of the study and theconclusions which were drawn from the analysis of the data It alsoindicated areas of research that might be undenak en by the student ofrhetoncal and public address in the future

The major findings of the study had to do with the relation of therhetoric of the women's rights speakers to the nature and charactenstics of arevolutionary social movement. The first finding revealed that the rhetonc

of the women's righu speakers showed a sense of hope rather than despairwhich is characteristic of a revolution rather than arebelhon or a revolt The

second finding indicated that the women speakers identified their oppressoras society. The oppressor Was seen as an abstract concept and in generalized,terms rather than as someone who was real and tangible..This view of anoppressor is charactenstic of a revolutionary social movement rather than a

rebelhon or a revolt The third finding revealed that the women speakersoffered definite and concrete plans and programs for the future which iSchancteristic of revolutions as conuasted to rebellions and revolts that areconcerned only with the immediate present and are spontaneous andcompulsive with no thought for the future. The fourth finding showed thatrevolutionary conflict has its roots in the shared attitudes and beliefs and inshared activities and that the women speakers did share attitudes, beliefs,and activities and developed an ideology with which American womencould identify.

The conclusions were two. First, the speeches could be consideredinfluential forces in molding public sentiment in favor of wOmen's rightsiuues and the ideology which those issues represent Second, the speecheswere revolutionary in nature and therefore were representative of therhetoric of a special revolutionary social movement and revolutionary socialmovements in general.

rr,

4

RIIF foltlt Al. 111(XT.titir.,ti AND PATt ERNS IN 1111: NIXON41)lW1 VII: [NAM AND RITA FED NEWS COVI RAGE

Ordet No.8004870

MURPHY. Wil I 1AM I-RAN( is. Po 1) University of Pittsburgh, 1979 265pp

Dims dissertatithi is an exploratory'. descriptive study of how politicalrtidolu eflects the legitimation or detegitimation of the policies and actionsof a particular authority figure, former President Richard M Nixon ArhetoricAl anafvcis is made of both the Nixon addresses to the nation onVietnam during 1%9 arid 1970 and the news coverage of those addresses, iforder to determine how the relevant actors (refernng to persons,institutions. nations, or mx-io economic groupings) are characterized indramatic terms these char actenzations are then interrelated as patterns forthe mobilization of support for Presidential policy, the quieting ofopposition to that policy, and the skeptical interpretation of Presidential actsas motivated by partisan interests In the conclusion, the patterns and actorcharactenzations are discussed with reference to their Impact oncianceptions of legitimate authonty and opposition in contemporaryAmencan political culture

In addition to the authority figure of President Nixon, a list Of generictypes of actors is presented It includes the following: the nation and tbeepeople as a whole, past Presidents, experts. Amencan soldiers, foreignenemies, foreign allies, supporters of the President, and domesticopponents Then the following classificatory scheme is used to determinehow the actors and/or their 'relationship to Nixon's policies are presented:(1) Motivational constitution attribution: reference to purposes and goalsset down by past leaders as the sourceyir motives for a Nixon policy;(2) Personal or partisan atthbution: r&erence to personal or partisaninterests or to Nixon's psychological charactenstics as the source of motivesfor a policy: (3) Personification and identity validation: refereoce to thecharacteristics of a national identity which must be validated: (4) Alien vs..empathic: the definition of foreign or domestic opponents as eitherhindamentally malevolent or as potentially sharing common goals with us;(5) Authoritarian vs. communicative: presenting policy alternatives towardenemies in terms of sotrigth and weakness or concilialion andundirstanchng; (6) Mobilization vs. quiescence: exhorting the audience toact in support of the leader against opponents as contrasted to appeals forcommon understanding with domestic opponents.

Using the above categories, the seven Addresses to the Nation onVietnam are analyzed to determine the characterizations of the relevantactors. A common pattern is elicited for the Noven.ber 3, 1969, and April30. 1970, addresses, as follows: (1) A motivational constitution of recentPresidents and a personified view of the nation and people as having the will

and courage to stand up to the enemy: (2) The need to validate this nationalidentity through authoritarian policies against alien enemies and domesticopponents: (3) Personification of constituent supporters as the "silentmajority" being exhorted to mobilize and defend the national identity.

Another common pattern of characterization is drawn from the May 15,1969, and October 'I, 1970, speeches announcing peace proposals: (1) Apeace-loving nation whose leaders have always searched fOr peace: (2) Anempathic view of the enemy as likely to respond to a policy f negotiation(communicative): (3) General exhortations of passive sup rt (qinescence)from both supporters and opponents.

In otintrast, the skeptical interpretation of the media igr4res themotivational constitution of past leaders and the national identity. Instead:(1) Political partisan motives of the leader and his supporters are attributedto their acts: (2) Little coverage is given to the foreign enemy; and(3) Domestic opponents appear very empathic.

The conclusion discusses conceptions of Presidential authority andopposition to that authority. In particular, the fate of the "silent majority"vs. "anti-war minority" identities is explored with reference to the NiR011-

Agnew rhetoric. Finally, the increasing acceptance & sk epticalinterpretations of Presidential motives in the aftermath of Watergate and Itsnegative impact of belief in the legitimacy of Presidential authority aresuggested.

'4

._J

$ENATOR WAYNE L MORSE AND THE QUAGMIRE OFOvder No. 8005787VIETNAM, 196-4-1968

NEAL Witt.tAm PA IRKA, Pti 1) UniverSity of Oregon. 1919. 274pp.

Adviser: Charley A. leistner .

In 1964 President Lyndon Johnson began a seriesfif steps whichwidened and deepened the American unilateral millary commitment toSouth Vietnam. Wayne Lyman Morse, senior Senator from Oregon.emerged as a leading spokesperson for the antiwar movement opposed to

the expanded commitmentIn the period 1964-1968 Wayne Morse presented several hundred

speeches in the United States Senate and around the country on-the evils of

the United States involvement He received and answered hundreds of

thousands of telegrams and letters. He appeared on local and national radioand television programs, and he published a newsletter which frequently

contained his ideas on Vietnam The antiwar discourse of Senator Morse

provided by the speeches, letters and telegrams. and mass media

, appearances provtded the matenal for the present study.Specifically, four questiatis were examined in the study First, what were

the bases of the Morse rhetorical position vis-a-vis the Vietnam war/

Second, how did the rhetorical position evoilve? Third. what was the

effectiveness of Morse as an antiwar speaker in the Senate? Finally, what

was the effectiveness,of Morse as an antiwar speaker with the general

American public?'Me methodology used was a descriptive approach using a combination

of historical and critical methodologies. A short biography of Morse was

developed as well as a brief history of the war in Vietnam. The interaction ofMorse and the war was examined using a diachronic time pattern

(sequential development). The-Morse antiwarcampaign was examined to

discover the issues, strategics, tactics, networks, and media the Senator

employed.The study suggested that the Mom rhetorical posture was a broad-based

approach built on the idea that citizen involvement and citizen education

were the keys to changing the Amenmn policy. The Senator's discourse

I. was, for the most part, reasoned and highly informative. He disapproved ofand spoke against the use of civil disobedience and any illegal methods of

dissint.The review of the Morse campaign suggested that the rhetorical position

evolved through three phases of development The first phase, from 1964

through early 1966, was a time of dynamicgroNwth highlighted by discovery

and refinement of issues, development and solidification of strategies and

tactics. Old an increasing exploration and exploitation of media and

networks. The period mid-1966 through 1967 marked a plateau in the

Senator's discourse. Finally. in 1968 Morse entered a withdrawal phase from

the antiwar movement. Following his election defeat in November.1968 hewithdrew completely from the antiwar movement -

The study concluded that Morse was effective in keeping the Vietnam

issue alive before the Senate. Through the five years of his dissent he sew

ten to fifteen of his Senate colleagues shift to an antiwar position. Morse wasthe most prolific antiwar Senator in terms of number of speeches presented

and number of issues raised. He perhaps enjoyed his greatest effectiveness

as a source of information and education for th people. His antiwarcampaign was a monumental effort by one man to disseminate a large

=of information to a large number of people. Part of the credit for the

lens American attitude toward the United States participation' in the

Vietnam war must be given to Wayne L Mone.

STUDIES IN THE RHETORIC OF THE CONSERVATIONMOVEMENT IN AMERICA, 1864-1913 Order No. 8001618

01kAvISC, CHRISTINE, PH.D, The University of Wisconsin - Ma;Iison,1979.

377pp. Supervisor: Professor Edwin, Black

From 1865 to 1913, many middle-class. predominately urban Amerieensexperienced an evolution in attitudes and actions toward their naturalenvironment fronrpassive acceptance and exploitation tt appreciation and.-active social concern. This study examines the discursive languageassociated with four significant events signalling such a change: the growthin psyularity of the literature of natural history, the creation of YosemiteNlitiOnal Park, the origin of the utilitarian consenition movement, and the.blait over the building of a dam Pt Hetch Hetehy Valky. Each of theseVasa represents a signiacant development in the movement fbroanservation,and its accoMpanying rse.

Analysis of the essays comprising the literature of natural hisioly from1865 to 1890 suggests that writers employed two common themes, theaesthetic theory of the sublime lesponse. and the scientific theory ofrieo-Lamarck Ian evolution lioth oi these themes I einforced the traditionalAmerican belief in the formative psychological and physical eflects ofnature upon human chalarter Ilw study shows that the wide disseminationdf this literature in monthly and weekly nugannes and the acceptability ofits themes-laid a foundation km the later populanty of the conservationmovement

Ihe campaign fru the (lotion of Yosemite National Park in 1890represented the beginning of John Muir's cal eer as an advocate ofpreserving wilderness in its natural Slate Investigation of John Muir's essaysof natural history suggests that Muir effectively assotiated the sublimeaesthetic expenence with the activity of supporting the creation of a nationalpart Though Muir dim ected his appeal pnmanly to elicit individualresponses, soon after the YOSCHIlle campaign a group of scientists,academics, and sonic businessmen founded the Sierra Club, an event whichmarked the beginning of organized preservationism

A discussion of utilitanan or progressive conservation shows that thismovement acquired an extensive popular following from 1907 to 1910 Thediscourse of prop essive conservationists succeeded in identifying thetechnical and bureaucratic tern "conservation" with development,prevention of waste, and the moral welfare of a "people" who-dErived theirstrength from the resources of nature. The study explores how GiffordPinchot succeeded in populariting these ideals through governmentpublications, speeches, and ceremonial meetings appealing to vocationaland economic groups throughout the nation. 1

The final event discussed in thistilltudy, the Hetch Hetchy controversy of1901-1914, represented the clash of the two fundamentally different policiestoward nature and society espoused by the preservationist,s and theconservationistl Examples of their public discourse show thatconservationists claimed to represent "the public interest" in supporting adam in the Hetch Hereby valley of Yosemite National Park, whilepreservationists developed a concept of "national" interest in thepreservation of Hetch Hetchy. Moreover, the preservationists developed autilitarian argument based upon a future constituency of middle- dri

working-classtourists. However, the study determines that the priProgressive political audience for these public arguments ultimatelysupported widely popular conservationist position based upon social, ratherthan individual needs and values.

. This study of the discourse Of the conservation movement concludes thatrialiguage effectively shaped public attitudes and actions toward nature by

integrating commonly-held aesthetic and scientific principles, transformingpassive appreciation of nature to active involvement, and setting thsconditions for a wide public involvement with nature in the form of a socialmovement. In so doing, the discourse of conservation has directly affectedthe way we experience and act upon our natural world.

RHETORICAL VISIONBLACK SOCIAL REAUTYOrder No. 8164242

RIBEAU, SIDNEY ALLEN, PH.D.'University of Illinois ai Urbano-Chompaign,

1979. 255pp.

The relationship between Black protest rhetoric and Black social realityis the topic of this thesis. The study4focuses on the competing Blackrhetorical perspectives emplbyed from 1954 to 1968 by moderate andmilitant factions of the Black protest movement Particular emphasis isgiven to the rhetoric of Dr. Martin Luther. King, Jr. and Malcolm X, whorepresent the predominant rhetorical stancs of this period. Selectedmessages of Dr. King, the Moderate, and Malcolm X, the militant, are -

attically assessed as separate phases of the same movement with emphasisplaced on the rhetorical vision expressed in the messages.

Previous investigations have, failed to consider militant and moderatediscourse as phases of a continuing movement, or toconsidef thephiksophical perspective of protest rhetors as a controlling factor inmessagedevelopment Employing a critical method which emphasizes thesocially constructed reality of key rhetorical figures, this study examines themovement from the perspective of those who guided it, thus explicating thefunctions of rhetoric in a dynamic, evolving social ptiitest movement

JUSTICE WILLIAM O. I)OUGIAS ON THE FIRSTAMENDMFNT: RHETORICAL CENRPS IN JUDICIALOPINIONS 01( lei No_ 8012292

Romtas. RA1 MOND SINCLAIR. hi 1) The Univers:1y of Oklahoma, 1979

271pp N1ajor Professoi. Paul A Rate field

This study examined two hundied and seven of William 0 Douglas'Supreme Court opinions On first issues in an attempt todetermine: (I) whethei judicial opimon% could be genetically classifiedaccording to then junspiudential/rhetoncal bases; (2) what generic clusterstypified Douglas' first amendment opinions; and (3) if such generic dustersvaried between majonty and non-majonty opinions

The bioad theot etic categot les of natural law, legal posiuvism, and kplrealism wet e adopted as the categories of a content analytic system forclassifying substantive arguniNts within particular opinions Each of thesejurisprudential orientations was synthesized into a hypothetil aigumentform referred to tespectively as Aigument from Ideal. Argument from Rule,and Argument from Context and. the opinions were assigned to cmegoneson the basis of operational definitions of each and according to pre.determined guidelines for coding.

The analysis of opinions revealed that there exists (as reflected inpouglas' first amendment opinions) a diaractenstie nexus betweenjurisprudential wanant arid rhetoncal content This dependence ofrhetorical substance upon legal philosophical warrant, combined with aconflux of institutional constrainis inherent in the U.S Supreme Court, ledto a qualified affirmative claim that rhetorical genres exist in judicialopinion& Second. the analysis of opinions revealed that Douglas generictendencies ran toward legal positivism rather than thelegal realistphilosophY with whi,ch he has most often been identified_ Natural lawrhetoric accounted for 8.7% ofilis first amendment opinions, legal positivistibetoriefor 56 5% and legal- realism for 34.8% The domination of the"Argument from Rule- persisted in all opinion types, leading to the.third

\conclusion that no statisticallxsignificant genehc differences were foundbetween majohty and non-majority rhetoric

A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE 1972 PRESIDENTIALCAMPAIGN OF GEORGE STANLEY MCGOVERN

Order No. 8000047

ROSENTHAL, Robert Edward, Ph.D. Bowling Green StateUniversity, 1979. 281(ip.

This rhetorical analysis examined the 1972 Presidentialcampaign of George Stanley McGovern. Several variations ofdramatistic methodology were utiliSaNd to criticize McGovern'scampaign image. The analysis demonstrated that McGovernhad become trapped by his non-political" campaign iniage andby his moralistic rhetoric. This resulted in a "paradox of *purity,' a rhetorical problem which was the result of the candi-dat's failure to comprehend and to use the inherent ambiguityol language.

This study also classified the rhetoric of both McGovernand Nixon during the campaign according to the Weaveria%liberal/conservative paradigm. It was found that Nixon, the'Priest" of t.he present, generally argued from circumstanc,the argumentative form Weaver believed to typify the politicalliberal. McGovern,' the admonishing "Prophet," was seen tobe idealistis, basing his rhetorical aKrals in the fundamentalrighteousness of the American people. Weaver argued thatsuch arguments from genus ate typical of the political con-servative.

McGovern's greatest failure in his crimpaign *rhetoric washis inability to grasp the idea that language ambiguity is the.vry essenc ol the democratic pecreus.(

4

frA CASE STUDY OF ORG tz AT1ONAL ARC/1.04;1A .THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LA DOR, 1945- )956

Order No. 7928611

RYHACKI. Karyn charles, PhD The University of Iowa, 1979.222pp Supervisor Professor jimice F. Gronbeck

This cane study focused on theapologia of the AmericanFederation 01 Labor in its institutional self-defense between1945 and 195(3. The AFL was accused of being uncooperativeand obstructionist in the efforts to put American economy ona sound footing following World War II and of being a domesticsource of coininunism. In responding to these charges, thespokespersons of the AFLMatthew Woll, William Green,Dave Beck, and George Meany--used an apologetic mode ofspeaking similar to that which an individual might use if con-fronted with such charges:

The phenomenon of the individual apologia has been exam-ined in previous studies of public speaking. However, effortsto examine the case of an organization or institution publiclycharged with misconduct or malfeasance have not been under-taken in previous studies of apologia. This oase study com-bined the methods for studying the apologia of individuals withmethods for examining the 'Oetnrical behaviors of collectivities.Such a method was devised fir-combining the Ware and Linkugel(1973) factors of apologia /Denial, bolstering, differentiation,and transcendence) with the Cox (1974) characterizations ofcollective behavior-rbelief in rhetorical efficacy, movementgoals, change agents and their related constituencies (audi-ences), source credibility, and message construction.

The historical self image of the AFL was found to be thatof an organization devoted to American democratic capitalismand to the protection and advancement of the skilled worker.nrther, the AFL saw itself as traditionally and philosophicallyanti-communist. The public image of the AFL was that of anorganization imbedded in the American labor movement. Pub-licly, all labor organizations were seen as devoted to disrupt-ing.the economy through demands for higher wages, strikes,and organizing activities among non-union workers. Also;thepublic could point to "known" commtmiets in the labor move-ment; therefore, all unionists were perceived as communista.By the year 1945, the self image and public image of the AFLreached a point of maximum differentiation. The AFL sawitself as dedicated to American principles. The public saw alllabor unions as a threat to economic stability and nationalsecurity. To correcethis mismatching of self and public imago,APL leaders spoke outon behalf of their organization.

Three periods of AFL apologia were identified in this rhe-torical self-defense. Between 1945 and 1950, AFL speakersattempted to respond directly to the charges by denying them.With the advent of McCarthyism, the focus of AFL argumenta-tion changed as speakere attempted to redefine the organisa-tion's image between 1951 and 1955. Finally, as the AFL pre-pared to merge with the CIO, AFL speaker Meany strove toreaffirm the value of all organized labor to the nation in 1965and 1956.

This study suggests that, in a rhetorical situation whore anorganization has been accused of being a threat to the societyof which it is a part, it will engage in apologetic speaking toresolve belief dilemmas simtlar to that which an individualwould undertake. The AFL conducted an apologetic campaignand inet with partial success; key opinion leaders in society,industry, and government accepted the AFL's reestablishmentof its image as a worthwhile member el society.

OW

A STUDY OF 111./ SHIHS RHETORICAL DISCOURSES ON THECHAIESE LITERARY REVOLUTION:. 1915-20 Order No. 8006126

Wm, Sinn UN, Ni n [fowling Green Store Inivertitv, 1979 275pp

hi the I iteiary Revolution, .which maikei a vet), inipoltant milestone inmodern Chinese history, Ilu Stith, an outstanding scholar, succeeded inSUbstituting the veinaculal for the long established and highly reinedclassical style of writing The old ways had become an inefficient mediumfor modern Communication This study analyzed the ideational process inwhich Flu dilected his rhetoncal discourses toward the audience and therevolutiunaly operation by which he adjusted the atidienee to his ideas

.The study concluded that the nature of liu Shih's discourses was"instnunental" in pewey's meaning of the word Ills achievement was inthe changing of the linguistic tool Hi did not create a literary tool. Hisrationale was built on a historical evolutionary theory whiqi maintained that

language and literature are a function of the time in which they are used .The ascertainable sources of his ideas are traced to Confucianism, lbsenismas well as the thoughts of I)arwin, Huxley, and Dewey. Particularly relevantto the Literary Revolution were llu's sptech background and his use ofgradualism. It was further found that the significance of Ho's discourses wasnot confined to language and literature. The linguistic cognitive dissonance,that Hu had aroused in the audience, was psycho- socio-cultural and wouldaffect thE fkiture transformation of the whole Chinese linguistic symbolicsystem.

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